The Experiences and Perspectives of African-Australian Community Service Providers Who Work with At-Risk and Justice-Involved Youth

Abstract

African-Australian young people are over-represented in custody in the state of Victoria. It has been recognized in recent government and stakeholder strategic plans that African-Australian community service providers are well placed to help address the increasing complex needs of at-risk African-Australian youth. However little is known about the capacities of such providers to effectively contend with this growing social concern. In response, this study aimed to explore the perspectives and operational (service delivery and governance) experiences of African-Australian community organizations which provide services to at-risk young people in Victoria. Through a series of in-depth interviews with the leadership of eight key African-Australian service providers, we aimed to identify their perceived strengths, obstacles faced and proposed strategies to realize key objectives. Perspectives on key risk factors for young African-Australian justice system contact were also gathered. Several themes were extracted from the interviews, specifically (i) Risk factors for African-Australian youth justice-involvement (school disengagement, peer delinquency, family breakdown, intergenerational discord, perceived social rejection), (ii) The limitations of mainstream institutions to reduce African-Australian youth justice-involvement (too compliance focused, inflexible, business rather than human-centered, disconnected from communities and families), (iii) The advantages of African-Australian community service providers when working with African-Australian youth (community credibility, client trust, flexibility, culturally responsive), (iv) The challenges faced by African-Australian service providers (lack of funding/resources, professional staff shortages, infrastructural/governance limitations), and (v) “What works” in service provision for at-risk African-Australians (client involvement in program design, African staff representation, extensive structured programming matched with client aspirations, prioritizing relationship building, persistent outreach, mental health and legal literacy for clients and families). Implications for service delivery and social policy are discussed within.

Keywords

African-Australians youth offending CALD offending Sudanese Australians

Over the past 30 years, Australia has received thousands of displaced African-born individuals and families through humanitarian programs (Commonwealth of Australia, 2019; Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, 2011). Arriving from a number of countries including Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea, South Sudan, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo, many re-settled in the South-Eastern State of Victoria and are now part of the region’s sprawling multi-cultural fabric (State of Victoria, 2011). The pre and post-migration challenges experienced by re-settled African-Australian populations are well documented. Fleeing civil unrest, many endured significant life disruption, exposure to violence, loss of, or separation from family, and trauma (Copping & Shakespeare-Finch, 2013; Khawaja et al., 2008; Schweitzer et al., 2006). Several social and economic challenges were also faced post-arrival including acculturation stress, language barriers, financial hardship, family breakdown, unstable housing, unemployment, educational disengagement, discrimination and intergenerational tension (Abdelkerim & Grace, 2012; Baak, 2018; Coventry et al., 2015; Deng, 2017; Forson, 2019; Hebbani et al., 2012; Morris & O’Shea, 2015; Poppitt & Frey, 2007; Shepherd et al., 2018).

While the vast majority of re-settled African-Australians have become valued and contributing members of their communities, a small minority are over-involved in the criminal justice system. In 2018, young people with African ancestry comprised almost 20% of the youth custodial population in Victoria (State of Victoria, 2018a). Moreover, individuals born in South Sudan have the highest rates of imprisonment in Australia, outside of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2014). Evidence indicates that rates of African-Australian imprisonment at both the adult and youth level have increased (ABS, 2017; see Centre for Multicultural Youth [CMY], 2014; State of Victoria, 2018a). Over-representation has been attributed to the pre and post-migration social and economic challenges articulated above (Armytage & Ogloff, 2017; Coventry et al., 2015; Forson, 2019; Shepherd et al., 2018). Moreover, elevated rates of perceived discrimination and racial profiling have been reported by African-Australians, heightening feelings of social and economic exclusion (Benier et al., 2018; Forson, 2019; Markus, 2016; Weber, 2018). Media coverage of African-Australian involvement in criminal activity contributed to these anxieties for segments of the African-Australian population, in particular members of the South Sudanese community (Benier et al., 2018; Forson, 2019; Henriques-Gomes, 2018). A highly publicized string of offenses by a small number of predominantly South Sudanese young people in Victoria between 2016 and 2018, spawned a local and national discourse that was often polemical and reactionary (Watkins & Sood, 2017). Public commentary centered on the extent to which African-Australians were involved in specific violent offenses, the value of further refugee intake from Africa, or contrarily, the degree to which anti-African sentiment encouraged criminal profiling (see Majavu, 2020; Shepherd & Spivak, 2020). Less public attention, it seemed, was afforded to identifying the distal and proximal factors underpinning justice-involvement for young African-Australians and exploring sustainable strategies to offset these trajectories.

Recent efforts have been made in Victoria to bring together leaders and members of the African-Australian community to help identify solutions to youth justice-involvement and other social and economic challenges facing re-settled African-Australians (African Think Tank, 2019; Cohealth, 2018; Forson, 2019; State of Victoria, 2018b). These events, projects and taskforces have offered several policy recommendations including cultivating culturally informed early intervention and rehabilitation programs for young people and their families, strengthening family cohesion and community connectedness, improving relationships and interactions with law enforcement, community capacity building, increasing economic opportunities and strengthening pathways to employment (African Think Tank, 2019; Cohealth, 2018; Forson, 2019; State of Victoria, 2018b).

Research with justice-involved African-Australians similarly underscores the need to employ culturally responsive frameworks when re-integrating prisoners back into their communities (Onsando et al., 2020; Shepherd et al., 2018). African-Australian community service providers have been suggested as appropriate outlets to assist with the development and delivery of these initiatives (Forson, 2019; Onsando et al., 2020; Shepherd & Masuka, 2020). It has been recognized that such service providers are well placed to address the immediate concerns of African-Australians given their proximity to the community and intimate understanding of unique socio-cultural challenges. A number of African-Australian community service providers already provide a range of services to justice-involved young people in Victoria. Yet despite recent calls from African-Australian community leaders and government advisory groups, to enable African-Australian organizations to address the increasing complex needs of at-risk African-Australians, little is known about the capacities of these organizations to effectively respond to these requests.

To address this gap in our knowledge, this study aims to explore and characterize the operational experiences of African-Australian community organizations which provide services to at-risk young people in Victoria. Organizations of this nature generally service young people between 15 and 25 who migrated (or whose parents migrated) from the Horn of Africa (i.e., Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea) or South Sudan. Through a series of in-depth interviews with the leadership of key African-Australian service providers who work with at-risk and justice-involved youth, we aim to identify, (i) the key challenges and obstacles faced by the organizations, (ii) the organizations’ unique strengths and advantages, and (iii) proposed strategies to realize key objectives and safeguard organizational stability. The study will also gather perspectives on the principal antecedents to justice system contact for young African-Australians. Findings will provide valuable information and insights for policy decision makers and funding organizations on the capacities, capabilities and practices of African-Australian community service providers, and an illustration of the common pathways to offending for African-Australian young people.

Method

Sample

Ten African-Australian community service providers were identified by the study authors as eligible to participate in the study. Eligibility required that the organization was run by members of the African-Australian community and were delivering programs for at-risk and justice-involved African-Australian young people. All organizations were directly contacted twice by researchers over a 2-month period. Two service providers did not respond to the initial nor follow-up study invitation.

Interview data were collected from an identified executive leader of eight African-Australian community service providers in Melbourne, Victoria. All executive leaders were African-born and several had refugee backgrounds. All had worked in the health, justice or community sectors with young African-Australians for most of their careers. Their organizations delivered a range of services beyond criminal justice programs including employment pathways, drug and alcohol counseling, physical health needs through sport and nutrition, mental health treatment, legal assistance, family violence programs, youth leadership training, family re-connection and re-settlement services. All organizations were servicing a predominantly African-Australian clientele. Two services were tailored to South Sudanese-Australians. Six of the eight organizations had salaried staff that numbered between five and eight personnel. All organizations had numerous volunteers, the majority possessing ten or more. The years of operation ranged from 2 to 14 years, with most organizations in operation for less than 6 years. Operating annual budgets ranged from $0 to $700,000, half of whom reported annual budgets of $200,000 and above. All organizations reported substantial in-kind contributions. Six of the eight organizations had either an advisory board or a board of directors.

Materials

Participants undertook a semi-structured interview (see appendix) which featured nine questions pertaining to perceived challenges and obstacles faced by service providers, strengths and areas for improvement, and supports required to deliver services effectively. Questions also sought the perspectives of participants on the risk factors for African-Australian involvement in the youth justice system and the capacity of the system to work effectively with African-Australian young people. Additional demographic information (i.e., number of staff, years of operation) was also requested.

Procedure

Study authors 1 and 3 work extensively across the multicultural and youth justice sectors and had established a list of potential service providers through their combined networks. The CEOs or senior executives of ten organizations were initially contacted via email where they were introduced to the study and provided with a participant information sheet. If the CEO demonstrated an interest in participating, a subsequent meeting time was then established to conduct a private semi-structured interview with a researcher. Six interviews were conducted in private rooms at the respective organizations’ premises. Two interviews were conducted over the phone. Participants viewed (or were read, in the case of phone interviews) a consent form and given an opportunity to ask questions about the study. Written or verbal consent was obtained before interviews proceeded. Interview times ranged from 45 to 60 minutes. Ethical approval was obtained from Swinburne University Human Research Ethics Committee (#20192631-3187).

Data Analysis

Written interview transcripts of participant responses were thematically coded by study author 2. An exploratory qualitative approach to analyzing the data was thought to be the most appropriate in order to address the data openly, and to limit potential bias of pre-determined themes (Liamputtong & Ezzy, 2007). A thematic analysis was applied to identify aspects of the data raised as important by the participants themselves, without an emphasis on frequency of their appearance, but rather on their content (Liamputtong & Ezzy, 2007). Thematic analysis took place through the process of open coding where patterns of emergent themes were listed. This process was followed by axial coding to identify relationships between the themes identified in the open coding process (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

Results

Participants identified several social issues and practices across the community that were adversely impacting African-Australian youth. They articulated the strengths of African-Australian community service providers and identified concerns with mainstream service provider approaches to working with African-Australian youth. Suggestions for addressing the needs of African-Australian youth in the service provision sector and across the community in general were presented. The following themes were identified.

Key Social-Cultural and Community Factors Prompting Justice-Involvement

Education/employment experiences

Participants noted that education and employment experiences contributed to justice-involvement. Young justice-involved African-Australians often did not complete school nor possessed sufficient skills for effective job searching; “It’s impossible to job-search with such limited skills.” Many young justice-involved African-Australians were “Not in Employment, Education or Training” (NEET). Respondents perceived a connection between NEET and delinquency; “Many kids are early school leavers and NEET. (This) leads to delinquent peers, addiction and then offending.” Insufficient school support for African-Australian youth was also noted; “School engagement programs are not tailored to African kids, not enough support in the school environment.” A “lack of mentoring” and “role modeling” was also believed to contribute to school disengagement. Additionally, it was observed that some parents were disengaged from their children’s education. A participant noted; “sometimes parents think their children are going to school when they are not, but parents don’t know this. Some parents also fear to engage with the schools, some people don’t speak English.”

Family experiences

Family experiences (in particular family breakdown), were universally recognized as a factor for justice-involvement. Neglect within the family setting because of large families and single parents (“single parents with 6–7 kids is common”) was considered a significant issue. Family breakdown was partly attributed to cultural expectations pertaining to gender roles; “Marriages break up because of female empowerment after re-settlement.” Moreover, it was perceived by some respondents that “boys get more latitude culturally” which can lead to delinquency when (single) parents are unable to monitor their activities. Further, “misunderstandings between parents and children” and “no trust between parents and children” was frequently noted. It was also perceived that many young justice-involved African-Australians had “parents on welfare” and that many were without access to adequate financial supports. Other justice-involved young people had experienced family violence and/or been involved with child protection services.

Community experiences

Participants described a number of adverse community experiences contributing to contact with the justice system. A lack of community acceptance was considered to be a concern which in turn induced feelings of not belonging. It was perceived that coming together in groups (or “gangs”) was often a response to social rejection from the wider community. This often led to disengagement from positive activities; “The kids don’t feel accepted. Not engaged in any pro-social activities such as school, activities and sport . . . They don’t feel that they belong. Sudanese ‘gangs’ walk together as a protective approach so when one gets into an altercation they all jump in.” It was also believed that peer delinquency (“wrong company”) was problematic and led to offending. Dissociating with offending peers was viewed as a necessary step in desisting from offending.

Additionally, concerns of differential treatment by the criminal justice system were illustrated; “Kids are aware that they are treated differently in the criminal justice system . . . there is no consistency in treatment. . .Sudanese kids get targeted by police.” This perception extended to specific police interactions with family “they (police) are too quick to separate youth from parents and don’t speak to parents if kids are over 18” and when processing young people; “Young people are also forced to accept they are guilty.”

Concerns with Mainstream Service Providers’ Current Practices

Bureaucratic and compliance focused

Participants registered concerns about the “compliance-based” model of service provision which they perceived mainstream services to utilize; “mainstream services are too compliance based . . . if kids don’t attend appointments then their welfare is discontinued . . . the compliance-based services are not working, they are penalties focused.” This approach was believed to neglect young people who need support and generate feelings of discrimination. Participants also felt that mainstream services do not exhibit a genuine dedicated commitment to serving African-Australian clients. A rationale for this perception was that the challenges of African-Australian youth “do not affect [mainstream organizations] personally; it’s not their community, it’s not ‘close to home’, they aren’t required to reach out to African communities and to co-design, there is no incentive.” This perception extended to cultivating partnerships with African communities; “There is lack of genuine partnerships in the design and provision of services. Most programs are ‘exploitative’ to our communities. For example, when mainstream services consult our communities, they sometimes never come back to ask to form partnerships to deliver services.” Moreover, participants raised concerns that mainstream service providers are too disconnected from client communities; “They are too distant from the community. . .not accessible.” There was agreement that mainstream programs are often designed without individuals from African communities and youth.

Transactional instead of relational

A cynicism of the intentions of mainstream service providers was evident in the responses; “Mainstream relationships (where they exist) are contract based and transactional.” There was a concern that mainstream organizations prioritize their own outputs and business performance indicators over client needs; “mainstream services do not solve problems, they service the problem. . . focused on output not outcome . . . they are more interested in the paperwork than the person.” Another participant alluded to the commodification of youth problems; “The mainstream service model turns helping youth into a commercial product.” This perceived focus was believed to obscure service impact; “The mainstream services don’t have proper outcome measures attached to their funding—we don’t know if what they do works—did they change anyone’s lives?.” Some participants attributed these outcomes to a perceived lack of adequate monitoring and evaluation frameworks (especially by government) for programs funded through mainstream services.

Culturally unresponsive

Participants also noted that African-Australian young people often left mainstream service providers and sought smaller community organizations for assistance; “The clients run away from mainstream organizations and come to us.” This was believed to occur for several reasons notably that African-Australian youth, were “not received well by services,” were “not understood,” were “having to wait too long,” did not “trust” mainstream providers, and that “staff are treating them from a position of fear from the start.” Participants noted that mainstream services “can’t relate to what African-Australian youth are going through” and did not understand well or appreciate the extent to which African-Australian youth feel marginalized. Additionally, some young people have “underlying anger stemming from racist interactions—they hold on to this for a long time.” Due to a combination of these challenges, respondents deemed that “mainstream services will give up on a youth very early.”

Inflexible

To alleviate some of the above concerns, participants believed that mainstream services should be drawing on the expertise of culturally and linguistically diverse staff more often. Moreover, mainstream providers needed to address their perceived lack of service adaptability; “mainstream services are inflexible—most programs run from 9.00 am to 5 pm and very few of these programs run in the evenings or over the weekend when they are required by young people.”

The lack of family involvement was also noted; “families are being kept out of the picture. . .they don’t know what is happening as they are not told. . .this is not helping young people.” It was recommended that service providers and government agencies need to work closely with the families of at-risk and justice-involved young people.

The Utility of African-Australian Community Service Providers

Community credibility

Several valuable features of African-led community organizations were articulated by participants. Most notably, their organizations were believed to possess credibility among their target populations and were trusted outlets within the community. A participant remarked “we have the trust of the people.” Another noted, “the community supports our organization.” This afforded stronger relationships with clientele; “our clients open up” and a capacity to provide proactive, hands-on assistance; “people don’t know where to start—we give them direction and resolve community problems.”

Relationship-building

All participants indicated that the connection established with the community was the culmination of ongoing efforts to develop rapport with clientele, and flexible service models; “we work hard on building trust and respect from our service users,” and “our service doesn’t put obligations on the kids, we go where they go, we give them time, we build trust with the kids which is very important.” Flexibility was believed to afford organizations the ability to respond quickly to pressing concerns; “from ideation to implementation—we are very agile. We are very responsive to issues. We have a framework that allows us to make decisions quickly.” Participants noted that programs were developed in partnership with communities; “We have grassroots participation in the design and delivery of our programs for both young people and women and sometimes men.”

Proximity to service users

Participants also emphasized the close proximity of their services to their clients; “The community is our backyard. We know the kids, their families and their parents—it’s personalized.” This involved intensive outreach to maintain proximity; “We know our clients families, we will call mothers about their sons and have a chat. We take our service to where the young people are, not anticipating the young person to come to us. We work 7 days a week and take phone calls at 12am.” All participants underscored how their own personal and cultural experiences allowed them to empathize with, and better understand the unique challenges endured by their clients; “We understand the background and context and we have lived experience. We have been in refugee camps, we know what it’s like to live in housing commissions and not having any resources, not having lunch and dinner, not having a car.” Another participant noted, “I know how it feels to be poor, not having anything, being subjected to racism—you can’t get that from a qualification. The kids have a sense of appreciation because we have these experiences.” Moreover there were several references to possessing “cultural knowledge” and not requiring translators due to bi-lingual staff within the organization.

Challenges Faced by African-Australian Community Service Providers

Resources

Participants discussed a number of immediate challenges that confronted their organizations. A lack of financial support was frequently noted. There was a perceived need for greater resources to adequately carry out their services; “Lack of funding as we are a small organization”; “Not enough funding to have dedicated staff”; “We need more resources to pay our staff and get people connecting with others.” Difficulties obtaining funding were attributed to a perceived government disinclination to fund African-Australian community organizations; “The funding keeps going to mainstream organizations but this is not what the community needs. . . there is a mistrust in funding African service delivery organizations—some of this comes from African organizations not able to write regular reports, documenting what they are doing and evaluating their services (which is hard with limited personnel).” Another participant remarked that “government agencies are not willing to fund us . . . there is less appetite to put resources in African organizations—this has been catastrophic.” For some participants this was partly due to not possessing the relevant networks. “Some applications and funding are not based on merit/ideas but relationships with state or federal agencies. As a young organization, we don’t have enough relationships, we don’t know how to lobby.” Another participant expressed difficulty “communicating to policy makers to provide us with resources, demonstrating to them the benefits of our organizations, getting them to appreciate the work we do and to appreciate how much work we do where the government doesn’t help.” The lack of personnel available to write competitive grant applications was also mentioned “We need more people who can write funding submissions.” Further, it was observed that when funding is earmarked for African services, “there is too much money spent on community groups which run cultural celebrations and musical events and not enough money for genuine service provision.”

Facilities

Participants highlighted infrastructural limitations. Most commented that their facilities were insufficient and were unable to meet the increasing needs of their clients; “We need better access to facilities”; “We need accessible and environmentally friendly spaces in suitable areas.” Some participants advocated for dedicated community spaces/hubs; “Hubs are needed to organize events, we need a set/central location.” One participant remarked that “schools and councils need to offer us permanent venues for sport and homework clubs.” These infrastructural limitations precluded services from expanding operations geographically; “We would like more branch offices elsewhere, we can’t reach beyond our region.” There was also a perceived need for varied forms of transportation (i.e., company car/minibus) to take clients to activities.

Staffing

Most participants underscored the need for more organizational staff. “We can’t meet all the demands, we are over-subscribed.” It was noted that staff positions are often unpaid; “We rely so much on volunteers—once they find a paid role they leave us.” Despite this, the need for more volunteering was acknowledged given funding shortages; “We need more volunteers, we need more pro-bono support.” Individuals from diverse professional backgrounds were sought after; “We need more people who have got different skill sets for example advocacy, marketing, planning, accounting, family strengthening, youth specialists, qualified psychologists, website developers, and university researchers to evaluate our systems.” Some participants suggested that personnel could be recruited and trained through university courses; “Placement of tertiary students—if there’s a placement of students for example in our organization this will provide a cultural perspective to social worker students for them to understand our culture and our community before they graduate.” Additionally, several participants felt that their organizations needed to improve their technological aptitude and capabilities. Key reasons were to connect with clientele through different avenues and to “promote positive stories [from our organization] on social media.”

Governance

Last, some participants recognized that governance structures and leadership capability in their organizations needed to be improved; “We don’t have an advisory body. At the moment, I’ve got an executive team (a voluntary team), but I feel there is a gap and this needs to be addressed to take the organization forward.”

Service Provision for African-Australian Young People—“What Works?”

Community-designed programming

Participants described how service providers can help young African-Australians desist from offending. A number of themes were identified. A key recommendation was to engage the African-Australian community in multiple ways. This included the need for grassroots involvement in decision-making and program development; “Programs need to be designed with individuals from African communities and youth. The end product needs to come from the African perspective.”

Culturally and linguistically diverse staff

African representation among staff in mainstream services and government was also viewed as important. We “need more culturally and linguistically diverse staff—they want to make a change and contribution to their community, they care and value the kids—their way of working should be adapted by the organization.” Moreover, having African staff was perceived to improve an understanding of African culture and reduce communication challenges; “Non-African staff may not give them (young people) the opportunity to discuss the root of the problem. Young people will not disclose to non-Africans because they think the system is biased against them. But an African staff member can get around this. They are freer to tell me because I look like one of them.” One respondent identified the need for young people to have available professional African-Australian role models. These suggestions were illustrative of “culturally and linguistically responsive service provision” required across the justice continuum.

Structured empowering interventions

Participants advised on key aspects of programing. The need for prevention, early intervention and post-release assistance was emphasized; “There is a need for early intervention” and “diversionary programs.” Additionally, “we need to reach out to more young people in prison to prepare them for re-entry into the community.” Structured, practical activities were recommended; “There is a need for organized activities for young people diverted from justice system.” Desirable activities were those that were extensive; “too many 6-8 week programs—get nothing out of it,” and aspirational “mainstream services are too short-term, they don’t develop the kids future, there is no vision and plan.” Two respondents suggested more empowering and entrepreneurial vocational programs. This included an improved focus on “labor market matching” which initially identifies the interests and capabilities of young people before they are aligned with training and skills development schemes. This was viewed as necessary to ensure young people are invested and “to retain young people’s attention over time.”

Mentoring and pro-social relationships

A key consideration identified by all participants was the development of trust with young people. Investing time in building relationships was viewed as an important component of service delivery; “Recognition that developing trust and giving these young people time is beneficial.” It was acknowledged that this can take time and that relentless outreach is required; “these young people need to be followed up no matter what.” Several participants recommended 24-hour service provision; “We need 24-hour services as kids offend during the night.” Others suggested alternative forms of outreach; “They need to reach out to the young people through the right channels for example, Snapchat, Facebook, Youtube etc” and in “places where young people socialize.” It was also observed by one participant that, “reaching out to young people through African community leaders usually does not work,” noting that peer-led outreaches work better.

Engaging families

An understanding that young African-Australian people may have damaged relationships with society (including their ethnic community) was also noted; “Their community has rejected them, services don’t understand that.” As such building self-esteem and connections (through sports and mentoring) was critical in addressing emotional issues. Participants underlined the importance of engaging and educating parents when assisting young people; “Benefits are possible if service delivery staff can engage with parents of these young people.” This included developing relationships between parents and key institutions (schools, justice agencies). Several participants urged targeting mothers with specific services (i.e., skills development, relationship repair with children).

Mental health

Mental health and legal literacy (including child protection laws) were frequency mentioned; (There is a) “Lack of understanding how the justice system works”; “We need to educate parents in mental health and Australian law to empower them.” Additionally, participants recognized a perceived benefit in having access to both legal aid and psychological services for justice-involved African-Australians; “There needs to be better mental health assessment. . .qualified psychologists to counsel offenders”; “At-risk CALD youth don’t have links with community & mental health support networks.” Local community resource hubs for families were recommended as potential spaces to provide culturally responsive services and address the needs of the African-Australian community (i.e., information sharing, legal assistance, counseling, family violence services).

Last, two justice-based approaches that could help African-Australian youth were noted. Some participants suggested the wider employment of restorative justice schemes. Others advocated for the expunging of criminal records for particular clients; “criminal record prevents employment.”

Discussion

A series of interviews were conducted with African-Australian led community service providers who work with at-risk African-Australian youth in Victoria. The organizations’ perspectives on, and capacities to address, the over-representation of African-Australian young people in the justice system were explored. Several themes were extracted from the responses, specifically (i) Risk factors for African-Australian youth justice-involvement, (ii) The limitations of mainstream institutions to reduce African-Australian youth justice-involvement, (iii) The advantages of African-Australian community service providers when working with African-Australian youth, (iv) The challenges faced by African-Australian service providers, and (v) “What works” in service provision for at-risk African-Australians.

Key risk factors for justice-involvement included school disengagement, unemployment, family breakdown and peer delinquency. These factors are universally correlated with justice system contact (Borum, 2000; Farrington & Loeber, 2000; Shepherd et al., 2014), and were also particularly salient in a previous sample of African-Australian youth in custody (Shepherd et al., 2018). The incapacity of the education system to accommodate the unique learning needs (i.e., disrupted education pathways and English language challenges) of some African young people from refugee backgrounds has been documented (Forson, 2019; Sellars & Murphy, 2017; Victorian Equal Opportunity & Human Rights Commission, 2008; Yak, 2016). Moreover, African-Australian young people have reported experiences of differential treatment due to their cultural background in educational settings (Baak, 2018; Hatoss et al., 2012). NEET (Not in education, employment or training) status can also be linked to family strain (Hancock & Zubrick, 2015; Shepherd et al., 2018), which was emphasized by respondents.

Re-settlement conferred numerous challenges on many African families including parental separation, culture shock, financial difficulties and inter-generational tension (CMY, 2019a; Deng, 2017). Family members or caregivers enduring their own integration stressors may not have the capacity to monitor and support younger school-aged family members, some of whom lacked school readiness. An increasing body of literature illustrates the discord between African-Australian parents who endorse traditional culture-based forms of parenting and younger African-Australians who are more likely to possess mainstream Australian values (Deng, 2017; Hebbani et al., 2009; Milner & Khawaja, 2010). The different cultural expectations within the household can lead to familial destabilization (Armytage & Ogloff, 2017; Renzaho et al., 2017), and an inability to effectively discipline younger family members who may be vulnerable to negative influences (Coventry et al., 2015; Shepherd et al., 2018). Research with South Sudanese communities has shown that within single parents (female-headed households), traditional patriarchal social structures may reduce a mother’s authority and control over their male children (Abur, 2018; Deng, 2017).

Prior research outlines the pathways from school and family disengagement to associating with similarly situated disaffected peers and ensuing delinquency (Shepherd & Ilalio, 2016; Shepherd et al., 2018). Study participants noted that “gangs” or negative peer groups were often formed as protective mechanisms for those who felt that they did not belong or were socially rejected. It was also acknowledged that membership of such groups was a key antecedent of criminal activity. In a study exploring the perceptions of African-Australian young people in custody in Victoria, the peer group was believed to be influential in the young person’s decision to offend (Shepherd et al., 2018).

Another factor prompting justice-involvement according to African-Australian organization leaders, is the conflictual dynamics between African-Australian young people and law enforcement. Younger members of the African-Australian community have reported frequent episodes of racial profiling in community surveys (Benier et al., 2018; Dolic, 2011; Smith & Reside, 2010; Victorian Equal Opportunity & Human Rights Commission, 2008). In 2012, six African-Australians launched a federal court case against Victoria police over allegations of racial profiling, which they believed breached the racial discrimination act (Haile-Michael v Konstantinidis, 2012). The perception of differential treatment by law enforcement appears to be widely held among young African-Australians and potentially contributes to adversarial encounters; however, the extent to which this results in over-incarceration is unknown. A recent analysis demonstrated that South-Sudanese young people are over-involved in select serious offenses (i.e., crimes against the person) compared to offenses that are more subject to police discretion (Shepherd & Spivak, 2020).

Another key theme extracted from interview data was the limitations of mainstream organizations when working with at-risk African-Australian young people. Participants outlined four perceived drawbacks which were believed to inhibit rehabilitation and led to client attrition. These included (i) a compliance model which was quick to penalize young people for minor transgressions such as missing appointments, (ii) a lack of personal commitment/passion to working with African-Australian populations which can damage rapport and relatability, (iii) a disconnection from the African-Australian community which compromises culturally relevant program design and community trust, and (iv) a business-centered approach which prioritizes finances and KPI’s over building relationships and improving lives. The extent to which these observations reflect all mainstream organizations is unknown. Prior Australian research has noted the difficulties mainstream services often have in engendering trust among particular minority communities (CMY, 2019a; Colucci, Minas, et al., 2014; Francis & Cornfoot, 2007; Renzaho, 2008; Vaughan et al., 2018). Their formal nature (tight scheduling, paperwork, inflexibility), fragmented delivery style (different outlets for different problems), and indirect/arbitrary relationships with community leaders and communities, have been cited as reasons for poor engagement (Colucci, Szwarc, et al., 2014; Posselt et al., 2017; Saunders et al., 2016; Shepherd & Masuka, 2020; Vaughan et al., 2018). Moreover, the underutilization of formal mental health services by CALD-Australians is well-documented (Minas et al., 2013). These concerns are often heightened for justice-involved CALD youth who typically mistrust mainstream institutions of authority and are hyper-sensitive to social rejection and perceived discrimination. As such, the adoption of a culturally responsive service delivery model is frequently endorsed (CMY, 2019a, 2019b; Forson, 2019; Francis & Cornfoot, 2007; Minnican & O’Toole, 2020; Onsando et al., 2020; Shepherd & Masuka, 2020). This encompasses the involvement of informed community representatives (including young people) in program design and delivery, which may help organizations navigate and address culturally unique (i.e., stigmas, experiences of racism) and esoteric family, community and sectarian phenomena that may be impacting on attitudes, decision-making and help-seeking behaviors.

Prioritizing engagement, relationship building and a commitment to rapport development with CALD clientele (before navigating personal/shameful behaviors or trying to immediately problem-solve) has also been suggested in prior work (CMY, 2019b; Drake et al., 2014). Furthermore, Shepherd and Masuka (2020) outline how mainstream and culture-based community organizations can collectively combine their relative strengths by working in partnership to address social issues in CALD communities.

The ostensible value of African-Australian service providers was conveyed by study respondents. The close proximity to communities and credibility and trust established, appears to be advantageous. Prior research has identified the benefits of same-culture, informal service provision for CALD clients which can engender familiarity, flexibility and features relatable staff who possess understandings of unique intersectional issues (Armytage & Ogloff, 2017; Posselt et al., 2017; Ravulo, 2016; Saunders et al., 2016; Shepherd & Ilalio, 2016; Tamatea & Brown, 2011; Vaughan et al., 2018; Vergara et al., 2016). The importance of rapport development and trust with CALD clients has frequently been cited (CMY, 2019b; Colucci, Minas, et al., 2014; Francis & Cornfoot, 2007; Saunders et al., 2016; Shepherd & Masuka, 2020; Vaughan et al., 2018). Culture-based community organizations are often appealing for this reason, as some clients may be mistrustful of mainstream services, perceive them to be discriminatory and/or neglectful of their personal issues, or have had negative experiences with them. As such, the informal and accepting environment of culture-based community services allows for some, a non-judgmental space conducive to relationship building and organic self-improvement. Many of the above features resemble the Ubuntu framework of support, a culturally responsive set of practices designed for justice-involved African-Australians (Onsando et al., 2020). Recent government strategies and programs have recognized the utility of engaging African-Australian service providers in whole-of-community efforts to address justice-involvement (Forson, 2019; State of Victoria, 2018b; Victorian Government, 2020).

Several respondents noted that their organizations had sporting programs as part of their suite of services. Sports programs have the potential to empower and support disenfranchised, disengaged and marginalized young people (Peachey et al., 2013). They also enable young people to enhance self-esteem, build connections/networks and a sense of belonging (Peachey et al., 2013). Additionally, sport can be an effective “hook” to draw young people into critical non-sport related programs (e.g., drug and alcohol, vocational training, mental health counseling, Hartmann, 2003).

Despite the strengths of African-Australian service providers, some young people/clients may prefer to see staff from a different cultural background to their own, or seek services from mainstream providers (CMY, 2019a; Simon-Kumar, 2019). This may arise out of concerns that their own community may discover their involvement in the justice system or utilization of legal, mental health, family violence or health services (Shepherd & Masuka, 2020), the discovery of which may bring shame to the family. For example, there are cultural stigmas associated with mental illness in many culturally and linguistically diverse communities, rendering help-seeking behaviors taboo. In some cases, family or community issues may be the reason why the young person or client is seeking external assistance.

According to study participants, the ability of African-Australian service providers to realize their objectives was somewhat comprised by a number of challenges. Key amongst them is a dearth of funding, which has operational ramifications within organizations (i.e., paying staff, renting/hiring facilities, program resources). Limited finances impede service provider expansion and induce a heavy reliance on in-kind/volunteer contributions, which can engender organizational uncertainty, high personnel turnover, and difficulties “professionalizing” the service. The operational shortcomings from having small/precarious budgets often preclude service providers from obtaining competitive funding to increase their budgets. In addition, improving governance structures and accountability measures may be required for some African-Australian community service providers to increase confidence from funders. Shepherd and Masuka (2020) outline ways in which culture-based community organizations can inject professional diversity into their services and/or strategically partner with mainstream organizations to gain access to essential infrastructure and alleviate immediate financial concerns. Efforts can then be focused on African-Australian service provider strengths (i.e., relationship building, persistent outreach, cultural responsiveness) without large amounts of energy dispensed on the immediate survival of the organization. Cross-agency collaborations of course, come with their own challenges—prior research has articulated the difficulties of preserving independent decision-making in partnerships, and the extent to which CALD-specific programming can function effectively within a larger (and possibly conflicting) mainstream-oriented framework (Shepherd & Masuka, 2020; Vaughan et al., 2018). Further work should explore both innovative and existing strategies and models that enable culture-based community organizations to develop longer-term viability.

A recent paper identified the absence of a “what works” literature for culturally and linguistically diverse Australians who are justice-involved (Shepherd & Masuka, 2020). Participants in this study offered a range of program ideas for African-Australians based on their collective expertise. First, programs need be co-designed with the target population to ensure their relevance and improve participant adherence. Community input has long been acknowledged as a key part of program development for youth and culturally diverse populations. Second, developing trust and rapport among clientele is prioritized. Hiring staff of African descent to enhance relatability, regularly engaging in outreach activities, and ensuring services are more flexible (i.e., accessible opening hours) can assist with the appeal and cultural responsivity of the service. Third, interventions need to be structured, long-term and with a focus on personal and skill development aligned with the young person’s interests and aspirations. Fourth, families should be informed about, and included in, programming where feasible. Programs can educate families on subjects including, (i) the expectations of parents when guiding their children through school, (ii) mental health literacy and help-seeking behaviors, (iii) intergenerational relationship building, and (iv) navigating law enforcement and the criminal justice system. Moreover, families must be informed so they can better support young people to comply with their Justice Orders, and those involved with Children’s Court Youth Diversion Services.¹ Family involvement however, must be balanced with protecting the rights and interests of the young person.

The study has a number of minor limitations. The views of participants may not be entirely representative of the African-Australian community. Moreover, two African-Australian service providers did not participate in the study. Nonetheless, eight out of a possible ten relevant service providers in Victoria participated in the study signaling a high participation rate and ensuring an adequate coverage of views. Most participants were well-known respected community leaders and had worked for many years (some, decades) in various government and not-for-profit roles in the community. Additionally, the study did not source perspectives from users of these services which may have provided useful collateral or identified further challenges. Second, the recommendations proffered, while intuitively reasonable and based on years of first-hand experience, will require some level of evaluation to meet evidence-based standards. Even so, the community-informed responses in this research are incredibly valuable and warrant the attention of policy makers. Future projects should adopt and evaluate the ideas presented in this study. Service providers should also endeavor to subject their suite of programs to rigorous external evaluation where possible. Third, participants in this study raised concerns regarding perceived “compliance-based” programming and service delivery practices by mainstream services. The study did not include participants from mainstream services and so the extent to which these observations reflect all mainstream organizations is unknown. This notion could be explored in future research.

Conclusion

This study explored the perspectives of African-Australian service providers who work with at-risk and justice-involved youth. The leaders of the service providers were asked to designate both organizational strengths and challenges. Their insights on pathways to offending for African-Australian youth and useful interventions strategies were also surveyed. Several themes were extracted from participant responses. These included the identification of salient risk factors for African-Australian youth justice-involvement; the limitations of mainstream institutions when working with African-Australian justice-involved youth; the unique advantages and shortcomings of African-Australian service providers; and the development of a “what works” community-informed literature to address African-Australian youth justice involvement.

Footnotes

Appendix

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Stephane Shepherd

Notes

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