Abstract
This paper examines the archaeological site of Athribis in Upper Egypt, focusing on a monumental complex located within the mountain necropolis. The most famous element of this structure is the rock temple of Asclepius, with its Graeco-Roman style façade. This paper demonstrates that the speos of Asclepius is not an isolated structure but the centre of a larger complex, including a walled forecourt and a rock-cut sanctuary dedicated to Anubis. It makes the case that the shared ritual space between the Asclepieion and the Anubieion reflects cultic links between the Greek god and the Egyptian. Another key discovery within the complex is a rock-cut chamber including a stone bench with traces of mummification resin and linen. These findings strongly indicate that the place was used for embalming. Thus, the study highlights Athribis as a significant site for understanding the intersection of Greek and Egyptian religious traditions and offers new perspectives on the design and function of mummification workshops throughout Egyptian history.
Introduction 1
The ancient city of Athribis is located opposite the ancient nome capital Akhmim, at the foot of the mountain range flanking the west bank of the Nile valley. In antiquity, the impressive mountain slope that rises about 200 m above the fertile floodplain served as a necropolis with several types of tombs cut into the rock face. It was also a quarry to extract limestone blocks, which were used, for example, to construct the nearby temples in the city. This paper focuses on yet another important structure. Located halfway up the mountain, the speos dedicated to overlooks the ancient town (fig. 1). 2 With its well-executed façade and numerous graffiti, it attracted the attention of scholars from early on. 3 Nonetheless, that the speos is not an isolated building but rather the centre of a much larger complex has been overlooked (figs 2–3). This paper describes the hitherto unknown structures flanking the speos and provides a first attempt at analysing the complex holistically. It will make the case for a sanctuary dedicated to Anubis and will present evidence that a rock chamber was used for at least one mummification procedure. Both features are rarely attested in the archaeological record and highlight the importance of Athribis for understanding the cultic landscape of Graeco- Roman Egypt.

The southwestern section of Athribis. The Asclepieion is marked with an arrow (photo: author).

3D model of the speos complex (model: author).

Floor plan of the speos complex (plan: author).
The Speos Complex
After the architectural survey conducted by Klaus Kuhlmann in the 1980s, Rafed El-Sayed examined the rock temple in 2007. 4 In the course of this work and the following years, the area of the surrounding rock chambers and the terrace area in front of the entrance were partially cleared of rubble and debris. Based on the inscription ΑΣΚΛΗΠΙΩΙ, the central structure has been identified as anAsclepieion. Demotic graffiti dating to year 33 of Augustus (3 CE) found inside the sanctuary serve as a terminus ante quem for its construction. 5 However, as Sandra Lippert has recently noted, the graffiti mention neither Asclepius nor his Egyptian counterpart Imhotep with a single word. Instead, they refer to several other deities, primarily the main local gods of the city, Min-Re, Horus-Senedjem-ib, Repit, and Kolanthes but also ‘The Falcon’ (pȝ-bỉ͗k) and ‘Haroeris, lord of Letopolis’. 6 El-Sayed and Lippert consider the rock temple to be a sanctuary of a falcon god, where sacred falcons were also buried. 7 The apparent contradiction between the interpretation of the structure as a falcon sanctuary and its official designation on the façade is resolved if one understands as the Greek counterpart of Haroeris. As Lippert states in her habilitation thesis, this equation is possible because Haroeris is associated in certain traditions with the healing of eye diseases. 8 The cult of Asclepius involved sleep (incubation), during which the god would inspire dreams. 9 Since the cult of the falcon god Haroeris may also have included dream-oracles, 10 this provides an additional link between the two deities. The fact that the graffiti do not mention Asclepius but instead reference Egyptian gods may reflect the difference between official and lived religion as practised by the local population. This aspect is especially noteworthy in a period when traditional beliefs encountered new religious movements, which were at least partly imposed by the state. To what extent the cults overlapped or replaced one another remains unclear. What is certain, however, is that the official inscription on the façade cannot simply be dismissed in favour of graffiti and, consequently, these private writings should not, as some have argued, be taken as evidence that ‘the rock-cut structure … can no longer be identified as an Asklepion’. 11
Since the terrace area in front of the speos had not yet been cleared in Kuhlmann’s time, he failed to notice that other parts of the building were located here. It is particularly noteworthy that the complex was furnished with a forecourt measuring about 7 × 7 m. The walls and the entrance can be traced by carvings on the levelled bedrock. Moreover, the area immediately north of the forecourt was built upon, as suggested by the preliminary outline of a column base about 70 cm in diameter (fig. 3). Further investigations might even uncover more traces of former buildings on the floor. With a width of 1.05 m (2 cubits), the entrance to the forecourt is positioned precisely in the axis of the speos gate. Only the course of the wall in the southwest corner is not verifiable, because this area is currently covered by debris. Here we find the entrance to a complex dedicated to Anubis (see below). It is likely that the southern court wall ran straight towards the rock façade, because it was smoothed exactly to the point where it would have connected to the wall. However, with this course, the wall would have partially hidden the door to the Anubis area. This might indicate that the wall ended earlier, to leave space for a side entrance connecting the Anubis area with the court. Another possibility is that the entrance to the Anubis rooms was built in a later phase and that, to create this entrance, the western end of the wall had to be removed or altered.
On the opposite side of the court, the situation is clearer. The northern wall of the courtyard meets the façade of the northern complex next to the speos. The entrance to this northern area is on the south side of the courtyard and thus within the enclosure. It cannot be proven but there is no reason to assume that it was not a contemporary part of the speos complex.
The Anubis Complex
The rock-cut rooms situated south of the sanctuary of Asclepius have received little scholarly attention. An inscription above a door a few metres south of the entrance to the SpeosΑΝΟΥΒΙΔΙ ΚΡΑΤΗΣ – ‘For Anubis; Krates’ (fig. 4). 12 Sandra Lippert notes a similarity to the writing above the gate to the Asclepieion, 13 which suggests temporal proximity of the two units. El-Farag, et al. suggest that the door leads to an Anubieion, which was founded by a man named Krates. 14 A dipinto discovered in the nearby quarry and probably the depictions of dogs on a large number of ostraca testify to a local Anubis cult. 15

Inscription above the doorway to the Anubis complex (photo: author).
The chambers of the Anubis complex were cleared of debris in 2007, but no complete description or plan has been published. Nowadays, most of the walls have been demolished and there is a secondary breach into the Asclepieion. A passage measuring about 1.05 m (2 cubits) wide and about 1.90 m high leads from the door straight into the mountain, extending for 16.5 m (fig. 3). At the end of that corridor, a room opens on the right side. On its back wall, a broad bench (L: 2.2 m, W: 1.5 m, H: 0.9 m) is cut into the solid rock. Two burial pits are carved into this bench. Given that this floor plan, with a corridor and an angled chamber, is not typical of the tombs of Athribis, it is more that the sanctuary was transformed into a burial place, and not the other way around. Thus, the burial pits were added at a later stage. The rear chamber had probably served a specific purpose within the Anubis cult. Possibly cult images, sacred objects, or consecration offerings were placed here. This L-shaped layout, leading to a platform, has a striking parallel in the Anubis speos at Hatshepsut’s temple of Deir el-Bahari. Here, too, a straight corridor leads westward into the mountain before turning at a right angle to the north, ending with a pedestal (‘stone seat’). 16 The only differences are that Deir el-Bahari has a niche and Athribis has the more elongated shape. The latter might simply be explained by the (see fig. 3). These are just two examples, and they are almost one and a half millennia apart. Thus, there is not enough evidence to make general statements about the layout of rock-cut Anubis sanctuaries; however, the obvious similarities point . Apparently there was also an Anubis sanctuary in the quarry area of Tura but, unfortunately, it is only known from inscriptions and nothing can be said about its structure. 17 Above-ground buildings of previously known Anubis sanctuaries, such as the famous Anubieion of Sakkara, which contained at least three temple buildings, cannot serve as Comparisons. 18
The wall at the end of the long corridor in Athribis shows traces of what appears to be a life-size image of a person (fig. 5). It could be a representation of Anubis, but it could also represent one of the tomb owners and therefore belong to the second phase. Unfortunately, this discovery was not made on site, but back at home, while exploring the 3D model of the complex. Further research will hopefully clarify this question and shed more light on the history of these rooms.

Traces of an image on the rear wall of the corridor in the Anubis complex (photo: Benjamin Baumann).
The area south of the Anubis complex also exhibits some interesting features. To date, the area has not been archaeologically investigated. Currently blocked with debris, the entrance is located c. 3 m south of the one dedicated to Anubis. It leads into a hall of about 14 × 16 m. The north wall, which separated the area from the Anubis complex, is now mostly ruined. The floor is exposed in some places but, for the most part, it is covered by rubble, bones, and pottery. In the southeast corner, two passages lead to a room with grave pits. This seems to be a later extension and, because it is filled with debris, the area is left blank on the general plan (fig. 3). Remarkably, there are no niches in the walls in the great hall that would have served to accommodate mummies. As there are also no signs of burials on the ground so far, it seems more likely that the hall was used during the rites of the nearby Anubis or Asclepius complexes. One possibility is that it was the place where pilgrims rested for incubation, the ritual sleep to induce a dream, which was an important part of the Asclepius cult. 19 This would mean that all the rock chambers are both architecturally and functionally connected. A possible link between the dog/jackal god Anubis and Asclepius is the fact that the latter was accompanied by a dog. Günther Lorenz collected much textual and iconographical evidence that sheds light on their close relationship. In some sanctuaries, the dog was the god’s attribute of equal rank to the serpent. Moreover, dogs kept in the vicinity of the Asclepius temple played their part in the incubation rites. These sacred animals licked the pilgrims, which was believed would cure their diseases. 20 In light of these circumstances, it makes perfect sense that in Athribis the chambers dedicated to Anubis are right next to the Asclepius temple. There might be various other aspects that connect Anubis and Asclepius and it might be no coincidence that the Saqqara Anubieion and temple for Asclepius are also situated close to each other. 21
The Northern Complex
The rock chambers adjoining the north of the speos are also of great interest. The 2007 clearing measures included this area, although the finds and observations that could reveal more about the history of its use remain unpublished. As noted above, access to the northern complex was through the forecourt of the speos. A lockable door led to two rock chambers, which show several phases with extensions and breakthroughs. It is, however, difficult to reconstruct the individual stages of the reworkings and to order them chronologically in an unequivocal sequence. At least at one point, the complex was divided into two chambers, with a doorway connecting them. It is unclear whether the two chambers were built at the same time or whether the rear one (dimensions: c. 5.2 × 4.2 m) was a later extension. It is likewise unclear when the partition wall was destroyed, creating one large room. In the eastern chamber, there are niches on two sides, which, analogous to other tombs, surely served to accommodate mummies. Next to the entrance in the front room, workers had started to build one of these typical burial niches, but they had not completed their task. Thus, the construction of the niche indicates that the complex was only transformed into a tomb later in its use. Other rebuilding phases include breaches towards the Asclepieion in the south and a rock tomb in the north. There are also breakthroughs towards the terrace in the east. In one case, it seems that people had begun to dig another entrance to gain access from the rock façade. 22 Like the entrances to the tombs further north, the rectangular opening is elevated in relation to the street level. Thus, the planned entrance is on the same level as the upper edge of the large stone bench located in the eastern part of the first room. Possibly, it was planned that sarcophagi (khamosoria) would be cut into this bench and the new door was intended to provide direct access to these burials. The situation would have been similar to the adjacent tomb, where such khamosoria are indeed dug into the floor level.
Given the various stages of reworking, the original purpose of the northern complex remains unclear. There are, nevertheless, certain distinctive features to indicate that it served for mummification – at least temporarily. The first of these is the stone bench or table that is 3.8 m long, 2.2 m wide, and 0.9 m high. Above it, the ceiling is lower than in the rest of the room, creating a confined area within the complex (figs 6–7). Three grooves on the surface of the bench testify to some installations. About 25 cm from the southern and eastern edges, there are several cavities. Two holes with a diameter of about 5 cm are placed 50 cm apart from each other along the southern edge. Centred on the east edge of the bench is a rectangular depression of about 20 × 8 cm. In addition to these signs, the mortar that remains scattered on the surface of the bench also speaks to the existence of some unpreserved superstructure. The recess (c. 8 × 13 cm) cut into the western face of the bench 52 cm above the floor probably served as a climbing aid, because it makes getting onto the bench much easier (figs 6–7).

The room containing the rock bench below a low ceiling. Photographed facing east (photo: Benjamin Baumann).

The rock bench. Traces of mummification resin and installations are marked with black lines (model and drawing: author).
Of particular interest is the accumulation of a dark, solidified substance mixed with linen strips preserved on the top surface of the bench. The deposit is about 1 cm in thickness and covers an area of 50 × 60 cm in the centre of the bench (figs 7–10). Given that parts of the dark crust are crumbling away, the original area covered was surely much larger. Sensory analysis supports the identification of the substance as a mixture containing bitumen, which is a common ingredient in mummification resins. 23 This interpretation would also fit seamlessly with the finding of the linen strips as a second key material for mummification. In any case, the bench would be a suitable physical support for that procedure. 24 The fact that the linen is glued to the bench with the resin in a very flat fashion suggests that something was lying on it, perhaps a mummified body.

Resin and linen bandages on the rock bench (photo: author).

Detail of the resin and linen bandages on the rock bench (photo: author).

Section of a resin lump (photo: author).
It is noteworthy that the area on the bench covered with resin is not easy to reach by hand while standing. If a body was laid there during the mummification process, the embalmer must have been sitting or kneeling on the bench. The numerous depictions of Anubis at the mummy bier and the few other illustrations of the mummification process give the impression that mummification always took place in a standing position. 25 However, from the low construction of the embalming tables found in Egypt, Herbert Winlock concluded early on that this could not have been the case and that being seated during the process was more likely. 26 Both options were probably used. The theory that one sat on the stone bench in Athribis is supported by two features. On the one hand, there is the previously mentioned climbing aid at the western face of the bench; and on the other, there is a hollow of about 40–50 cm in diameter at the western end of the surface (figs 6–7). The hollow stands out from the rest of the surface of the stone bench due to its smoothed surface. It would be conceivable that this is the seat hollow of the embalmer, which was formed by abrasion in the soft limestone. Its position relative to the area with the resin would fit this theory – seated in this location, you could perfectly treat the body laid before you.
Other Possible Mummification Workshops in Egypt
The extent to which fixed facilities existed and how often mobile embalming sites were set up inside or in the vicinity of the tomb of the person to be mummified is still under discussion. 27 Several sites from different periods have been identified as embalming workshops by their excavators although, as Maria Cannata has noted, these attributions are often controversial. 28 In any case, the idea of underground embalming workshops is outdated. 29 Until recently, the best evidence came from Memphis, where Apis bulls rather than humans were mummified in an above-ground structure that was built explicitly for this purpose. 30 Through comparison with other possible embalming workshops, it appears that aside from specific mummification tables, a false door or niche is a characteristic element of such a building. 31
Recently, very compelling evidence (not yet published) has come to light at the Bubasteion of Saqqara. In May 2023, Egypt’s Supreme Council of Antiquities announced the discovery of two mummification workshops dating to the 30th Dynasty and the Ptolemaic Period. According to newspaper reports, one rectangular workshop with five benches was used for the mummification of animals. Another rectangular building, consisting of several rooms with stone benches (L: 2 m, W: 0.5 m), was used for human mummification. The benches were covered with plaster, and their slightly recessed top surfaces were designed to catch liquids and discharge them through a drain. Significant finds include canopic jars, as well as pots and tools used in the mummification process. 32 Less clear is the evidence of the so-called Late Period ‘“workshop” for lower-class people’ in the area of the New Kingdom cemetery of Saqqara. A bench (2.4 × 1.2 × 0.55 m) that could have served for the preparation of the corpse is among the most important installations discovered by the excavators. 33
Further north, at the Serapeum, and in the Asasif at Thebes, other structures might have had the same purpose. Both at the Serapeum and in the Asasif (Tomb IX), a group of rooms was uncovered, and each room seems to have served a special function for the mummification process. 34 For instance, the room interpreted as a ‘wrapping room’ (‘Bandagierungsraum’) contained a bench made of mud bricks (L: c. 3.3 m, W: 0.77 m). 35 Other mummification facilities are thought to be located in Kafr Ammar and two places in the Kharga Oasis, el-Dush (Kysis) and el-Deir. The building in Kafr Ammar consists of three parallel rooms preceded by a court, which is a comparable structure to Tomb IX in the Asasif. There are no installations that can be linked to the mummification process but a vessel with numerous wedjat amulets found inside the building hints at that purpose, 36 or, at least, at use as an ‘embalmer’s shop’ and storage. 37 In el-Dush there are neither specific installations nor finds that corroborate the interpretation of a mummification workshop but the similarity to a structure in el-Deir, where materials used during the embalming process were found, makes the interpretation possible. The most important finds are two small bags of natron and an ‘embalmer’s knife’. 38
Pyramid complexes and mastabas contain basins and drains but their interpretation as embalming facilities is disputed. 39 On closer inspection, the recently discovered structure at the Late Period tombs south of the Unas Pyramid cannot be included in the list of embalming workshops either. 40 The finding of inscribed vessels containing substances for mummification as well as the structure consisting of a shaft and an unfinished underground chamber coincides with another installation from Saqqara, which has been identified as ‘Storage for embalming equipment’. 41 Moreover, there are similar shafts from Late Period Saqqara and Abusir that served as such depots. 42
Besides the archaeological evidence, there are written sources with information concerning the location and structure of embalming workshops. These describe them as usually being located within the necropolis 43 ‘’‘günstigen Verkehrsknotenpunkten’ 44 That is, in places that were easily accessible. According to the Late Ptolemaic P. Wien KM 3873 (P. Vindob 3873), the architectural elements of these workshops included shielding from the outside world by a portico (sbḫ.t). 45 Although this text refers to the embalming site of the Apis bull, this aspect might apply to mummification workshops in general. 46 A text from the time of Amenhotep II (1425–1400 BCE) also tells us that the corpse was placed on a stone support to be wrapped and treated with oils. 47 In many cases, embalmers might have used stone tables such as the ones known from Medinet Habu and Memphis. 48 In both cases, the tables are reminiscent of lion beds and have a curved, trough-like surface, but the text addressed above does not explicitly call for this shape. In fact, some finds prove that the supports could also be wooden and without the shape of a lion bed. 49 In Athribis, the grooves and mortar traces on the upper side of the stone bench could be related to the fixing of such supports.
Conclusion
The exploration of the rock-cut chambers situated on the mountain ridge of Athribis has yielded new insights into the complex religious practices of Graeco-Roman Egypt. A new investigation of the speos, often regarded as an isolated structure dedicated solely to Asclepius, reveals a much more complex site. Analysis of the Anubis sanctuary and the newly discovered evidence of mummification activity not only enrich our understanding of Athribis as a cultural and religious centre, but also highlight the nuanced interactions between Greek and Egyptian deities during this period.
In light of the very limited archaeological and epigraphical sources concerning embalming workshops, the presence of such a feature within the speos complex of Athribis is particularly significant. It can be safely assumed that embalming workshops did not have the exact same structure in all periods and places of Egyptian history. In this respect, the observations at Athribis may provide an important piece of the puzzle, helping us better understand the variations in structures used for that purpose. IDespite the general differences in their layout, there are also significant similarities. These include the location at an easily accessible place within the necropolis. In Athribis, there cannot be any doubt that this is the case, because the ostensible workshop is located next to the most prominent and surely best-connected feature of the mountainside, the speos complex. Another common key aspect of embalming workshops is a clear structural separation from the outside world, which in Athribis is granted by a forecourt. In the end, however, it is primarily the elements within the chambers that support their functional identification. As described above, some of the potential embalming workshops feature bench-like installations. Aside from the clear evidence at the Bubasteion of Saqqara, the function of these benches as embalming supports remains speculative. Only in Athribis do the traces of installations, combined with resin and linen deposits, inevitably point to a mummification process. At the very least this place served temporarily as a workshop for the treatment of a single corpse using black liquid resin. Given the size of the stone bench, it may have served to embalm humans, although the mummification of sacred animals cannot be ruled out. In fact, it is to be expected to find a mummification workshop for the sacred falcons close to the speos. 50
The position of the Anubis complex adjacent to the Asclepieion suggests a deliberate spatial arrangement that facilitated the synthesis of religious practices. One potential link is based on the cultic connection of Asclepius and a dog. Moreover, since Anubis was considered the god of mummification, 51 the location of a workshop within this complex would be fitting as well. Archaeological fieldwork in the yet unexcavated southern complex will hopefully shed further light on the site’s development and role in the cultic landscape of that region. At this stage, this paper cannot answer all questions about the speos complex, but it aims to bring these overlooked features to our attention. More research needs to be done on the mountain of Athribis, which offers a rare glimpse into the religious life of Graeco-Roman Egypt, illustrating the blending of Greek and Egyptian traditions in a shared sacred space.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
I thank Marcus Müller, Christian Leitz, Luc Delvaux, and the anonymous reviewers for their comments and corrections. I would also like to thank Benjamin Baumann for his support and assistance with photography.
Funding
The author did not receive funding for this project.
1.
This paper is dedicated to the memory of my friend Ramadan Badry Hussein. In 2019, I enjoyed spending two weeks with his project in Saqqara. It was not long after that stay that I started to study the mummification workshop in Athribis, but Ramadan’s sudden passing prevented us from discussing the topic presented here in more detail.
2.
See also Staiger, et al. 2011: 104, figs 2.2.7, 1.1.6, 2.1.13, 2.1.16.
3.
E.g. Nestor l’Hôte in 1839 and Karl Richard Lepsius in 1845 (El-Farag, et al. 1985: 1–2;
: 48–55).
4.
El-Farag, et al. 1985: 1–2, fig. 1;
: 14 n. 108.
5.
Farag, et al. 1985: 2;
: 149–150.
7.
El-Sayed 2011: 13–14;
.
9.
Pietschmann 1896: 1686–1690;
: 115–270.
11.
El-Sayed 2011: 13; Lippert 2014. Based on the latter reference,
: 551 describes it as an ‘Unidentified Sanctuary’.
12.
For a brief comment, see El-Farag, et al. 1985: 3–4, pl. 8c.
14.
El-Farag, et al. 1985: 3–4; Geens 2014: 41. For this common Greek personal name, see TM Nam 3756 (<
> accessed 18.06.2024).
15.
The pictorial ostraca will be published by Carolina Teotino. On the dipinto, see Baumann 2025. One might also add the personal name pȝ-dỉ͗-ỉ͗np, ‘He whom Anubis has given’, which is mentioned in connection with Athribis (ḥw.t-rpy.t); see
: 365, no. 2691.
17.
Kees 1923: 90–91. Moreover, there might have been a sanctuary in the rock necropolis of Deir el-Gebrawi (
: 263–264, 379).
18.
Jeffreys and Smith 1988: 43–58; DuQuesne 2005: 264–265, 379. On the veneration of Anubis outside Egypt, see
: 1223, n. 61.
19.
Pietschmann 1896: 1686–1690;
: 115–270.
20.
Lorenz 2016: 30–34;
: 216, n. 239. Anubis himself is rarely attested as a healer; see Renberg 2016: 354–355.
23.
Fulcher and Budka 2020; Łucejko, et al. 2017. On the substance called kedria in Greek and sfy in Egyptian, see
: 39–59.
24.
On mummification in the Graeco-Roman period, see Smith 2009: 30–38. For references regarding price lists, sales contracts, and tax receipts of embalmers, see Budka 2010: 468, n. 2729. Most recently on the undertaker and embalmer, see Aston 2011: 45–49;
: 24–33.
25.
E.g. Brier 1996: 46–53,
, 11, 13, 15–16.
30.
Chapman 2016: 143–151; Marković 2016. For other findings that are possibly related to the mummification of sacred animals, see
: 461–462.
32.
E.g. Kennedy 2023 and
.
33.
Van Walsem, et al. 1999: 22;
: 467.
36.
Petrie and Mackay 1915: 36, pl. 34;
: 42–43.
37.
Budka 2010: 467;
: 215.
38.
Dunand, et al. 2020: 162–163; Dunand, et al. 2022: 29–30.
39.
Hassan 1943: 83–95;
: 460.
40.
For the archaeological context, see Hussein 2020: 645–649. For the analysis of the embalming substances, see Rageot, et al, 2023: 287–293. For the publication of the shaft and underground chamber (M.23.II), including an updated interpretation, see
.
41.
Aston and Aston 2010: 122–123; Aston 2011: 51–52; Töpfer 2015: 339;
: 141.
42.
Smoláriková 2009; Smoláriková 2010; Bareš et al. 2024: 145–147;
: 335–346.
43.
Chapman 2016: 140;
: 213–214.
45.
Cannata 2020: 216; Vos 1993: 32; Marković 2016: 64–65. According to Meyrat 2014, the composition of the text dates to the 30th Dynasty. For a revised translation, see
.
46.
Compare the information on the structure of a wʿb.t for the holy falcon in Athribis (Lower Egypt) inscribed on the statue of Ḏd-ḥr-pȝ-šdw (Cairo, JE 46341; Jelínková-Reymond 1956: 96–101). On the components of a mummification workshop, see also
: 326–335.
47.
Bardinet 2018: 217–222;
: 223–243.
48.
Winlock 1930; Jones and Milward Jones 1982;
: 93, 173.
49.
Winlock 1922: 34, fig. 33; Brier and Wade 2005: 162–163. For a picture of the Late Period wooden embalming bed (MET accession no. 30.3.45; L: 176.5 × W: 53.5 × H: 40.4 cm) from ‘Embalmer’s Cache C’ in the Asasif, see <
> (accessed 13.08.2024).
51.
Janot 2000: 41; Kockelmann 2008;
: 621.
