Harvesting labour justice: Interrogating the social implications of sustainable transformation efforts in Sweden’s forest berry industry

Introduction

It is widely held that the conventional food system, which links a multitude of production and consumption sites across the globe, is unsustainable (e.g. Gaitán-Cremaschi et al., 2019). Increasingly, academics and food activists suggest that the key to addressing the challenges of globally stretched food systems lies in fostering food networks which reconnect food with local places (for recent reviews see Misleh, 2022; Rosol, 2020). However, concerns have been raised over the tendency within the alternative food networks (AFN) movement to overlook the workers who produce local food. This oversight is particularly glaring given the growing evidence that AFNs increasingly rely on a globally circulating migrant precariat (Alonso-Fradejas et al., 2015; Fitting et al., 2023; Getz et al., 2008; Gray, 2013; Lozanski and Baumgartner, 2022; Minkoff-Zern, 2014; Weiler, 2022; Weiler et al., 2016) as well as other forms of poorly compensated or unpaid, yet relatively privileged, labour, such as interns and volunteers (e.g. Ekers et al., 2016). As a result, precarious labour has become a defining feature of food work, not only in conventional food production but also within socially just and ecologically sustainable alternatives (e.g. Gray, 2013; Sbicca, 2015, 2018; Weiler et al., 2016).

This tendency to focus on reconnecting with ‘the local’, while obscuring the reliance on global workers, is related to a broader debate within the AFN literature regarding the scalar politics of place. Economic geographers have argued that framing ‘the local’ as a site of empowerment, while relegating ‘the global’ to the domain of capital, effectively conceals the exclusionary mechanisms of AFNs (e.g. Goodman et al., 2012). To challenge this binary scalar narrative, some scholars draw on a relational understanding of place, emphasising how ‘the local’ and ‘the global’ intersect and co-constitute one another in the sites that anchor AFNs (e.g. Goodman et al., 2012; Sonnino and Milbourne, 2022). While place-based accounts contribute significantly to making ‘the local’ more inclusive of global relations, in my view, this perspective does not fully capture or resolve the persistent marginalisation of global workers whose labour is essential to the production and sustenance of what is celebrated as local food. Instead, I argue it is necessary to shift the focus from place – termed by Feagan (2007) as the ‘quiet centre’ of food systems research – to labour justice.

Building on recent calls to integrate justice theories into food studies (Coulson and Milbourne, 2021; Goodman et al., 2012), in this paper, I draw on the work of Nancy Fraser (2007, 2008) and Iris Marion Young (1990, 2004) to develop a framework for the fair and democratic inclusion of marginalised, seasonal migrant workers in sustainable food production. Placing labour justice at the centre of analysis, in my view, offers a more direct path towards effectively reimaging food systems as spaces of collaboration, solidarity and mutual respect among workers in diverse locations across the globe than that offered by place-based approaches. It also reiterates the need to challenge the binary scalar narrative in AFN research (Goodman et al., 2012) by highlighting how the co-constitution of scales is shaped by seasonal labour migration.

The paper initiates this shift in focus towards labour justice by critically interrogating ongoing efforts to transform the criticised global forest berry food chain. In this chain, northern Sweden is primarily positioned as a key provider of raw materials, that is, forest berries, to meet international demand, rather than benefiting locally from value-added processing. Moreover, for decades, forest berry harvesting has relied on vulnerable migrant workers, mainly from Thailand, who spend a few summer months picking berries in Sweden’s vast forests, often under precarious conditions (Axelsson and Hedberg, 2018; Eriksson and Tollefsen, 2013; Hedberg et al., 2019; Herzfeld Olsson, 2018; Tollefsen et al., 2020; Woolfson et al., 2012). In response to these challenges, some food actors in northern Sweden have proposed addressing the current unsustainable nature of the forest berry food chain by localising the refinement of forest berries into high-end products (e.g. County Administrative Board of Västerbotten et al., 2021; Jonasson and Persson, 2017). However, this ‘turn to the local’ inadvertently excludes the globally circulating migrant workers who are essential to this food chain, underscoring the need for a labour justice-focused approach that prioritises empowering these marginalised workers.

The next section of the paper introduces the AFN debate in scalar terms, focusing specifically on the binary scalar narrative that characterises this debate. Following that, I present an analytical framework aimed at challenging this narrative by placing globally circulating migrant workers at the centre of the discussion about sustainable food production. The paper proceeds by exploring the manifestation of the binary scalar narrative in the debate about the sustainable transformation of the forest berry food chain, arguing that migrant labour is inadvertently excluded from these conversations. The paper ends by outlining what a socially just forest berry food chain, which comprehensively includes transient migrant workers in sustainable food production, might entail.

Scalar tensions in the food system

The spatial characteristics of food systems have been a central focus in economic geography, with scholars examining how these systems are shaped by and, in turn, reshape the geographies of production, distribution and consumption (for recent overviews, see Misleh, 2022; Rosol, 2020). When viewed through the lens of economic geography, analyses of the conventional food system often articulate the issue in scalar terms, highlighting the global expansion of production networks and the growing distance between places of production and consumption (see e.g. Feagan, 2007; Ilbery et al., 2005; Misleh, 2022). This distancing includes not only the physical separation between the places where food is produced and where it is consumed but also an intellectual and cultural disconnect, wherein consumers are detached from the origins and production practices behind their food (Feagan, 2007). In response, academics and food activists have framed localised and/or place-based models of food production, distribution and consumption as potential solutions to the complex scalar problems associated with conventional food production.

Focusing predominantly on the ‘placelessness’ of global food, one strand within the AFN literature has emphasised how unique characteristics – such as soil, climate and other regional attributes and practices – shape the meaning and quality of food products. Regional and protected-origin labelling schemes that seek to valorise provenance have become central to this commodification and consumption of place and territory (e.g. Barham, 2003; Hinrichs, 2016; Ilbery et al., 2005; Morgan et al., 2006).

Others have emphasised the importance of reducing distance, often via short food supply chains (Chiffoleau et al., 2019; Dubois, 2018; Renting et al., 2003) or sales channels that link consumers and producers through direct interaction such as farmers’ markets, food co-ops, community-supported agriculture and solidarity purchasing groups (Fendrychová and Jehlička, 2018; Holloway and Kneafsey, 2000; Olivieri, 2015; Papaoikonomou and Ginieis, 2017; Rosol, 2020). This approach not only focuses on reducing the physical distance food travels – lowering carbon emissions and supporting environmental sustainability (as illustrated in concepts like food sheds; Kloppenburg et al., 1996, and food miles; Schnell, 2013), by emphasising the benefits of shorter relational distances between farmers and consumers within AFNs, it also engages with the geographical concept of place, reflected in the emphasis on the cultivation of respect, trust, a shared commitment to nature and local food and the cultural and social meanings attached to specific locations (e.g. Feenstra, 1997, see also Feagan, 2007, on place in AFNs). Similar claims can be found in the recent discussions around territorial, or place-based, agrifood economies which suggest that food networks that connect stakeholders within defined territories and operate according to certain ethical values can improve food security and sustainability (e.g. Lamine et al., 2019; Moragues-Faus et al., 2020; Nemes et al., 2023). Thus, much of the alternative food geographies literature posits that localisation – and more recently, territorialisation – harnesses the transformative power of proximity, both physical and social, to fundamentally alter food production and consumption practices. In this way, according to some scholars, localisation has the potential to address both ecological and social concerns of globalised agrifood systems.

However, the localist tradition has faced criticism, particularly from scholars interested in scalar politics who have expressed scepticism regarding the conflation of ‘the local’ with empowerment and communitarianism and ‘the global’ with placelessness and the oppressive forces of capitalism (Born and Purcell, 2006; Feagan, 2007; Goodman et al., 2012; Hinrichs, 2000; Misleh, 2022). Indeed, ‘the local’, David Harvey (1996) famously argued, is not an innocent term. For example, AFNs might adopt a reactionary, defensive form of localism, which limits inclusion to only those within their localities or fosters competition between regions, rather than promoting innovative and equitable interactions among participants (Hinrichs, 2003; Winter, 2003). If existing disparities in wealth, power and privilege within and between localities are not addressed, AFNs could inadvertently perpetuate or exacerbate existing divisions and inequalities, rather than overturning them (Allen et al., 2003; Goodman et al., 2012; Misleh, 2022).

Consequently, a group of scholars have endeavoured to develop a form of diversity-receptive (Hinrichs, 2003) or reflexive (Goodman et al., 2012) localism. More recently, Roberta Sonnino and colleagues have added to this discussion through what they call a progressive place-based approach to food system transformation (Sonnino and Milbourne, 2022; Sonnino et al., 2016). Inspired by the ideas of Ash Amin and Doreen Massey, these scholars argue that food systems research can benefit from adopting a relational understanding of place. In this view, places are not bounded entities but are made up of extensive networks of relations. As such, the relational conceptualisation of place challenges the traditional binary scalar view in AFN research between ‘the local’ and ‘the global’.

Place-based approaches offer valuable insights for AFN research, particularly in addressing scalar tensions within the field. However, the tendency to prioritise place means that one of these scalar tensions – the reliance on global workers to produce so-called local food – has remained relatively marginalised. This is evidenced by research inspired by relational conceptualisations of place, where the global workers producing local food tend to become a group that represents just one of many ‘things’ flowing through places. This paper therefore advocates an analytical shift in focus from place to labour justice. This shift aims to more directly engage with the fair and democratic inclusion of precarious, globally circulating migrant workers in sustainable food production, with the ultimate goal of creating more inclusive food systems. Accordingly, the next section of the paper develops a conceptual framework that both critically interrogates the underlying binary scalar narrative in the AFN literature and places labour justice for this group of workers at the heart of the debate.

Scalar labour justice

Within food justice and food sovereignty research, significant progress has been made in broadening the scope of justice to include marginalised groups such as racialised urban consumers, indigenous communities, peasant farmers in the Global South and off-farm food workers (Alonso-Fradejas et al., 2015; Clendenning et al., 2016; Coulson and Milbourne, 2021; Harris and Gibbs, 2024; Sbicca, 2015). However, this perspective is incomplete without addressing the rights of another frequently overlooked marginalised group within local food production – globally circulating migrant workers (e.g. Fitting et al., 2023). The reliance on global labour in local food production is a clear manifestation of the interconnectedness between ‘the local’ and ‘the global’, where global-scale labour flows sustain local-scale production systems, and local agricultural demands maintain the continuation of global-scale labour migrations. Recognising that ‘the local’ and ‘the global’ are co-constructed through processes like seasonal labour migration is not just an analytical corrective; it is also an ethical imperative to acknowledge the contributions of global labour to so-called local food production and the right of these workers to be included in discussions about food system transformation.

Achieving labour justice in a multiscalar food system demands a justice theory capable of untangling these complex local-global labour dynamics. Consequently, I begin this discussion with Fraser’s (2007, 2008) theory of justice for an increasingly interconnected world. A central focus of Fraser’s work is the political dimension of justice. This dimension, Fraser (2007: 21) writes, specifies the reach of the two dimensions of conventional justice theory – socio-economic redistribution and cultural recognition. It ‘tells us who is included, and who is excluded, from the circle of those entitled to a just distribution and reciprocal redistribution’. Injustice arises when certain communities’ boundaries are drawn to exclude people from making claims for just distribution and reciprocal recognition.

Rethinking who has the right to claim justice in an interconnected world requires critically examining the scales at which these discussions take place. Framing justice in terms of redistribution and recognition among citizens of a nation-state, as conventional justice theory has done, Fraser (2007) argues, may exclude the globally poor from challenging oppressive forces. To a degree, then, it might seem logical to shift the focus away from the nation-state and direct it towards the local scale as the AFN movement has done. However, turning towards the local does not, Fraser argues, effectively address global injustices. Instead, it might exclude the global poor from claiming justice. Thus, she proposes adopting the ‘all-affected principle’, according to which justice is not defined by physical proximity but by the co-imbrication in a global system of advantage and disadvantage.

Young’s (2004) ‘Responsibility and global labour justice’ complements Fraser’s framework by focusing directly on global labour, emphasising the moral responsibility towards all workers within interconnected global systems. Using the example of the anti-sweatshop movement, Young suggests that populations in affluent parts of the world hold responsibility for the conditions under which the products they purchase are manufactured. According to Young, this political dimension of responsibility arises from the dense economic interactions within the transnational system, which create relative privileges and disadvantages across the globe. Reinforcing the binary scalar narrative that equates ‘the local’ with justice and ‘the global’ with exploitation is to ignore those responsibilities. It is also to ignore that AFNs are part of broader transnational networks of relations, with their global interconnectedness evident in their reliance on migrant workers (e.g. Fitting et al., 2023).

Thus, when discussing just and responsible transformation, it is not sufficient to assume, as earlier critics have already suggested (e.g. Goodman et al., 2012), that detaching food production from globally unjust food systems can redress the many detrimental effects of these systems. Instead, we must accept that justice and responsibility, as Fraser and Young put it, extend far and, thus, that we are accountable for those who produce conventional as well as local food, regardless of where they come from. This would lead to the conclusion that the right of transient migrant workers in the lowest positions – those toiling in fields or, as is the case in this paper, forests – to demand recognition and inclusion in such transformative processes cannot be overlooked, and that focusing directly on these workers is essential to complementing earlier efforts to advance the field through relational, place-based approaches.

However, critically deconstructing existing frameworks is not enough. Transformative acts of solidarity (Coulson and Milbourne, 2021) that challenge and transform the status quo are also necessary. In food studies, proposed solutions include removing exceptions that prevent migrant workers from enjoying the same labour market rights as other workers, and promoting more traditional forms of collective organisation for labour rights through trade unions (e.g. Gray 2013, Sbicca, 2018). Voluntary certifications, such as fair trade and organic labels, which set standards for production practices concerning working conditions, labour rights, wages and benefits (Getz et al., 2008; Goodman et al., 2012), have also been suggested as potential approaches. However, research has criticised third-party certifications for failing to meaningfully involve farmworkers, potentially undermining collective action and legitimising further state withdrawal (Brown and Getz, 2008; Guthman, 2014). Others argue that traditional worker organisations, such as trade unions, may be constrained by militant particularisms, making them ill-equipped to address broader challenges highlighted in localisation critiques (Coulson and Milbourne, 2021).

Thus, to establish a normative response for the fair and democratic inclusion of transient migrant workers in sustainable food production, I turn to another of Young’s (1990) influential texts, Justice and the Politics of Difference. According to Young (1990: 15), justice entails ‘the elimination of institutionalised domination and oppression’. With respect to the labour market, this implies dismantling the hierarchical division of labour, a social structure that fosters domination by assigning higher value to professional over non-professional workers, leading to oppression in the form of exploitation, powerlessness and cultural imperialism. In a socially just society, surplus value is distributed fairly among social groups and all workers, regardless of race, ethnicity or nationality, have the opportunity to exercise and develop their capacities. Moreover, all individuals, Young (1990: 91) writes, ‘have the right and opportunity to participate in the deliberation and decision-making of the institutions to which their actions contribute or that directly affect their actions’. Justice consequently demands workplace democracy, encompassing the participation of all workers in essential decisions regarding the enterprise as a whole (e.g. the division of labour, wage and profit-sharing structures, rules for hiring, promotion and electing officials) as well as decisions influencing their immediate work situations. Finally, justice requires recognising and representing the voices of the oppressed and disadvantaged, as well as facilitating self-organisation to achieve collective empowerment.

Young’s concept of labour justice provides a compelling framework for the empowerment of transient migrant workers. Integrating this with food scholarship highlights the importance of addressing deeply ingrained hierarchies in labour value – such as the privileging of small-scale farmers and artisanal food producers over the often-overlooked contributions of seasonal migrant workers (Coulson and Milbourne, 2021; Weiler, 2022), a vision that aligns with Young’s call to challenge unjust systems that privilege certain types of work and workers over others. In addition to addressing these hierarchies, food scholarship highlights the importance of collective, worker-driven change, where workers lead efforts to restructure food systems and address exploitation (Iocco and Siegmann, 2017; Minkoff-Zern, 2014; Olivieri, 2015; Sbicca, 2018). This resonates with Young’s call for workplace democracy, emphasising the importance of workers actively participating in decision-making while equitably developing their skills and capacities. Another significant focus in food scholarship is the formation of alliances – both between workers in the so-called conventional food system and food activists (Minkoff-Zern, 2014; Sbicca, 2015, 2018), and among marginalised workers across localities and scales (Allen, 2010; Iocco and Siegmann, 2017). As Coulson and Milbourne (2021) argue, fostering translocal solidarity – relations of trust and cooperation across space – is essential for achieving justice in a multiscalar food system. Through such transnational alliances, Young’s principles of labour justice can be extended across space, directly challenging the domination and oppression that currently define much of the labour landscape for globally circulating migrant workers.

In the rest of the paper, I draw on this understanding of labour justice to discuss the position of seasonal migrant workers in debates about the transformation of the forest berry food chain.

The global forest berry food chain

The forest berry food chain intricately connects various parts of the world through the production, distribution, processing and consumption of forest berries. The element in this food chain I mainly want to highlight is production. In Sweden, particularly its northern regions, significant quantities of forest berries, including bilberries, lingonberries and cloudberries, are harvested every year. Commercial forest berry harvesting relies on the ancient Swedish right to roam, which includes the freedom to forage wild berries in privately and publicly owned forests (sw. Allemansrätten). For many years, the labour-intensive commercial harvesting of these berries was almost exclusively performed by Thai nationals. During two short summer months, farmers from northeastern Thailand travelled to Sweden to harvest forest berries to complement their farming activities at home. They planted rice at home in May, travelled to Sweden in mid-July to pick berries and returned in mid-September, well ahead of the November rice harvest.

The concentration of Thai workers in forest berry harvesting was the outcome of enduring and complex ties between Thailand and Sweden, including Swedish corporate interests in Thailand, mass tourism and marriage migration (Hedberg, 2013; Webster and Haandrikman, 2016). Furthermore, understanding the involvement of Thai farmers in berry harvesting requires acknowledging the unequal global distribution of wealth, with labour from economically disadvantaged regions systematically exploited to produce inexpensive goods for consumers in wealthier regions. This dynamic is further sustained by inequalities within Thailand. Macro-economic shifts have resulted in economic disadvantages for the agriculturally based economy of the Isan region, the origin of the pickers in Sweden, prompting increased migration as a means to generate income (Eriksson and Tollefsen, 2013; Webster and Haandrikman, 2016).

A range of actors were involved in organising labour for forest berry harvesting, weaving a dense network of connections between Thailand and Sweden. In Thailand, local brokers and staffing agencies recruited and prepared workers for departure, working closely with Swedish berry companies that have direct links to berry merchants, as this connection is necessary to obtain a work permit in Sweden (Hedberg and Olofsson, 2022). Merchants provide essential infrastructure, such as large-scale freezers, and distribute forest berries globally, negotiating prices with their primary customers – global extraction companies. Annual agreements dictate the delivery of berries, commencing from regions with earlier berry seasons, such as Poland and Belarus, and progressing northward to Russia, Sweden and Finland. An oversupply of berries in foreign markets impacts the demand for Swedish berries, influencing the pickers’ earnings (Hedberg, 2013). Consequently, the existence of a global market for wild forest berries directly shapes pricing dynamics in Sweden, creating a demand for migrant labour willing to accept low wages.

Methods

This paper uses the case of the forest berry food chain to discuss the role of globally circulating migrant workers in so-called local food production. Geographically, it centres on Västerbotten, a sparsely populated, forested region in northern Sweden where approximately one-fifth of Sweden’s annual wild berry production, totalling around 500,000 tonnes, is estimated to grow. Additionally, it is estimated that 40% of all commercial harvesting of forest berries occurs in this region (Jonasson and Persson, 2017).

The paper draws on analysis of a selection of documentary sources including national strategies for rural areas, regional development and food provision, regional strategies for regional development, food provision and forest management and reports about forest berries. It also draws on 25 interviews conducted in 2022–2023 in the research project Wild berry shifting: Sustainability transitions and diverse economies in a rural ‘sparseland’ (grant 2021-02226). Interviews were conducted with a wide spectrum of actors, including regional and local government representatives, representatives for research institutes and universities, local entrepreneurs engaged in small-scale refinement of forest berries into consumer products and civil society actors. The focus of this project on the actors involved in the transformation of the forest berry food chain through the refinement of berries into high-end consumer products led to a consideration of the role of transient migrant labour based on sources other than direct interviews with workers.

Initial coding of the documents and interview transcripts followed the principles of thematic analysis. Initial codes focused on the interviewees’ perceptions of the forest berry food chain, encompassing their descriptions of its challenges and their understanding of what sustainability, justice and equality mean within the context of this food chain. In the second stage of analysis, to delve deeper into a recurrent underlying transition narrative in documents and interviews, I concentrated, first, on how the current organisation of the forest berry food chain was depicted as problematic and, second, on the various solutions proposed by different actors to address these challenges. Through repeated cycles of focused coding, I examined how these problems and solutions were discussed in scalar terms. In the final, third stage of analysis, I applied the theoretical ideas of labour justice, outlined earlier, to critically examine what might be entailed by a socially just forest berry food chain, which prioritises the well-being and rights of workers involved in forest berry harvesting, regardless of their origin. The following sections present the findings from this in-depth analysis.

Local solutions to global problems in the forest berry food chain?

As discussed earlier, issues related to global food systems, along with their potential solutions, are frequently articulated in binary scalar terms. Within the literature on AFNs, as numerous scholars have proposed, there is an underlying scalar narrative which implies that local food production operates in stark contrast to exploitative global forces. In this section of the paper, I explore the manifestation of this binary scalar narrative within the Västerbotten debate about the transformation of the forest berry food chain.

Harvesting for labour justice in the forest berry food chain

In this section, I discuss how the well-being and rights of all workers in forest berry harvesting, regardless of their origin, can be prioritised. This requires acknowledging that ‘the local’ cannot be separated neatly from ‘the global’. As discussed earlier, Västerbotten is intricately embedded in a forest berry food chain which extends across the globe, and most of the small-scale artisan food producers in this study rely on forest berries picked by migrant workers, whose temporary presence in Sweden is the result of such global interconnectedness.

Accepting that the forest berry food chain is global and that everyone involved is embedded in the same capitalist structure, necessitates recognising that the forest berry industry – and Sweden – has obligations to individuals whose labour has subsidised the industry for decades, and whose skills are essential for the industry to thrive. As Young might put it, as beneficiaries of the hard labour and skills of Thai migrant workers, affluent Sweden, including its population, industrial entities and public authorities, shares a collective moral responsibility to address the structural injustices contributing to the vulnerability of this migrant group. Moreover, centring labour justice requires acknowledging the rights of these migrant workers to demand recognition for their hard work and skills, and to demand fair inclusion in transformative efforts aimed at restructuring this food chain.

When translated into positive normative language for the fair and meaningful inclusion of transient migrant workers, Young’s (1990) framework of oppression in the labour market emphasises, first, the necessity of ensuring that these global workers receive a larger share of the economic value generated through the harvesting and refinement of forest berries. Furthermore, Young’s framework suggests that the skills involved in harvesting large quantities of forest berries should be recognised and that migrant workers should be granted access to higher-paid tasks, especially those that are seasonal in nature, to enable them to develop their capacities while sustaining their lives in Thailand. Finally, it suggests that workers should be granted a genuine voice in decisions affecting their work. This empowerment ensures their active participation in shaping the conditions and processes that directly impact them, fostering a more democratic and inclusive incorporation of workers. Based on these ideas, in the rest of this section, I discuss three potential routes to a fairer distribution of surplus value, as well as greater recognition and voice for workers in the forest berry food chain.

The first route I want to consider is directly employing migrant forest berry harvesters in Sweden, rather than relying on Thai staffing agencies. Currently, the Thai berry harvesters are covered by Swedish labour market regulations and collective agreements. However, transnational employment arrangements – that is, when workers are employed in one country to work in another – are notoriously difficult to regulate (Axelsson and Hedberg, 2018). Employing workers in Sweden would not only support seasonal migrant workers’ rights to demand recognition and inclusion, as Fraser might argue. It would potentially also reduce the unfair transfer of value produced by Thai berry pickers to more powerful actors in the forest berry food chain by reducing the number of profit-seeking actors currently involved in the channelling of this labour to Sweden.

However, employment in Sweden does not automatically guarantee a fair distribution of resources, or greater recognition and voice. In fact, given the history of exploitation of workers from Thailand by certain Swedish berry companies (Eriksson and Tollefsen, 2013), it may not even guarantee fair payment and decent working conditions. Entrusting Swedish berry companies with the primary responsibility for the well-being of workers may not, therefore, effectively address the unfair transfer of value or contribute to the recognition of the skills needed to harvest large quantities of forest berries. Nor does it fundamentally challenge global divisions of labour or racial segmentation of the labour market.

Drawing inspiration from food studies research that emphasises collective, worker-driven change and translocal solidarity and alliance building (e.g. Coulson and Milbourne, 2021; Iocco and Siegmann, 2017; Minkoff-Zern, 2014; Sbicca, 2018), I therefore want to consider a different route to the fair and democratic inclusion of migrant workers in a transformed forest berry food chain. Inspiration can be drawn, for example, from initiatives such as SOS Rosarno, a solidarity project which bridges divisions between migrant farmworkers and small-scale farmers (Iocco and Siegmann, 2017; Olivieri, 2015), and from the cooperative movement, which exemplifies a form of democracy at work (Rothschild, 2009), by enabling members to collaboratively determine production methods and strategies, fostering shared decision-making and collective empowerment.

Together with colleagues, I have previously argued that workers from Thailand could form a cooperative, eliminating the need for Thai staffing agencies (Hedberg et al., 2019). In this paper, I want to propose that the establishment of jointly owned, democratically controlled translocal cooperatives involving both Thai and Swedish counterparts could reshape relationships between producers and consumers of forest berry products, foster harmonious translocal connections within and between rural communities in Sweden and Thailand, empower marginalised communities in both countries, and cultivate a commitment to nature that contrasts both with the current exploitative mechanisms of the global forest berry food chain and the exclusionary mechanisms associated with localisation efforts.

In translocal cooperatives, both Thai and Swedish actors can contribute diverse skills, minimise the unfair transfer of benefits from the hard labour performed by Thai migrant workers to others, and challenge the hierarchical division of labour that has positioned Thai migrant workers at the bottom of a racially segmented labour market. Such initiatives can help to overcome the artificial separation between different types of labour within sustainable food production, recognising all contributions as equally valuable and interconnected (Coulson and Milbourne, 2021; Weiler, 2022). Thus, contrary to the perspective favoured by many local food advocates – suggesting that better pay and working conditions will trickle down to temporary migrant workers if large-scale refinement industries are established in Västerbotten – or that the solution lies in the exclusion of migrant labour from forest berry harvesting, this approach underscores that achieving labour justice in the forest berry food chain necessitates addressing inequalities to ensure that all workers, regardless of nationality and communities in diverse locations, can thrive.

However, to achieve justice for these workers from Thailand, who have long protested against the unfair appropriation of the value they produce (Eriksson et al., 2019), it is imperative to actively listen to their voices. Therefore, in conclusion, I want to consider a recent initiative proposed by the workers themselves: the establishment of a government-to-government framework. This initiative should involve Thai workers directly in negotiations, ensuring fair contracts, while holding employers accountable for the workers’ well-being and covering associated travel and living expenses, recognising the crucial role of Thai berry pickers in forest berry harvesting (Prachatai, 2024). This suggestion resonates with an argument presented by Gray (2013), emphasising the necessity of reinstating the state in food production to foster a genuine social movement. Given that this option is favoured by the workers, it warrants deeper investigation to assess its potential in ensuring fair distribution, and better recognition and voice for migrant food workers, and in reconciling the local-global binary in sustainable food systems research.

Conclusion

Efforts to transform food systems have been debated for some time. While localisation initiatives have been heralded as potential solutions to injustices within global food systems, critical scholars have cautioned against overlooking their exclusionary and polarising effects (e.g. Hinrichs, 2003; Winter, 2003). Among those often excluded from debates about food system transformation are seasonal migrant workers, whose labour underpins local food production (e.g. Fitting et al., 2023; Gray, 2013; Lozanski and Baumgartner, 2022). However, rather than prioritising justice and equity for transient migrant workers, the tendency in economic geography has been to focus on advancing the concept of place in AFN research, refining it to better account for the global interconnectedness of the places of food production and consumption (Goodman et al., 2012; Sonnino and Milbourne, 2022). One of the aims of this paper has consequently been to firmly place seasonal migrant workers at the centre of discussions about food system transformation.

By focusing on how the co-constitution of scales coalesce around seasonal labour migration, the paper has not only reiterated the necessity of moving beyond the binary scalar view in AFN research – where ‘the local’ is framed as a site of empowerment and communitarianism, and ‘the global’ is associated with placelessness and the oppressive forces of capitalism (Born and Purcell, 2006; Goodman et al., 2012; Misleh, 2022) – but has also argued that recognising the co-constructed nature of ‘the local’ and ‘the global’ through seasonal labour migration is an ethical imperative. This recognition is essential for ensuring the rights of transient migrant workers to be included in discussions about food system transformation. Thus, in addition to criticising how the binary scalar view has led to their exclusion from debates about food system transformation, a further aim of the paper has been to move the debate forward by providing a normative framework for the fair and democratic incorporation of the globally circulating migrant precariat in sustainable food production.

The scalar labour justice framework presented in this paper recognises that the inherent value of all workers within food systems must be recognised and that hierarchical, global divisions of labour must be denaturalised to ensure fair distribution, and better recognition and voice for transient migrant workers in so-called local food production. In doing so, it reiterates previous calls to prioritise social justice alongside ecological sustainability in food systems research (Goodman et al., 2012; Gray, 2013).

This paper has critically examined the politics of localisation efforts in Västerbotten and considered three responses to the current, unsustainable nature of the forest berry food chain. The first response, favoured by a group of globally circulating workers themselves, involves collaboration between the governments of Sweden and Thailand to accept shared responsibility for these workers, while granting them a voice and a fair share of the value generated by forest berries. The second response aims to overcome the global-local binary by fully integrating migrant food workers into the Swedish labour market. The third response seeks to transcend the local-global binary by fostering translocal alliances around labour rights (see also Allen, 2010; Coulson and Milbourne, 2021; Iocco and Siegmann, 2017). This approach emphasises the role of worker self-determination to minimise the unfair transfer of benefits from their labour, ensure recognition of their current skills and provide opportunities for skill development. By highlighting these responses, the paper calls for a reimagining of food systems as sites of collaboration, solidarity and mutual respect among diverse communities and social groups, underscoring the importance of challenging hierarchical, global divisions of labour for any meaningful shift towards sustainable food production.

While this paper offers an initial exploration of labour justice in food system transformation, future research should more deeply engage with marginalised workers and communities across localities and scales. This approach would ensure that their diverse voices are adequately represented in the transformation of food systems and contribute to addressing the structural inequalities that persist within them.