Prostitution Myth Endorsement

Prostitution Myth Endorsement

Currently, there are few published analyses of prostitution myth endorsement in the United States (e.g., Basow & Campanile, 1990; Long, Mollen, & Smith, 2012; Sawyer et al., 2001). Basow and Campanile (1990) examined profeminist beliefs and anti-prostitution attitudes, while Sawyer, Metz, Hinds, and Brucker (2001) looked at the effect of buyers’ demographic characteristics on prostitution myth endorsement. Long, Mollen, and Smith (2012) reported that attitudes toward sex workers related to hostility toward women, tendency toward socially desirable responding, and knowing a sex worker. While these studies have provided valuable contributions to research on prostitution myth endorsement, additional scholarship is needed to clarify factors that predict these attributions.

In their 1990 study, Basow and Campanile examined the relation of prostitution myth endorsement to attitudes toward feminism in a sample of U.S. college students. Both women participants and students with profeminist attitudes were more likely to identify prostitution as a form of female subordination and exploitation, compared to men and participants who endorsed antifeminist attitudes. In a subsequent study, Sawyer and colleagues (2001) examined prostitution myth endorsement among 140 men sex buyers (i.e., “johns”). Buyers held inaccurate beliefs about prostitution: that prostituted women enjoyed their “work,” felt favorably about being bought and sold, exercised agency in their work, and made a lot of money. Sawyer and colleagues surmised that these views facilitated buyers’ use of women in prostitution without guilt. Despite myth adherence, buyers reported limited approval of prostitution as it would affect their familial relationships, such that they would not marry a “prostitute,” not want their daughter engaged in prostitution, nor would they approve of their son soliciting prostitution. This suggests a general disapproval of prostitution and a conceptual distancing of prostitution as something that “other people” participate in, notwithstanding buyers’ documented purchasing of women.

Long and colleagues (2012) assessed women college students’ attitudes toward sex workers as a function of hostility toward women, degree of interpersonal contact with individuals in the sex trade, and social desirability. Women who had previous contact with a person in the sex trade were less likely to endorse negative stereotypes of sex workers, when compared to women with no previous contact. In addition, higher scores on social desirability and hostility toward women scales predicted increased support for stereotypes about prostitution, including that (a) women in the sex trade are responsible for the epidemic of sexually transmitted disease in this country, (b) most prostitutes are unattractive and wear flashy clothing, and (c) tougher laws prohibiting prostitution would decrease other forms of criminal activity in the area. These views further exacerbated the attributions of culpability and “otherness” that individuals had a tendency to employ when thinking about prostitution. Long et al. noted that the positive relation between social desirability and prostitution myth endorsement may reflect the social desirability of discriminatory attitudes toward particular marginalized groups. This possibility underscores the importance of identifying factors associated with prostitution myth endorsement to help explain why women in the sex trade continue to face stigma and experience victimization rather than being met with support and service provision.

Gender as a Predictor of Prostitution Myth Endorsement

Compared to women, men have been significantly more likely to report sexist attitudes (Glick & Fiske, 2012), endorse rape myths (Bannon, Brosi, & Foubert, 2013; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010; Vonderhaar & Carmody, 2015), attribute blame to rape victims, and have less empathy for sexual assault survivors (Hockett, Smith, Klausing, & Saucier, 2016). On average, men have reported lower levels of self-control (Higgins & Tewksbury, 2006), increased rates of pornography consumption (Carroll et al., 2008), and have been significantly more likely to accept prostitution myths (Cotton et al., 2002), when compared to women. Given these findings, we expected that gender would moderate the relations between individual-level predictors and the dependent variable, such that men would be significantly more likely than women to endorse prostitution myths, as a result of increased sexist attitudes toward women, lower self-control, more frequent pornography consumption, and fewer sexual victimization experiences.

Sexist Attitudes Toward Women

Adherence to discriminatory attitudes toward women, including sexism and traditional sex role stereotypes, has been associated with rape myth endorsement and the perpetration of sexual assault and intimate partner violence (Ali & Naylor, 2013; Aosved & Long, 2006; Franklin, Bouffard, & Pratt, 2012; Herrero, Torres, Fernandez-Suarez, & Rodriguez-Diaz, 2016; Lutz-Zois, Moler, & Brown, 2015). Moreover, participants with sexist attitudes have perceived rape victims as less respectable, more provocative, and more deserving of blame when compared to more egalitarian respondents (see van der Bruggen & Grubb, 2014, for a review). Menaker and Miller (2013) reported research participants with higher sexism scores showed reduced empathy toward a prostituted female youth. Moreover, participants with higher sexist attitudes reported negative reactions toward the prostituted youth and were more likely than participants with less sexist attitudes to characterize her as “irresponsible,” “immoral,” “weak,” and “stupid.” Harmful misrepresentations of women in the sex trade may be a component of misogynistic and inaccurate beliefs about women in general, so that individuals maintaining sexist attitudes toward women will also be more likely to endorse myths about prostitution.

Sexual Victimization History

In research on rape victim blame, observers with sexual victimization histories have demonstrated greater empathy toward sexual assault survivors (Osman, 2011, 2015), and less rape myth acceptance (Vonderhaar & Carmody, 2015), compared to non-victims. Victims have also reported increased perceptions of similarity to a rape victim and have attributed less blame toward her for her victimization (Brown, Messman-Moore, Miller, & Stasser, 2005; Miller, Amacker, & King, 2011). In light of the positive relation between rape myth endorsement and prostitution myth endorsement in prior samples (Cotton et al., 2002), coupled with findings that rape survivors have reported lower rape myth acceptance and increased empathy for sexual assault victims, we reasoned that sexual assault survivors would be more empathic toward women in the sex trade and would be less likely to endorse prostitution myths, compared to participants with no history of sexual victimization.

Self-Control Deficits

Low self-control has been associated with greater external attributions of blame, a number of deviant and criminal behaviors, and behaviors that are not criminal but are gratifying and require little behavioral inhibition, gratification delay, and impulse control (Peersen, Gudjonsson, & Sigurdsson, 2000; Pratt & Cullen, 2000). Individuals with self-control deficits may be less willing or able to engage in advanced critical thinking about complex issues and may form opinions of others based on stereotypes and superficial personal characteristics that do not require abstract cognition or perspective taking (see Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). This is particularly relevant when considering marginalized or stigmatized groups, such as women in the sex trade. Studies have found a positive relation between self-control deficits and other factors associated with violence against women, including increased pornography consumption (Franklin et al., 2012) and rape myth acceptance (Franklin et al., 2012; Franklin, 2015). In addition, Gray, Palileo, and Johnson (1993) found that men low in self-control were more likely to blame rape victims than men high in self-control. These findings suggest that individuals with self-control deficits may be less able to critically assess the inherently exploitative nature of prostitution or empathize with women involved and, subsequently, may be more likely to endorse prostitution myths compared to individuals with high self-control.

Pornography Consumption

Scholars have argued that pornography is a form of prostitution that is systematically harmful to women and cannot be separated from the institution of prostitution as a distinct phenomenon (e.g., Dworkin, 2000; Farley, 2006). Reviews of best-selling heterosexual pornography have revealed that the materials overwhelmingly depict women as functioning solely for sexual gratification of men and as eager participants in sex acts that often lack reciprocity or affection and frequently involve degradation, humiliation, and gendered violence (Bridges, Wosnitzer, Scharrer, Sun, & Liberman, 2010). Pornographic depictions of sexualized power hierarchies where women are demeaned and objectified have reflected a cultural standard of sexually exploiting women and may influence consumers’ perceptions of appropriate sexual interactions between consenting adults (Franklin, 2013; Jensen, 2007; Sun, Bridges, Johnason, & Ezzell, 2014). Men and women who frequently watch pornography have been more accepting of rape myths, violence against women, and rape perpetration (Foubert, Brosi, & Bannon, 2011; Hald, Lange, & Malamuth, 2013; Hald, Malamuth, & Yuen, 2010; Malamuth, Addison, & Koss, 2000; Vega & Malamuth, 2007).

The confluence model of sexual aggression, developed by Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, and Tanaka (1991), has provided a framework for research on pornography consumption and sexual violence (Malamuth, Hald, & Koss, 2012), as well as research on purchasing sex (Farley, Golding, Matthews, Malamuth, & Jarrett, 2015). Malamuth and colleagues proposed that the interaction of risk factors related to hostile masculinity and impersonal sex would increase the likelihood of sexual aggression. Using the confluence model of sexual aggression, Malamuth, Hald, and Koss (2012) found a positive relation between pornography consumption and attitudes supporting violence against women was moderated by individual differences in risk for sexual aggression in a sample of men. In other words, attitudes supporting violence against women were only influenced by frequent pornography use among men who were already at high risk for perpetrating sexual aggression. In a related study, Farley, Golding, Matthews, Malamuth, and Jarrett (2015) found that, compared to men who do not buy sex, men sex buyers exhibited significantly more attitudes and behaviors (e.g., hostile masculinity, preference for impersonal sex, greater self-reported likelihood of raping) predictive of sexual aggression within the confluence model of sexual aggression. In light of evidence that pornography consumption is associated with sexual aggression (Malamuth, Hald, & Koss, 2012), and that sex buyers have reported characteristics predictive of sexual violence (Farley et al., 2015), it is possible that higher frequency of pornography consumption may be correlated with greater prostitution myth endorsement.

The Present Study

In the present study, we examined the degree to which individual-level factors predicted prostitution myth endorsement among a U.S. sample of undergraduate students. ¹ Several individual factors have been conspicuously absent from existing literature and include (a) participants’ sexist attitudes toward women, (b) participants’ prior sexual victimization, (c) participants’ self-control deficits, and (d) participants’ frequency of pornography consumption. Selection of these individual-level predictors of perceiver prostitution myth endorsement in the present study was guided by a feminist theoretical framework (e.g., Dicker, 2008; Freedman, 2002), positing that individuals who adhere to particularly damaging attitudes (i.e., sexism toward women) and engage in behaviors that are symptomatic of a patriarchal culture (i.e., mainstream pornography consumption; Malamuth et al., 2012) may also endorse prostitution myths. In light of existing theoretical and empirical work on the topic of gender inequality, prostitution myths, and negative consequences for women, the present study tested the following hypotheses: (a) Sexist attitudes toward women and frequency of pornography consumption will predict higher prostitution myth endorsement (Hypothesis 1); (b) Prior sexual victimization and participant low self-control will predict higher prostitution myth endorsement (Hypothesis 2); (c) Being a man will be significantly positively correlated with prostitution myth endorsement, sexist attitudes toward women, and pornography consumption and will be significantly negatively correlated with self-control (Hypothesis 3); (d) Being a woman will be significantly negatively correlated with prostitution myth endorsement and significantly positively correlated with lifetime sexual victimization and self-control (Hypothesis 4); (e) In a multivariate regression model, being male, holding increased sexist attitudes toward women, and increased frequency of pornography consumption will predict higher prostitution myth endorsement, whereas sexual victimization history and increased self-control will predict lower prostitution myth endorsement (Hypothesis 5); (f) Gender will moderate the relation between prostitution myth endorsement and sexist attitudes, frequency of pornography consumption, and self-control, such that men will report stronger links compared to women (Hypothesis 6); (g) Gender will moderate the relation between prostitution myth endorsement and experiences of sexual victimization, such that women will report stronger links compared to men.

Demographic Variables

A series of items were included on the survey instrument to capture the demographic characteristics of participants and included age, race, gender, year in college, employment status, university Greek affiliation, university athletic team membership, and political affiliation. Age was a continuous measure in years (M = 20.76, SD = 2.05). Race was captured through the use of three dummy variables to represent White (n = 199, 56.1%), Black (n = 73, 20.6%), and Latino/Latina (n = 77, 21.7%). Gender was a dichotomous variable where “male” was coded 0 (n = 159, 44.8%) and “female” was coded 1 (n = 196, 55.2%). Year in college was captured as an ordinal variable with “first year” coded 1 (n = 89, 25.1%), “sophomore” coded 2 (n = 69, 19.4%), “junior” coded 3 (n = 115, 32.4%), and “senior” coded 4 (n = 82, 23.1%). Employment status was captured with a dichotomous variable where “unemployed” was coded 0 (n = 183, 51.8%) and “employed” was coded 1 (n = 170, 48.2%). Greek affiliation was captured dichotomously where “non-affiliation” was coded 0 (n = 310, 87.8%) and “affiliation” was coded 1 (n = 43, 12.2%). Political affiliation was captured on an ordinal scale from 1 (very conservative) to 7 (very liberal; M = 3.88, SD = 1.33). Finally, university athletic membership was captured dichotomously where “non-membership” was coded 0 (n = 327, 92.6%) and “membership” was coded 1 (n = 26, 7.4%).

Dependent Variable: Prostitution Myth Endorsement

An initial pool of 19 items was generated using five slightly modified items (see, e.g., Menaker & Miller, 2013) from the Attitudes Toward Prostitution Scale (Sawyer & Metz, 2009; Sawyer et al., 2001) to capture adherence to negative attitudes toward prostitution, and 14 items created by the authors to capture common misperceptions of prostitution. Items were measured on a 5-point Likert-type scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The 19 items were subjected to exploratory factor analysis, which produced one factor with an Eigenvalue greater than 1, accounting for 24.91% of the variance. The factor comprised 11 items and was labeled prostitution myth endorsement. While 2 items neared the 0.4 cutoff standard, they were not retained for analyses (see Appendix A). Although these items represent beliefs that may contribute to the solicitation of prostitution, to date they have not been established as “myths” that are refutable by empirical evidence. We determined these items did not contribute to the scale in a theoretically meaningful way with the potential to inform practice and made the decision to exclude them from the final analysis. An additive index was created using the 11 items, with higher scores indicating stronger endorsement of prostitution myths (M = 1.73, SD = .50, α = .817). Mean values for the 11 items making up the prostitution myth endorsement index ranged from 1.20 to 2.52, and standard deviations ranged from 0.48 to 0.03, indicating adequate variability for the 11-items. Appendix A presents the initial pool of 19 items and factor loadings. The internal consistency reliability for the 11 items retained in the analysis was .87. ²

Independent Variables

Plan of Analysis

The analysis proceeded in four stages. First, bivariate correlations, means, and standard deviations of study variables were calculated for the full sample. Bivariate correlations, means, and standard deviations for study variables as a function of gender were calculated. Gender differences were tested with independent samples t-tests. Finally, a moderated multiple regression was estimated with prostitution myth endorsement regressed on the five predictor variables and gender tested as a moderator. This strategy was employed to determine whether, and the extent to which, participant factors significantly predicted prostitution myth endorsement and to do so when independent predictors were considered simultaneously (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). Gender was entered into the regression model first to determine whether substantive and significant relations emerged between gender and the dependent variable. Second, covariates were entered into the regression model to determine whether and the degree to which substantive and significant effects emerged after any potential gender effects had been accounted for. Finally, moderation analyses were employed by entering interaction terms in the final model. Semi-partial correlations were computed to determine the unique variance accounted for by each predictor variable.

Descriptive Statistics and Correlations for the Whole Sample

Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics for the full sample for each of the variables used in the analysis. Participants scored well below the scale mid-point on negative attitudes about prostitution, as measured by the 11-item prostitution myth endorsement index. Participants scored just above the scale midpoint regarding sexist attitudes toward women. Approximately 35% of the sample reported lifetime sexual assault victimization as defined by the SES (Koss et al., 2007). Mean scores on self-control demonstrated that participants scored well above the scale mid-point. Finally, participants reported mean frequency of pornography consumption in the lower quartile, and 70.4% of participants reported at least some consumption of pornographic media within the previous 6 months.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 1.

Summary of Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations for Study Variables.

Measure	1	2	3	4	5	6
1. Prostitution myth endorsement	—
2. Sexist attitudes toward women	.30*	—
3. Lifetime sexual victimizationa	−.04	−.12*	—
4. Self-control	−.34*	−.36*	−.18*	—
5. Pornography consumption	.30*	.20*	.05	−.25*	—
6. Gender	−.29*	−.52*	.22*	.15*	−.36*	—
M	1.73	2.35	0.35	3.53	0.64
SD	0.50	0.43	0.48	0.41	0.62

Note. For all scales, higher scores are indicative of more extreme responding in the direction of the constructed assessment.

^aNo sexual victimization = 0, any sexual victimization = 1.

*Correlation is significant at the p < .05 level (two-tailed).

Table 1 also presents the bivariate correlations for the full sample. There was a moderate, positive, significant relation between sexist attitudes toward women and prostitution myth endorsement, r(352) = .30, p = .000, and between pornography consumption and prostitution myth endorsement, r(352) = .30 p = .000, supporting the predictions outlined in Hypothesis 1. Self-control was negatively and significantly related to prostitution myth endorsement, r(352) = −.34, p = .000, and the magnitude of this relation was moderate, providing partial support for Hypothesis 2. There were also several significant relations between gender and the study variables of interest. Results from the zero-order correlation matrix revealed a moderate, significant relation between gender (M = 0, F = 1) and prostitution myth endorsement, r(352) = −.29 p = .00; a strong, significant relation between gender and sexist attitudes toward women, r(353) = −.52, p = .000; and a moderate, significant relation between gender and pornography consumption frequency, r(353) = −.36, p = .000. Results demonstrated a weak, but positive significant relation between gender and self-control, r(353) = .15, p = .004, and between gender and lifetime sexual victimization, r(353) = .22, p = .000. Bivariate correlations presented in Table 1 provide preliminary support for Hypotheses 3 and 4.

Gender Differences in Study Variables

Table 2 presents a summary of the bivariate correlations, means, and standard deviations for each of the study variables as a function of gender. Among males, there was a weak, but positive, significant relation between sexist attitudes toward women and prostitution myth endorsement, r(157) = .22, p = .005, and between pornography consumption and prostitution myth endorsement, r(157) = .29, p = .000. In the subsample of men, self-control was a moderately significant negative predictor of prostitution myth endorsement, r(157) = −.36, p = .000; increased scores on the self-control scale were related to decreased endorsement of prostitution myths. Among women, pornography consumption was significantly positively related to prostitution myth endorsement, r(193) = .15, p = .041. In addition, among women, self-control was significant and negatively related to prostitution myth endorsement, r(193) = −.27, p = .000. Table 2 also presents mean differences among the independent variables between gender groups using independent samples t-tests (men = 0, women = 1). There were significant between-group differences for mean scores on all five variables. Specifically, men reported significantly higher mean levels of prostitution myth endorsement as compared to women, t(352) = 5.65, p = .000, d = 0.61. Men scored higher on sexist attitudes toward women as compared to women participants, t(353) = 11.07, p = .000, d = 1.19. Men also reported increased frequency of pornography consumption when compared to women, t(353) = 7.28, p = .000, d = 0.77. Significantly more women reported experiences of lifetime sexual victimization compared to men, t(353) = −4.21, p = .000, d = 0.45, and women reported significantly higher levels of self-control than men, t(353) = −2.90, p = .004, d = 0.30.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 2.

Summary of Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations for Study Variables as a Function of Gender.

Measure	1	2	3	4	5	M	SD
1. Prostitution myth endorsement	—	.22*	−.01	−.36*	.29*	1.89*	.51
2. Sexist attitudes toward women	.12	—	.15	−.53*	.14	2.59*	.42
3. Lifetime sexual victimization	.04	−.15*	—	−.31*	.06	0.23*	.42
4. Self-control	−.27*	−.15*	−.15*	—	−.35*	3.46*	.39
5. Pornography consumption	.15*	−.13	.21*	−.10	—	0.89*	.61
M	1.60*	2.14*	.44*	3.58*	0.44*
SD	.44	.33	.50	.41	.56

Note. Correlations for men are presented above the diagonal, and correlations for women are presented below the diagonal. Means and standard deviations for men are presented in the horizontal rows, and means and standard deviations for women are presented in the vertical columns. For all scales, higher scores are indicative of more extreme responding in the direction of the constructed assessment.

*Correlation is significant at the p < .05 level (two-tailed).

Moderated Multiple Ordinary Least Squares Regression Predicting Prostitution Myth Endorsement

The predictor variables were intercorrelated and, as a result, a moderated multiple OLS regression analysis was conducted to determine which variables remained significant independent predictors when all variables were entered simultaneously. Table 3 presents the results of the OLS regression model predicting prostitution myth endorsement. The regression equation presented in Model 1 was statistically significant, R² = .09, F(1, 385) = 38.22, p = .000. Gender (men = 0, women = 1) was a significant, negative predictor of prostitution myth endorsement, b = −0.30, t(385) = −6.41, p = .000. In Model 2, prostitution myth endorsement was regressed on the additional four independent variables and gender. The regression equation in Model 2 was significant, R² = .21, F (5, 348) = 17.92, p = .000. After accounting for the remaining independent predictors, the relation between gender and prostitution myth endorsement was significant, b = −0.12, t(362) = −2.06, p = .041. Self-control was a significant, negative predictor of prostitution myth endorsement, b = −0.31, t(362) = −4.67, p = .000, where increased scores on the self-control scale predicted decreased endorsement of prostitution-related myths. In addition, pornography consumption frequency was a significant, positive predictor of the dependent variable, b = 0.14, t(362) = 3.32, p = .001, such that increased frequency of pornography predicted increased endorsement of prostitution myths. Sexist attitudes toward women and prior victimization history were not significant predictors of the dependent variable. To further clarify these relations, semi-partial correlations were calculated and indicated that self-control accounted for 5% of the variance in the dependent variable. One percent of the variance in prostitution myth endorsement was accounted for by gender, and 3% of the variance in prostitution myth endorsement was accounted for by pornography consumption. Findings provide partial support for Hypothesis 5.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 3.

Multivariate OLS Regression Model Predicting Prostitution Myth Endorsement.

	Model 1				Model 2				Model 3
Independent Variables	b	β	t-Ratio	sr 2	b	β	t-Ratio	sr 2	b	β	t-Ratio	sr 2
Gender	−0.30	−0.31	−6.41*	−0.09	−0.12	−0.12	−2.06*	−0.01	−0.83	−0.73	−1.14	−0.00
Sexist attitudes toward women					0.11	0.10	1.65	0.01	0.06	0.06	0.64	0.00
Lifetime sexual victimization					−0.06	−0.06	−1.17	−0.00	−0.15	−0.14	−1.68	−0.00
Self-control					−0.31	−0.25	−4.67*	−0.05	−0.41	−0.33	−3.43*	−0.03
Pornography consumption					0.14	0.18	3.32*	0.03	0.15	0.19	2.45*	0.01
Gender × Sexist Attitudes									0.08	0.17	0.54	0.00
Gender × Lifetime Victimization									0.14	0.11	1.26	0.00
Gender × Self-Control									0.15	0.53	1.01	0.05
Gender × Pornography									−0.05	−0.04	−0.54	−0.00
Constant	1.89		53.72*		2.55		7.34*		3.03		5.00*
Model R	.30*				.45*				.46*
R 2	.09*				.21*				21*
F	38.22*				17.92*				10.21*

Note. sr² = semi-partial correlation.

*p < .05.

In the final stage of the OLS regression model, interaction terms were added to identify whether and the degree to which gender moderated the effect of the independent predictors on prostitution myth endorsement. Model 3 produced a significant regression equation, R² = .21, F(9, 354) = 10.21, p = .000. The results presented in Model 3 indicate there were no significant moderating effects of gender as it interacted with sexist attitudes toward women, lifetime sexual victimization, self-control, or pornography consumption. These results refute Hypotheses 6 and 7.

Limitations of the Study

In all, findings presented in this study demonstrate that a feminist perspective is useful for understanding predictors of negative attitudes toward women in the sex trade, although this study is not without limitations. First, data are correlational and must be interpreted with caution. In addition, data were collected from a college student sample, and respondents’ average age was 21 years-old. Consequently, these findings may not represent the viewpoint of the general population, particularly among middle-aged and older adults. Sawyer et al. (2001) found that age significantly predicted whether men participants were approving of prostitution or endorsed inaccurate beliefs about the sex trade (i.e., younger men were more likely than older men to have these attitudes), indicating that age is an important consideration for future research in this area. In addition, sensitive information was collected from this sample and the data did not include a measure of socially desirable responding, so social desirability cannot be ruled out. It is important to note that the measure of prostitution myth endorsement was created for this study and requires further development and validation with more nationally representative samples that are diverse in age and ethnicity. Our results should be tested by a confirmatory factor analysis with another sample before the measure of prostitution myth endorsement, and the results reported here, can be fully accepted. Further, particular items contained in the prostitution myth endorsement measure may function differently for men, as compared to women, and this bias may have muddled findings related to moderation by gender. In addition, moderation analyses had limited statistical power, given the gender breakdown of the sample. Despite the failure to detect moderation in the present analysis, an examination of gender differences in the factor structure of prostitution myth endorsement remains a fruitful direction for future research. Finally, the measure of sexism used in this study is relatively dated. Future research may benefit from more recently developed measures that differentiate between types of sexist attitudes (e.g., hostile vs. benevolent), in order to assess prostitution myth endorsement and whether it is related to other sexist beliefs. Research should continue to assess predictors of prostitution myth endorsement by addressing the relation between additional variables not included in the present study. Patriarchal beliefs, attitudinal indicators of objectification of women, and accurate knowledge regarding the sex trade would be important to consider in future analyses.

Despite the limitations outlined above, findings presented in this study have a number of implications. First, the overall endorsement of prostitution myths was low, which may indicate a shift in perceptions of prostitution, perhaps as a result of federal sex trafficking laws and more awareness campaigns about the realities of the sex trade. The present study examined correlates of prostitution myth endorsement that may be useful for future research exploring attitudes and behaviors that promote acceptance of prostitution myths. Studies incorporating pre- and post-measures of prostitution myth endorsement may identify factors mediating myth acceptance, such as peer support for sexism and sexual aggression, exposure to sexist media or misogynistic pornography, or psychoeducation about women’s experiences in the sex trade. Adherence to prostitution myths reflects a broader cultural and social climate in terms of women’s rights (or lack thereof) involving protection from sexual exploitation and harm, including rape and other forms of violence at the hands of traffickers and buyers (Cornell, 2000; Farley et al., 2015). It is important, therefore, to understand the cultural context in which prostitution myths develop and the attitudes (e.g., sexism) and behaviors (e.g., pornography consumption) with which they are associated. Advances in understanding the correlates of prostitution myth endorsement help to disentangle the ways in which both men and women perceive and assess the sex trade, which ultimately has implications for psychoeducation and prevention programming, clinical interventions, law enforcement responses, and public perceptions around women and girls who are bought and sold for sex. Addressing myth endorsement in ways that promote gender equity and healthy sexuality can benefit victims and increase the safety of women in the sex trade.

Practice Implications

Some of the attitudes and behaviors captured in the current study and associated with prostitution myths endorsement in the measure presented here speak to the cultural climate that promotes an ideology of oppression that targets women and women’s sexuality, often through mainstream pornography. It is critical that the sociopolitical culture condoning the commodification of violence against women be challenged and transformed. Comprehensive sex-positive education in educational institutions about healthy sexuality is of the utmost importance in achieving this goal. In addition, activists can connect to social movements that promote media depicting gender equity and sexuality rooted in reciprocity and respect and boycott media in which women are systematically objectified, abused, and degraded (see DeKeseredy & Corsianos, 2016).

In the present study, the average age of the sample was 21 years-old, and men were significantly more likely to endorse prostitution myths than women counterparts. The average age at which men first purchase sex is between 21 and 24 years old (Durchslag & Goswami, 2008; Lowman & Atchison, 2006). These findings highlight the importance of age- and gender-sensitive programming, particularly among men and boys, about the nature and risks of prostitution, as well as strategies to interrupt victim blaming, challenge prostitution myths, and prevent peers from trafficking or “pimping” and purchasing sex (i.e., similar to gender-specific sexual assault prevention programs; National Sexual Violence Resource Center, 2016).

Conclusions

Self-control deficits emerged as a novel correlate of prostitution myth endorsement. This is particularly relevant to prevention programs with all young adults, regardless of gender, who may be susceptible to stereotypical information and therefore more likely to become involved in the sex trade as buyers, traffickers, or as victims of commercial sexual exploitation. Our results may also have implications for clinical treatment with sex buyers, whose behaviors (e.g., purchasing sex, perpetrating violence) and perceptions of prostitution may be influenced by impulsivity.