Abstract
Background:
Death doulas have gained greater attention recently by offering psychosocial, spiritual and other non-clinical support for patients with time-limiting diseases, including their families, with the potential to complement existing end-of-life care services. However, their roles, scope of practice and care impact remain poorly understood.
Aim:
To describe existing knowledge on death doulas regarding their roles, care impact, training and regulation.
Design:
This scoping review utilised Levac et al.’s framework and textual narrative synthesis to summarise the findings.
Data sources:
PubMed, Scopus, CINAHL, PsycINFO, ProQuest, Google Scholar were searched for relevant articles from inception to 20 May 2021. Empirical studies, narrative reports, unpublished theses and studies in English were included.
Results:
Thirteen articles were included. Death doulas take on diverse roles in end-of-life care. Their roles include providing psychosocial, spiritual, practical support, companionship and resource navigation. The positive impacts of engaging a death doula include continuous presence, holistic service and flexible payment regime. The negative aspects include role inconsistencies and confusion among healthcare professionals and the public.
Conclusions:
Death doulas can augment existing end-of-life care services by providing holistic and personalised care services at home or hospital settings. Their roles are still evolving and remain mostly unregulated, with little evidence about their impact. There is a need for more rigorous studies to explore healthcare professionals’ views about this role and examine the clinical outcomes among dying persons and their families.
Death doula is a relatively new role found in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and Australia
Death doulas provide support to the dying and their families.
There is uncertainty about its roles, scope of practice, regulation and position within the healthcare system.
This review clarifies the uncertainty of the death doula movement in terms of its roles, impacts of care and regulation issues.
This review identifies five common roles death doulas undertake when providing non-clinical care to support the dying and their families.
The review highlights a lack of experimental research to examine the actual effects of death doulas among the dying and their families and echoes a paucity of professional regulations over its training process and practice.
Death doulas could be a valuable addition to existing end-of-life care services by alleviating the healthcare system’s time and resource constraints.
A need exists for future research to investigate its actual effect among the dying and their families.
The lack of regulation of death doulas may imply a lack of acknowledgement of this role, calling for more efforts from diverse stakeholders.
A better understanding of this newly emerged care model could pave the way for its recognition and integration into existing healthcare and social care systems.
Introduction
Background
‘Doula’, which is a Greek word for ‘woman’s servant’, traditionally refers to ‘birth doulas’ or ‘postpartum doulas’ who are trained to provide companionship, continuous labour support and postpartum care. 1 They offer emotional, physical and non-medical care during labour, 2 and facilitate communication between the mother and medical staff. 3 The success of birth doulas has led to the development of doulas in other specialised areas.4–6 In death and dying, death doulas (also known as ‘end-of-life doulas’ or ‘death midwife’) are likely to offer similar benefits for terminally ill patients and their families by providing various forms of support in the pre-death phase, during the dying process, and post-death phase.7,8
Death doulas have recently gained greater attention, particularly in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and Australia. This role could be ascribed to shifting family structures and societal values, changing attitudes towards modern dying,7,9 the promotion of compassionate communities movement, 10 and the need to address gaps in end-of-life care.11–16 Death doulas perform a wide range of supportive roles to improve the quality of life for terminally ill patients and their caregivers, including informative, emotional, spiritual and practical support, as well as companionship. For example, some death doulas provide information about the different end-of-life options based on the dying person’s preferences, from fulfilling last wishes, funeral planning to even legal paperwork.7,8 They also help families navigate healthcare and community resources.7,8
The notion of a ‘good death’ encompasses elements such as having a preferred place to spend the last few moments with loved ones, maintaining a pain-free process and fulfilling one’s final wishes or dying preferences. 17 Death doulas can potentially bridge the gap in end-of-life care by ensuring a care continuum between the hospital settings and preferred place for death. Although contemporary palliative and end-of-life care services have made significant progress in improving the dying experiences and outcomes, they might not be able to cater to all the dying’s needs due to limitations, such as service availability, and healthcare professionals’ scope of practice.9,18–20 Moreover, caring for the dying at home can be a challenging, complex and non-homogenous task across different individuals with no ‘standardised care bundle’. As a result, many family members or caregivers face many uncertainties, including their availability to provide round-the-clock care and handling home care’s physical and psychological demands. 21 This situation can place a heavy burden on the caregivers, causing them to seek psychosocial counselling, peer support, respite care, financial support, assistance in daily chores and funeral arrangements.22,23 However, palliative home care services have often struggled to fulfil these needs because of rising demands for home death and limited resources. 24 The gap in home-based end-of-life care has led to a growing interest in death doula services, which can complement existing palliative services by addressing the educational, social, emotional and spiritual needs of the dying and their families.
Literature gaps
Death doula has been touted as ‘the missing piece of the hospice mission’ and a valuable supplement to existing end-of-life care. 25 Although there has been increasing media attention on this emerging care model since its first coinage in 2000, 25 the public and other professionals are still unclear about what it entails due to role variations among different countries and contexts. 7 There is also insufficient formal academic literature to support its effects and implications. 10 The only systematic review on death doulas found only four narrative articles and one doctoral thesis, 10 making it difficult to determine the scope of death doula practice, nature of work and its impacts. The lack of understanding about death doula might also hinder its integration into existing palliative and end-of-life care services and acceptance among the public and healthcare professionals. Hence, a scoping review was conducted to map emerging literature on death doulas to understand their roles, training and care impact.
Methods
This scoping review was conducted using the established method by Levac et al., 26 who extended Arksey and O’Malley’s 27 framework by depicting the steps to conduct the stages of the scoping review process. The method was appropriate for the study aim because of its exploratory nature in mapping a new and emerging topic, of which potentially relevant literature remains vast and diverse. 26 At the same time, it provided a systematic yet iterative approach as follows: (1) identifying the research question, (2) identifying the relevant studies, (3) study selection, (4) presenting the data and (5) collating the results. The steps outlined by Levac et al. 26 are embedded in the following sections according to their stages. The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews was used to guide the reporting of this review. 28
Stage 1: Identifying the research questions
The research questions for this scoping review were derived from a preliminary literature review and authors’ discussions as follows:
(i) What are the roles of death doulas?
(ii) What are the impacts (advantages/disadvantages) of death doula care?
(iii) What are the training and certification programmes for death doulas?
(iv) What are the trends and challenges in the death doula movement?
Stage 2: Identifying relevant studies
Four databases were searched systematically (Pubmed, Scopus, CINAHL and PsycINFO) for articles published from inception until 20 May 2021. Reference lists of relevant studies and systematic reviews were also reviewed for eligible articles. We used established palliative care search filters for each database, 34 in addition to keywords such as ‘death doulas’ and ‘death midwives’. We also searched for grey literature using Google Scholar and ProQuest. The initial search results were uploaded to Endnote X9. Duplicates were removed, and two authors independently identified potential studies using title and abstract (YSQ and ZH). They then independently assessed full-text articles against eligibility criteria. Any uncertainty or challenges were deliberated, refined and resolved with the third author (GHS) at each stage as outlined by Levac et al. 26 The search strategies are presented in Supplemental Appendix 1.
Stage 3: Study selection
Eligibility criteria are presented in Table 1. The inclusion criteria were: (1) English articles; (2) those published from inception to 20 May 2021; (3) articles that answered at least one of the research questions, including empirical studies, descriptive/narrative papers and unpublished theses. Exclusion criteria were: (1) newspaper or magazine articles; and (2) non-English articles. Review articles were excluded to prevent ‘double counting’ of evidence.
Inclusion and exclusion criteria of study selection.
Stage 4: Presenting the data
In the data charting process, the following information was extracted: (i) author(s), year, study location; (ii) article format, design and methods; (iii) study population (if applicable); (iv) number of death doulas mentioned in the article (if applicable); (v) background of death doulas (if mentioned); (vi) description of the article; (vii) findings related to the research questions. Two authors tested the appropriateness of the standardised data chart using five articles and adjusted it based on mutual feedback and discussion (YSQ and GHS). Formal data charting was then done independently by two authors (YSQ and ZH) to ensure accuracy.
Stage 5: Collating the results
We carried out a descriptive analysis of the extent and nature of studies using tables and charts. 29 Given the heterogeneity of the articles, findings were summarised using the textual narrative synthesis approach described by Lucas et al. 30 It is useful in synthesising findings from different types of research designs and defining the scope, similarities and differences among the included studies. 30
Results
Characteristics of included articles
The initial search yielded 2474 articles. After uploading results into Endnote and removing duplicates, 2268 articles were reviewed for eligibility using title and abstracts. Nineteen remaining articles were then assessed by reading full texts. Thirteen articles were finally included. The study selection process is shown in Figure 1.

PRISMA flow diagram depicting study selection process.
Article characteristics and findings are presented in Table 2. Included articles were published between 2011 and 2021, with the majority of them being conducted in the US (n = 4),25,31–33 followed by Canada (n = 3),34–36 Australia (n = 1), 37 UK (n = 1) 38 and Japan (n = 1). 9 The remaining studies involved participants from multiple countries (n = 3).7,8,19 Among the nine published articles, five were formal primary studies (three qualitative studies,7,19,36 one case report 31 and one descriptive cross-sectional study), 8 while four were opinion or narrative articles.9,31,37,38 The remaining four articles were unpublished or grey literature – one PhD thesis, 25 one Master’s thesis 35 and two Master’s research papers.33,34 Qualitative designs were most frequently used (n = 7),7,19,25,33–36 followed by narrative/opinion papers (n = 4),9,31,37,38 quantitative design (n = 1), 32 and one study used both quantitative and qualitative methods. 8 Among the primary studies (n = 9), semi-structured interviews were the most common data collection method used (n = 6),7,19,25,33–35 followed by surveys (n = 3).8,32,36 Most primary studies provided perspectives from death doulas (n = 8),7,8,19,25,33–36 and sample size ranged from 1 to 190. Only two studies provided perspectives from family members of clients,25,32 one of which included both perspectives. 25 Sample size ranged from four to nine family members.
The characteristics and findings of included articles (n = 13).
APN: Advanced practice nurse; DD: death doulas; EOL: End-of-life; HCP: healthcare professionals; PCD: palliative care doula.
Findings
Roles of death doulas
All 13 articles reported the roles of death doulas.7–9,19,25,31–38 We observed much heterogeneity in the death doulas’ roles. This role variance can be ascribed to clients’ specific demands, client-doula relationships, and individual practitioners’ preferences, with diverse backgrounds, personalities, skill sets and confidence in end-of-life care.7,19,34,35 For example, some death doulas might choose to care for the dying during specific dying/death phases (e.g. pre-death phase, dying process, or after-death services). 8 In contrast, some of them focus solely on providing death discussion, education and companionship. 33 Death doulas might also choose to work with the dying, family members, or both.33,35 Despite the variance, this review identifies a commonality in death doulas’ role, which is centred on providing non-clinical, supportive care for the dying. Their main roles may include: (1) advocating for the dying and honouring their wishes; (2) being a resource person for navigating community resources; (3) providing companionship for the clients; (4) providing solace such as comfort touch and spiritual support; and (5) being a helper by providing caregiver respite. Figure 2 summarises the death doulas’ common and specific roles across the three phases of death and dying.

Common and specific roles of death doula across the three phases (pre-death, active dying, post-death).
Impact of death doulas in end-of-life care
Advantages of death doulas in end-of-life care
Seven studies highlighted the benefits of death doulas in end-of-life care.7,8,19,25,31,33,34 First, the availability of death doula services allow the dying to reclaim the dying trajectory at home rather than at the hospital. 7 Clients can seek their services early in their illness, before they are seriously ill. 34 Death doulas can provide holistic and continuous care for the terminally ill patients and their families throughout their remaining lives (pre-death, active dying, post-death) at the home care setting,8,34 Second, their presence, care, and companionship make the dying feel less lonely and improve the dying experiences. 25 As the palliative home care team can only provide direct patient care for a predetermined duration due to resource constrains and the practice scope, death doula services can complement them by providing care continuity and round-the-clock bedside vigils. Their roles become even more crucial as death becomes imminent and a dying person’s physiologic needs become more prominent.7,34 Finally, by accompanying the dying persons, death doulas can provide family members with much respite during this trying period. 25 They also coach and support family members during the final moments, which helps to relieve much of their anxiety around death. 25
Disadvantages of existing practices
Four studies discussed the drawbacks of existing practices of death doulas.7,8,19,35 The role variance is one disadvantage. Although death doulas have the flexibility and freedom to define their roles and services, they remain poorly defined. 19 Rawlings et al. 8 reveal that even the death doulas themselves expressed uncertainty and confusion over their roles, making it difficult for clients or healthcare professionals to engage them. Conversely, Krawczyk and Rush 7 argue that death doulas were aware of the diversity in roles and acknowledged its advantages and disadvantages. The role variance and confusion could be attributed to a lack of regulation or oversight of death doulas to a certain extent. Some death doulas did not look at this variance favourably and reasoned that the lack of role consistency could create confusion among other professionals and lead to concerns about variation in practices, lack of standardisation in death doula training programmes and their adherence to the scope of practice or ethics. 35
Training and certification
Ten articles provided details on their training programmes and discussed issues about their training processes.7–9,25,31,33–37 Their findings show that it is an important but controversial issue. Due to a lack of regulation, there are vast differences in the death doula training. For example, the format varies from in-person courses to online modules; and the duration varies from a 1-day programme to a 1-year course. 8 There is no quality control over training programmes and no standardised competency framework to guide the certification of a death doula. 35
Most death doulas agreed that training was necessary,7,34 because it equips them with better knowledge about the roles, legislation, and expectations of death doula work and provides legitimacy to the profession. 34 However, the proliferation of training programmes without any regulation could raise some concerns about its quality. A death doula explained that instructors might lack appropriate qualifications to teach, while some programmes might not equip trainees with the correct information and skills (e.g. laws and regulation surrounding home death and post-death care). 35 For example, some training programmes were unaware that being paid to handle bodies is illegal without a funeral director license in Canada. 35 One death doula believed that some training companies profited from this industry by charging exorbitant fees for their courses and offering subpar curriculum with information which can easily be found on the internet. 35 Nonetheless, there are also programmes offering comprehensive death doula training and support from peers and supervisors. 25 Given the inconsistency in the quality of existing training programmes, death doulas trainees are advised to attend hospice volunteer training, take on the role of volunteers, and then attend a reputable death doula training course. 35
Although death doulas receive a certificate upon completion of training, some death doulas emphasise that this does not necessarily make them qualified or competent, as there is no regulatory or accreditation body to oversee, monitor and approve the training programmes. Some doulas were concerned that some certificates, if used inappropriately, might give the public and other professionals a false impression about their roles and that their work are being regulated like the healthcare professional with proper oversight. 34
Trends and challenges in the death doula movement
Background of death doulas
Seven articles provided the backgrounds of death doulas (Table 2).7,8,19,25,32,33,36 They came from various professions, such as education, nursing, law, business and spiritual practitioners. Most death doulas provide services in clients’ homes, and some provide services at the hospices or hospitals.
Position within the healthcare system
All 13 articles agreed that death doulas have the potential to supplement existing end-of-life care services, but they held different attitudes toward its position within the healthcare system. Two of the studies viewed death doulas as a formal part of end-of-life care service in the hospital,25,31 while the rest described them as independent of healthcare services.7–9,19,32–38 Some study showed that few countries integrated death doula service into their healthcare systems (e.g. hospices and hospitals), including the US. 7 One study emphasised that death doulas do not replace healthcare professionals. Instead, they have worked independently or alongside the healthcare team to enhance the quality of death and dying among patients with time-limiting diseases by providing an alternative form of care. 38 However, acceptance of death doulas in the healthcare sector remains unclear. Many death doulas or those who have attended training possessed healthcare backgrounds (Table 2), which might suggest some interests among healthcare professionals in the work of death doulas. 35 However, some doulas had reported experiencing hostility from the healthcare team, who might felt threatened due to overlapping job scopes, or disregard their work due to the lack of formal qualifications and regulation. 22
Cost of death doula service
Nine articles discussed the cost of death doula service and revealed varied charging systems. They may work free-of-charge as volunteers or are paid in the form of money, barter, or on a sliding fee-for-service scale.7,8,19,25,31–35 For example, one study disclosed that the prices could range from $25 an hour to packages amounting to $1200. 19 In fact, some death doulas claimed that they were ambivalent towards receiving payment from their services, as they felt that they were exploiting grief, but they still needed some form of income to make a living.19,35 Nevertheless, some death doulas have also considered waiving charges when encountering clients who could not afford their services.33,34
Challenges of death doula movement
Seven articles discussed several challenges for the death doula movement.7,8,19,25,34,35,37 One challenge was related to how death doulas commonly practice without support and oversight,7,19,34,35,37 with about 67% of those surveyed stating that they mostly worked in silos and did not collaborate with other death doulas. 8 A death doula trainer was also concerned about students not following what they learnt as there was no oversight and regulation of practice. 35 In contrast, the death doula training programme in Trzeciak-Kerr’s 25 study provided self-care workshops and programme staff’s supervision over the death doulas’ practice. These issues could result in inconsistent practice and suboptimal quality of service. It is likely that this significant variation in practice is intrinsically tied to the lack of regulation and standardised training programmes.34,35,37 Mitchell 34 explained that any training and certification is a voluntary form of self-regulation - it is not required of individuals prior to practice and is without governmental oversight. There are no accreditation bodies and no regulating policies of those practicing as a death doula. 34
The second challenge concerns role blurring and transgression, which might lead to role conflict7,8,35 and even diminish the credibility of death doulas. 35 Most death doulas agreed that they took on non-clinical roles and should not provide services under the jurisdiction of another licensed professional, for example, medical care and legal advice.7,8 However, there were instances that some death doulas offered medical advice when they were unqualified. For example, one study disclosed that some death doulas with a pharmaceutical background have tried to advise clients whether chemotherapy or radiation was genuinely beneficial. 35 Sometimes, role blurring could occur inadvertently.7,8 For example, basic medical care was requested by clients and family, and death doulas were instructed to feed, bathe, turn and feed medications. 7 Some doulas felt that these services were counted towards spending time with clients and providing respite for the family when the hospice team was not around, which are foundational to their death doula roles. 7 In contrast, some death doulas disagreed and disputed that they should not offer such services. 35 Sometimes, death doulas found it challenging to differentiate between supportive services and formal counselling during the bereavement period. 7 Role overlap was also noticed, as some healthcare professionals felt that they were doing death doula work without being called ‘death doulas’ (e.g. palliative care nurses doing night respite). 8
The third challenge concerns the legitimacy of death doulas practice (e.g. registration, regulation). Four studies discussed this issue and reported mixed findings.8,19,35,37 Some study agreed that regulation could bring enormous benefit as doula practitioners would be required to adhere to ethical obligations and mandates of regulatory bodies, 37 and this could also create a channel for clients to voice their grievances. Some death doulas supported this move, with the condition that the rules and regulations would not be too restrictive. 19 Some were opposed to it as they were afraid that regulation could make the role too formalised and limit its accessibility,8,35 or make their work less caring and nurturing. 35 In addition, some were also concerned about the cost of registration fees and warned that it might prohibit those from other cultures and languages from joining this profession. 19 Nevertheless, some death doulas felt that it was too early to discuss the issue of regulation as this role is still emerging. 35
Discussion
Main findings
This scoping review has synthesised the literature on death doulas and the discourse surrounding the growing movement related to the roles, the impact of care, training and regulation, and trends and challenges.
The work of death doulas has grown popular partly due to greater advocacy by a growing ‘death positive movement’ to change societal attitudes towards death and dying and reform end-of-life care.35,37 This review finds that death doulas undertake many roles in supporting the dying and their families. Roles vary between doula practitioners, which could be caused by the diversity in clients’ needs and requests. This role variance may also mirror the flexibility and the practicability of death doulas service to address the care gaps in the end of life and fulfil clients’ individual needs in different phases of death. This review also identifies some consistency in the roles undertaken by death doulas across the three phases of death, which may include providing solace, being an advocate, resource person, companion and helper.
Indeed, role diversity and flexibility in death doula services originate from existing traditional, religious, humanistic and health care roles while also integrating all these existing roles for the dying and their families. 7 This unique emergence of death doula roles also brings the drawback associated with role blurring, making it difficult to demarcate the boundary of death doula work between generalised support and professional service. Some tasks that death doulas perform are perceived as generalised support, such as communicating with clients, building rapport and relationships, or providing companionship and physical care.10,25 In the meantime, they also render specialised care involving psychological, emotional, or existential support to form a compassionate space for clients. 10 Hence, its complex work nature and dynamic working environment make it challenging to clearly define the roles, formulate regulation guidelines for death doula practice, or establish formal working relationships within healthcare organisations. Although few countries have integrated death doula service into the palliative and end-of-life care service in hospitals, 7 there is limited empirical evidence to inform its clinical effects and patient outcomes.
Perhaps we could look at death doulas from another perspective. Like other non-allopathic treatments (e.g. Acupuncture, Reiki, Tuina), death doulas utilise experiential embodied knowledge to assess clients’ needs and desire, develop therapeutic relationships, and gauge the degree of transgressing professional role boundaries before carrying out personalised services.7,38 The change in population profile, the shift in families’ capabilities to manage the dying in homes, 39 and the possible gap and fragmentation of palliative and end-of-life care provision in the community settings 40 have called for new solutions to manage modern dying and foster ‘a good death’. The emergence of the death doula care model seems to provide an alternative to complement the medicalised, end-of-life care models with person-centeredness and humanistic nature. 41
This review supports that death doulas offer numerous advantages in improving the dying and the families’ end-of-life care experiences. It is common for the caregivers to manage multiple tasks when caring for the dying at home (such as coordinating and implementing medical care, assisting in activities of daily living, etc.). These demands not only reduce one’s freedom,42,43 but also significantly increase the risk of burnout and psychiatric illnesses. 44 Sometimes, access to home care service can be problematic as it could be affected by multiple factors, such as availability, cost, the scope of services and other eligibility criteria. A systematic review on palliative home care service identified several service gaps, including poor communication and fragmented care transition and coordination between service providers and family members. 24 Caregivers could be unprepared for home care’s physical and psychological demands, and sometimes palliative care nurses could not come on short notice.22,23 In response to these gaps in end-of-life care, death doulas take on the supportive roles to render non-medical support to the dying and their families.25,34 Most importantly, their services has the potential to benefit more families by reducing caregiver burden while improving the quality of remaining life of the dying. 33
This review also identifies numerous challenges associated with the death doula movement. The lack of regulation is one of the significant issues because, at end-of-life, clients are often emotionally vulnerable and at risk of being exploited.19,34 Numerous training programmes have been developed in recent years, with wide variation in its training process. The training contents are not standardised, and there is no quality control over the training processes, leading to the concern and wariness of other professionals, the public and potential users on death doulas’ competency, quality of service and ethical conduct. 35 In response, efforts have been made by a few organisations to oversee the growth of the death doula movement, such as the International End of Life Doula Association and Lifespan Doula Association. They issue membership and credentials for death doula practitioners, set up a code of ethics, and stipulate the scope of practice agreement and core competencies,45–47 contributing to the regulation of death doulas practice and setting the ground for its recognition and acceptance among the public.
Death doulas demonstrate mixed attitudes towards standardisation and regulation of their practices. This review finds that not all doulas show a strong inclination towards this move because some perceive that a regulatory body might place unnecessary restrictions on their practice and reduce their autonomy in care delivery. However, they also recognise the importance of accountability and having an oversight by a regulatory body so that clients could voice their complaints in the event of malpractice or subpar service. 37 Regulation and standardisation of death doula practice would also ease the communication process to other professionals about their roles and services, 10 enhance public recognition of this new feature in end-of-life care, paving the way for its legitimacy and acceptance. At this stage, the expansion of death doulas movement seems to mirror the formative years of the birth doula movement which had begun much earlier during the 1960s and successfully established an international self-regulated body in 1992 that offers membership, training and certification. 48 The death doula movement had established an international membership organisation in 2017, the National End-Of-Life Doula Alliance (NEDA), which offers similar services but does not seek national professional registration for its members at this point. 49 We concur with the proposition by Krawczyk and Rush 7 that it remains crucial not to prematurely interfere with its development (e.g. to fully define the role descriptors at an early stage, to randomly place a certain number of criteria to the scope of practice, or to foreclose inquiry into how the roles may continue to evolve along the way).
Strengths and limitations of the review
To the best of our knowledge, this is the first scoping review conducted on the topic related to the newly emerged care model of death doulas. In addition to giving an overview of its emerging movement and diversity in roles and practice, we also discuss its trends and possible challenges in the process of legitimacy.
The nature of the topic limits the review’s findings – death doulas are an emerging field of interest; thus, research is limited. Death doula services are commonly advertised via social media or word-of-mouth referrals,16,19 resulting in only a handful of formal academic literature found in electronic databases, thus offering limited views on their work. Given the poor quality and repetitive information provided in news articles, this review excluded them, but we may inadvertently miss out on certain features of death doulas. Grey literature (which had not undergone peer review) are included in this review, and the quality and findings from those articles are considered as low. Hence, our findings should be interpreted with caution. Lastly, most included articles providing in-depth information on death doulas were from the US, Canada and Australia, limiting the generalisability of findings to other countries and contexts.
What this study adds
This review clarifies the current ambiguity and uncertainty of the newly emerged care model ‘death doulas’ regarding its roles, impacts of care and regulation issues. Despite the role variance described, this review identifies some consistency among the included studies. It proposes five common roles death doulas undertook when providing non-clinical care to support the dying and their families (including advocate, resource person, companion, helper and providing solace etc.). Our stance on the issues related to the legitimacy (e.g. standardisation, regulation) of death doulas is also discussed.
Implications for research
Although there are numerous benefits of death doulas reported, most are derived from the qualitative data collected from death doula practitioners (e.g. their experience, perspectives), leading to limited knowledge about clients’ outcomes, perspectives and attitudes towards death doula services. To the best of our knowledge, there is limited experimental research conducted in the following areas: (1) to report the direct impact of death doulas on clients; (2) to compare its clinical effects with other end-of-life care services; and (3) to test its cost-effectiveness upon incorporating into existing healthcare and social systems. This review also reports a scarcity of primary research conducted in the Asian context related to death doulas. Hence, future research needs to address these gaps and extend the scope of work to include healthcare professionals’ perceptions and attitudes towards death doulas in different contexts.
Implications for practice
The nature of work and role flexibility enable death doulas to serve as an important source of support in end-of-life care service. Death doulas are able to work independently or alongside the healthcare team to create a smooth end-of-life journey. They could aid in filling the care gaps by alleviating the time, and resource constrain faced by healthcare staff. This review also informs a lack of professional regulations over its scope of practice and the inconsistency in its training process. The lack of regulation in the death doula movement may imply a lack of public recognition of this role. This calls for more efforts from diverse stakeholders to pave the way for its legitimacy and integration into existing healthcare and social care systems and establish a common ground for clinical and research communication.
Conclusion
Death doulas show the potential of a valuable supplement to end-of-life care service through demonstrating various roles and work flexibility to support the dying and the families with their needs and wishes to be fulfilled. Death doulas may represent a new move toward personalised end-of-life care, where the dying persons could directly control their death and die in the way they want. Their care impacts are noticeable, but other professionals and the public may not understand their roles and position within the health and social care systems. Possible obstacles in the death doula movement include inconsistency in existing training programmes and the lack of a regulatory body to oversee the practice. To better support its development and pave the way for its legitimacy, future research should shed light on the perspectives, experiences and outcomes of the dying and their families and explore healthcare professionals’ perceptions of its integration into the health and social care systems in different contexts.
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-pmj-10.1177_02692163221080659 – Supplemental material for Death doulas as supportive companions in end-of-life care: A scoping review
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-pmj-10.1177_02692163221080659 for Death doulas as supportive companions in end-of-life care: A scoping review by Si Qi Yoong, Hongli Sam Goh and Hui Zhang in Palliative Medicine
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Supplemental material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.
References
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