Abstract
India's family structure is rapidly transforming, yet limited research examines its connection with demographic transition, urbanization, and modernization. Using macro-level panel data (1991–2021), we analyze how urbanization and modernization drive the shift from traditional to nuclear families. Fixed-effects models reveal a significant positive relationship: each unit increase in urbanization and modernization increases nuclear families by 0.29–1.32 percent and 0.21–0.49 percent, respectively. Factors like rising literacy, economic shifts, and women's autonomy further accelerate the nucleation of families. As India's rural-urban transition continues, sustained urbanization and modernization will likely deepen family nucleation, signaling an impending second demographic transition in the near future.
Keywords
Introduction
Families represent the most fundamental unit of human societies. It is crucial in socioeconomic and demographic events, human capital creation, and societal development. 1 Recent work by Vikram, Ganguly, and Goli 2 has examined gender roles and time-use patterns among adolescents in Indian families, revealing significant gender-based disparities influenced largely by family characteristics. Their findings underscore the family's dual role as both a primary unit of socialization and a crucial determinant of future human capital formation. This research highlights why family and kinship structures have become a focal point for understanding social reproduction and human development processes in contemporary societies. 3
By definition, the family primarily consists of kinship bonds among the household members, which have multiple forms built across societies. 4 In India, for the last two decades, a significant transformation has been observed in various demographic events such as fertility, mortality, migration patterns, and marriage systems. In recent decades, India has also experienced a higher level of changes in educational attainment and economic growth at the family level. Along with that, the utilization of modern gadgets and mass media exposure fuels the importance of individualism in our daily lives. The processes of societal modernization, developmental idealism, and urbanization are closely associated with the demographic changes that control the family structure extensively. 5 Thus, family changes have started receiving the attention of social science researchers, especially sociologists and demographers. However, most existing studies on families and households in India have investigated either micro-level family functions through a sociological lens or macro-level trends and patterns of families without considering the role of changing developmental and family-building ideals in the 21st century. 6 For instance, in a recent study, Dommaraju 7 contends that the prevalence of one-person households has been increasing, and joint families have been decreasing in urban areas in India. The author also argues that increasing higher education and employment in the formal sector led to a decline in fertility, and rising migration from rural to urban areas, both of which are driving the rise of nuclear households. Niranjan, Nair, and Roy 8 have observed the changes in family composition since 1981, and they have revealed that the mean size of joint families was approximately twice that of a nuclear one as of 2001. Recently, Chakravorty, Goli, and James 9 reported that the family patterns are closely interlinked with shifts in socioeconomic, cultural, and behavioral choices at both individual and household levels.
Taking insights from the existing works, this study further investigates “how social modernization and urbanization impact family patterns in India,” especially investigating whether the effects of modernization and urbanization promote family nucleation. The premise is that India's rapid urbanization and modernization, driven by rising individualism, are reshaping traditional societal structures. As a result, modernized segments of society increasingly favor nuclear families, while more traditional communities continue to uphold extended family systems. Thus, this study is the first in the Indian context to investigate the hypothesis that rising urbanization and shifting priorities due to modernization are transforming traditional family structures in response to societal changes, leading to an increase in conjugal families. In particular, using household-level data from multiple data sources for the period of 1991–2021, a panel has been created to analyze the association between societal modernization and urbanization with changes in family patterns in India.
The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. The next section presents the background literature on demographic trends, urbanization, and modernization. This is followed by a section outlining the theoretical framework and research hypotheses. The methodology section details the data sources, variables, and empirical strategy. In particular, from a methodological perspective, this study proceeds in three steps: (a) we provide a theoretical description of how urbanization and evolving psychological needs promote family changes in the modern era; (b) we empirically examine the relationship between rural-to-urban migration, societal modernization, and the rise of nuclear families using correlation analysis and fixed-effects panel regression models; (c) we address potential endogeneity concerns and verify the robustness of our results using instrumental variable (IV) regression techniques. Subsequently, the results section presents the findings, supported by analytical tables. The discussion section interprets these results within their theoretical context and explores their implications. Finally, the conclusion highlights the study's key insights and suggests directions for future research.
Our findings demonstrate that increasing urbanization and societal modernization in India are significantly associated with the growth of nuclear family structures. Our findings demonstrate that increasing urbanization and societal modernization in India are significantly associated with the growth of nuclear family structures. This transition aligns with social exchange theory, 10 reflecting a shift from physiological to psychological needs in familial organization. Furthermore, the study's results indicate that the formation of nuclear families corresponds with evolving societal and behavioral demands, consistent with Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs theory as observed in Bennett and Shangreaux (2005).11,12,13 This study makes a significant contribution to advancing existing knowledge on India's family transitions, emerging trajectories, and their associated factors. Additionally, it provides insights into the pathways leading to the second demographic transition (SDT) in the near future. This study contributes to the existing knowledge on India's family transitions, their emerging trajectories, and associated factors. It also provides insights into the pathways that may lead to a second demographic transition soon.
Background
Urbanization and modernization are instrumental in defining the family structure and its formation, characteristics, functioning, and pathways. 14 Over the past century, the proportion of urban dwellings and the utilization of modern, updated technology have increased dramatically in the country. As per the United Nations, in 1960, just 18 percent of the Indian population resided in urban areas, but in 2021, close to 36 percent lived in urban settings. According to the projections, by 2050, the proportion of India's urban population will reach beyond 50 percent. India has achieved technological advancement and medical, economic, and political development by welcoming the ideas of modernization that were adopted early by the developed nations. Demographic changes have started to bring changes in the traditional family systems due to urbanization and modernity, as put forth by the SDT theory. 15 Consequently, the average household size has decreased in different South Asian countries for several decades due to a significant change in fertility at the primary stage. 16 However, recently, there has been a remarkable impact of rapid modernization and ideational changes on socio-demographic and economic indicators, which have resulted in individual freedom and self-reliance and introduced changes in family patterns in India. 17
The familial structure has been documented in several studies across different regions in India, yet limited empirical evidence sheds light on how modernization influences the family. 18 Family is not a static construct but a dynamic concept, operated by multiple factors at different levels. Studies on changing families have received immense attention recently, particularly with the rapid demographic changes. “Family” is considered a group of kin related by birth, blood, marriage, and adoption, while the “Household” is referred to as a dwelling unit where people live together, whether they are related by kinship or not. 19 Family is a social structure based on kinship relationships, parental ties, and a form of conjugality. However, the nature of family formation varies over time and is not uniform across populations. 20 Family is conceptualized as a homogeneous and integrative decision-making unit; it enables us to examine the significant impacts of societal demographic decisions at the macro and micro levels.
Evolving Familial Systems Under the Processes of Demographic Transition
The first demographic transition refers to the transition from high to low fertility and mortality levels. 21 The improved medical systems, better sanitation practices, and higher living standards have helped to reduce mortality in populations. Conversely, the rising life expectancy, improved child survival rates, and the adoption of family planning initiatives collectively contribute to the reduction in average family size. 22 Studies have claimed that economic constraints and the influence of modernization have also assisted in reducing fertility to keep the family size low and increase living standards. The conceptual framework and theoretical postulations of the SDT have become popular for understanding the “low” and “ultra-low” fertility or societal changes in contemporary society. In the demographic transition process, urbanization and industrialization have primarily led to significant changes in demographic events. The process of industrialization and a higher proportion of urbanization have increased educational attainment and provided better economic and employment opportunities. Concurrently, shifting fertility and marriage patterns have emerged as central explanatory factors in these socio-demographic transformations, providing critical insights into India's ongoing demographic transition. The subreplacement fertility and living arrangements, while considering multiple choices in union formation and procreation outside of traditional marriage systems, can be explained using the framework of the SDT. 23 The primary driver of the following changes is closely intertwined with individual freedom and self-actualization. 24 The SDT entails the concept of union formation and familial changes in contemporary society, but it ignores the role of globalization and modernization in family dynamics. 25 As Mills and Blossfeld 26 observe, modernization is important in constructing family and understanding contemporary societal changes. Over the last few decades, the progress of various socio-demographic and health indicators in India has been impressive. However, it is hard to define the exact terminal point of the demographic transition in India. 27 India has already achieved replacement-level fertility. Along with this, India faces multiple phases of sociodemographic, economic, and cultural transitions. 28 The complex family patterns, dynamic living arrangements, transformation of the sociocultural environment, gender roles, and power dynamics are expected phenomena in the post-demographic transitional regimes. 29 This study examines how modernization and urbanization shape family structures in India within the context of demographic transition.
Socio-Demographic Changes in India vis-à-vis Selected Countries
The familial systems in India can be described in two ways: One is an indigenous approach, and the other is Western. The Indian population has directly observed the Western lifestyle during British rule. After independence, Indians gradually adopted the Western model to get the advantages of civilization, popularized mainly by mass media. 30 Indian society has increasingly drawn inspiration from Western cultural models, particularly in the pursuit of social and economic progress amid globalization. This influence has contributed to a gradual shift away from traditional systems toward Western-oriented norms. 31
After the completion of the first demographic transition in any country, individual freedom, ideational changes, and self-reliance have been observed to affect marriage patterns, union formation, and family systems extensively. 32 However, the family system in Indian society is dynamic and multifaceted, full of complexities. 33 India still holds strong caste and traditional marriage systems. The rise of individualism and self-reliance has broken down the traditional marriage systems in Western countries. In contrast, Indian females are primarily dependent on the male members of the family for the entire life cycle. 34 The similarities in marriage patterns are also observed among highly educated and less educated, economically prosperous and poor families. However, currently, Indian couples show similar family construction desires irrespective of their age, educational attainment, and economic status across regions in India. 35 Some important indicators interlinked with family changes, such as literacy rates, level of urbanization, total fertility rate (TFR), and average household (HH) size, have been discussed below to examine India's scenario from a comparative perspective with other countries.
Here, Table 1 presents some important socio-demographic variables of India (South Asia), China (East Asia), Japan (East Asia), South Korea (East Asia), Italy (Europe), United Kingdom (UK–Europe) and the United States of America (USA—North America) for the period 1990 to 2023. The above table depicts that the literacy rates of China, Italy, Japan, South Korea, and the UK are above 95 percent, whereas those of the USA and India are 86 percent (2023) and 74.37 percent (2018), respectively. The proportion of urbanization in China and Italy is above 65 percent, and this proportion is above 80 percent for Japan, South Korea, the UK, and the USA. At the same time, India has the lowest proportion (35.39 percent) of urbanization among them. All of the following countries, except India, have a TFR lower than the replacement level (< 2.1 children per woman) for an extended period. India has recently achieved the replacement level fertility (TFR of India 2.03 in 2021). The table indicates that all other countries have a lower average household size (< 3 members in a household) in 2020, except for India, which has an average of 4.38 members in a household. However, the average household size has declined in all these countries over the period. Esteve and his team 36 have shown similar findings on structural changes in household size. The proportion of nuclear families is above 55 percent in other countries, whereas India has 41.12 percent of families in the nuclear pattern. China and Italy have a high proportion of nuclear families compared to other countries in the table. China, Italy, Japan, South Korea, the UK, and the USA have shown similar family nucleation patterns. Cherlin 37 also contends that modern family life leads to more family nucleation in Western and developed countries. Interestingly, a trend of slow nucleation decline has been followed in these countries, even though a high prevalence of nucleation is observed. This may be because of the very low fertility rate and the higher life expectancies in the Western world. 38 Consequently, there is a tendency to have fewer children among individuals, mainly because of the higher costs of childbearing and the well-being of the children. Due to the long lifespan and very few members in the family, there is a shortage of caregivers in the household to take care of the elderly. 39 Sometimes, such a situation necessitates the reemergence of joining family systems. However, it is clear that literacy rate and urbanization are increasing, and TFR and average household size are generally decreasing. In contrast, the formation patterns of the nuclear family are not unilinear except in India. The nature of family formation is complex and multifaceted. Modernization through global development has reached and worked early in some East Asian countries, such as Japan, South Korea, Europe, and North America. The socioeconomic indicators of the following countries have crossed the terminal point of the first demographic transition and entered into the pathways of the SDT process. Thus, Table 1 demonstrates that the nucleation of family trends in India is also in line with the demographic pathways like those in other countries. But it is at a slow pace, maybe because traditional social and familial norms still dominate social life. However, India is on its way to achieving the trends as modernization follows.
Socio-demographic Indicators for Selected Countries, 1990–2023.
Note: Years in parenthesis. TFR: total fertility rate; HH = household.
Source: United Nations, Population Division, 2022 (includes DHS, DYB, IPUMS, LFS), Author's estimation for the nuclear family in India (%).
Drivers of Family Changes: Modernization and Urbanization
Changing family structure is hypothesized to be the result of various forces in society. After independence, India slowly welcomed the concept of modernization from Western societies. 40 In the process of modernization, technological advancement, and economic development, and as a consequence of globalization, there has been a significant impact on the social, cultural, academic, and economic life of Indians, which has profoundly affected the traditional family systems. Family structure is extensively associated with demographic phenomena such as fertility, mortality, marriage, and migration. 41 There are also other important correlates of family change. For instance, the agrarian structure and poverty are significantly correlated with family patterns. 42 Several socioeconomic determinants, such as education, 43 economy, 44 reproductive and child health, 45 the health of the elderly, 46 females’ autonomy, 47 and domestic violence, 48 are well interconnected with family structures and thus can provide insight into the socio-cultural environment of their families and norms, economy, and cultural ideologies that exist at the family and individual level. The first demographic transition model (DTM) states about various demographic transitional stages of fertility and mortality. According to the first DTM process, the following demographic changes started with the process of the industrial revolution, which is related to social, demographic, and economic development. After achieving the replacement level fertility and balancing the two most important demographic events, viz., fertility and mortality, there are some noticeable changes observed in union formation, partnership dynamics, marriage, and parenthood, mainly among the socially privileged groups in society. 49 The following circumstances bring the need to study family changes in any contemporary society that cannot be justified without considering the contribution of modernization and urbanization.
As we have seen, the global population is increasingly heading towards urban centers to achieve better economic opportunities and access to enhanced living arrangements. Initially, the ongoing process of urbanization and modernization strongly influences the demographic shifts observed at the family level. The article examines the influence of urbanization and modernization to assess how the family is socially constructed in India. How do the increased urbanization and modernity reflect socioeconomic dynamics at the family level and their impact on the traditional family construct? Using a sample of 150 observations over the five waves of a panel data set mainly generated using the National Family Health Survey (NFHS), National Sample Survey (NSS), India Human Development Survey (IHDS), Economic Survey, and Census of India from 1991 to 2021, we study the demographic and socioeconomic factors of families located in 30 states in India to provide a comprehensive overview of familial changes over the decades.
Furthermore, we examine an empirically overlooked issue in family studies literature in India—how modernity shapes the Indian family patterns along with urbanization. We use family characteristics such as family structures computed by the reported relationship between the head of household members, fertility rate, family size, literacy, economy, media and modern gadgets, and female autonomy through the construction of a family panel as a tool to gain a deeper understanding of how family patterns change in time is produced and explained in the study.
Modernization, Tradition, and Family
Developmental ideals can be assessed through various lenses, including the march of civilization, economic development, social progress, and modernization. 50 Since the concept of development and modernity is described by Western characteristics, combining the following aspects is sometimes indicated as Westernization. It significantly influences every dimension of human life, including social, cultural, educational, economic, familial, political, environmental, physical, psychological, and emotional. Around the world, developmental ideals are explained through many mechanisms. Specifically, modernization is a composite concept that can be configured by the most important factors, including technological advancement, social and economic development, improved political activities, and psychological progress.
The process of modernization has slowly started to reshape Indian traditional societies since the last century through Western cultural contact. 51 Modernity primarily affects the caste systems, kinship structures, and living arrangements in society. However, it is hard to entirely break down traditional structures that have existed for so long in any society. 52 It insists directly or indirectly on adapting progressive or transformative ideas to enhance social and economic conditions. 53 It is a continuous flow of modification of social arrangements. Modernization is an inevitable and unavoidable process of social change that leads society from tradition to modernity. Socioeconomic modification has a significant role in transferring the familial systems to the micro and macro levels. The utilization of updated facilities plays a crucial role in the modernization process. The usage of modern electronic gadgets in the family and the media exposure of female members have increased with time. In recent decades, India has witnessed tremendous changes in gender role attitudes due to the influence of the media and education. Moreover, a remarkable change has been observed among females in economic participation during the last decade; it can be viewed as a result of changes in government social programs and policies at the community and individual levels in India. Evidence from the IHDS shows that there is a dramatic behavioral change in nuptiality patterns among youths in India. 54
Industrialization and modernization are closely interlinked. Within the process of industrialization, a considerable number of laborers have migrated from rural to urban areas for employment purposes by breaking traditional ties, traditional family-owned businesses, and agricultural and family farm work. This is the first step in disintegrating the traditional family systems. Traditional families generally comprise a large number of family members with extended relationships. So, the literature suggests that the breakdown of the joint families has initially followed the process of social changes through industrialization and modernization. Also, in the line of modernization, Kashyap, Esteve, and Garcia-Roman 55 find an increasing trend of labor force participation and nonmarriage among higher-educated females. Therefore, it can be stated that modernization has a notable effect on the traditional roles of females in the family, headship, gender roles in decision-making, and traditional power structures in society have been observed gradually. Hence, how Indian families are structured in the 21st century by breaking the hegemonic cultural beliefs is deeply intertwined with societal modernization.
Urbanization and Family Patterns
Urbanization is closely linked with migration and also intertwined with family formation. All aspire to enhance their quality of life by accessing better resources related to housing, food, education, healthcare services, and employment opportunities available in urban areas. The urbanization process leads families from diverse, extended, rural-based families to nuclear, egalitarian, urban-based families, which are small in size. 56 So, it is notable in explaining contemporary society's kinship structure and family systems. The urbanization process has contributed to changes in parenthood, childbearing patterns, female workforce participation, and healthcare utilization. At the same time, increased urbanization enhances the educational and occupational opportunities that provide new possibilities to construct families in the modern era. So, it can be considered an important force of demographic changes that reshape family systems.
In 1990, around 26 percent of India's population lived in urban areas, whereas around 36 percent lived in urban settings in 2022. According to the United Nations, 57 by 2047, the percentage of the urban population is expected to increase to 53 percent in India. Urbanization and Migration significantly impact the traditional roles of family heads, which can influence the decisions regarding demographic events occurring within the family members and the family size. There is a noticeable trend of individuals moving from rural to urban areas or between urban areas to pursue enhanced economic prospects, resulting in a shift of traditional families from joint or extended to nuclear ones. Single-parent and female-headed families have gradually become more prevalent with the breakup of extended family systems and weakening kinship ties. 58 A gradual rise in single-child families has also been evidenced among urban-educated couples. 59 It is mainly prevalent in southern and a few eastern states in India. So, within the continuous urbanization process, the family structure is changing drastically, but the following shift is not unilinear.
However, the impact of modernization and urbanization on the changing family structure during the process of the demographic transition remains an under-researched subject in India. Therefore, the paper explores the changing familial structure through the lens of modernization and urbanization in India. The main objective of this study is to address how urbanization and modernization reshape family structures and provide more significant insights into the socioeconomic and demographic transformative forces behind the familial changes in India.
Theoretical Background and Research Hypothesis
Modernization Hypothesis
In Western countries, household nucleation has been observed due to industrialization, urbanization, and educational growth, as the social scientist Goode explained in his modernization theory in 1963. 60 At the same time, the global forecast of the nucleation of households has also been rejected in some recent studies due to contrasting situations arising in the family. 61 Interestingly, it is found that household sizes are mainly declining due to the reduction of the number of children in the family as fertility declines. However, the number of adult members in contemporary developing countries has slightly increased over the last three decades. Family nucleation progresses very slowly, and modernization indicates continuous variations in family patterns. 62
The family nucleation is a classic example of the modernization hypothesis, on which researchers have concentrated from different perspectives for decades. 63 The variations of familial changes remain unexplored for the different sections of Indian society from different perspectives.
As society modernizes, there is a transition from joint or extended families to stem (viz., a family where grandparents, ever-married son, and children live together) or nuclear families (parents with unmarried children), categorized by the size of the households, kinship structures, and individual perception which plays an important role in the familial system. Modernization significantly impacts familial changes, but the transformation is not as straightforward as the modernization theory suggests. 64 The impact of modernization has been reflected in all parts of society. People from different social and economic backgrounds have been involved in trying to improve their quality of life. For instance, Krishnaji 65 elaborates on the hegemonic beliefs of family size among poverty-stricken families. The study concludes that nucleation is seen among wealthy and poor people with almost the same family pattern. A few studies have also examined the impact of modernization on deprived sections of society. Nabudere 66 found the “reverse-modernization” trends among the poor communities of non-Western societies. Instead of accepting modern development and industrial transformation, these families tried to bind themselves to traditional structures due to exploitation in the post-traditional era.
The primary focus of this study is to theoretically (Figure 1) and empirically examine the transformation process of pre-modern traditional societies into modern-developed ones through the processes of demographic, socioeconomic, political, cultural, and psychological changes. In pre-modern societies, the family was central to production, consumption, social, religious, and cultural activities. However, in modern society, many of these activities are separated from traditional family systems and handled by local, regional, and national authorities. Modernization is inevitable, but it does not imply throwing out traditional values and a rich array of cultures. 67
A Theoretical Framework for the Relationship Between Urbanization, Modernization and Family Structure. Source: Author's Own's Framework.
The study on demographic changes through family dynamics mainly focuses on two structural frameworks, viz., the socioeconomic transformation of development indicators at the national (macro), family (meso), and individual (micro) levels, and the other one addresses ideational changes that are driven by individualism and self-actualization as conceptualized in the Maslow's “hierarchy of needs” and “second demographic transition” process. As families modernize, remarkable changes are observed in societal needs. In the primary stage of family transition, the roles of the family include providing basic physiological needs such as food, water, security, and shelter. However, in the modern era, priority has shifted toward psychological needs such as love, belongingness, esteem, and self-actualization.
68
As suggested in George Homans “social exchange theory,” modernization is proposed to bring a massive shift in changing people's behavior in connection with changing needs, which further alters family formation and exchanges within the family regarding physiological and psychological needs
69
. In this context, we test the following hypothesis:
Urbanization Hypothesis
As in May 2024, the thirtieth anniversary of the International Year of the Family will be observed, the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA) is actively investigating the megatrends of shifting migration patterns, urbanization, and demographic changes to examine their effects on families and to offer recommendations for responsive family-oriented policies. According to sustainable development goal 11, sustainable urbanization and resilient housing play a fundamental role in shaping family formation and significantly impact the health and well-being of individual family members. As per the United Nations, 70 half of the world's population currently resides in urban areas, wherein the projection indicates that by 2050, two-thirds of the global population will be city residents.
Employment opportunities, educational prospects, better medical facilities, available cultural amenities, and enhanced living arrangements mainly propel the migration to urban centers. Developmental ideals have been spread worldwide, mainly through educational institutions, tourism, mass media, immigration, and national and international welfare programs. As described by many authors, particularly in the Western world, the mechanism of family change through urbanization is worded as follows: Increased educational levels of individuals and delayed entry into industrial employment in the urban sectors are assumed to promote gender relations in the family, weaken the authority of the elderly, late marriage, delayed childbearing and decline in family size. 71 These interlinked factors are associated with family changes, kinship structure, and relationships among family members. In this context, industrialization and urbanization play crucial roles in having various living arrangements in the family. It has made people closer and has encouraged people to have better communication systems around the globe (Figure 1). However, urbanization has led to a remarkable change in family structures, breaking traditional cultural norms.
Hence, the pace of urbanization influences the rapid societal changes that are intertwined with the process of changing family structures, which is explained in this paper. Thus, the paper tested the following hypothesis.
Data and Method
Data Sources and Variables
India lacks a family panel survey, which limits the ability to conduct robust empirical tests of the two hypotheses mentioned above. Cross-sectional surveys can only capture between-group variation and remain silent on within-group changes over time, making them unsuitable for analyzing dynamic processes. Thus, we have constructed a balanced macro-panel dataset spanning 1991–2021, combining multiple data sources. The panel comprises 30 major Indian states as cross-sectional units across five time points (1992, 1998, 2005, 2015, and 2019).
The data is compiled from multiple sources: The NFHS, the NSS, the IHDS, the Economic Survey, and the Census of India. The NFHS, IHDS, and Economic Survey are nationally representative surveys covering questions on socio-economic, demographic, and familial characteristics at the micro and macro levels. The dependent variable, the type of the family, categorized as nuclear and extended (or Joint), is generated using a set of information collected at the household level. Families residing in institutional settings are not part of the study.
Family Structure and Family Typologies Used in the Study
Family Structure: So far India do not collect information at the family level. Census and survey data is available at the household level. Thus, demographers and sociologist started deriving family structures indirectly using hosehold roster information where relationship of each member of the household to their household is given. Generally, family structure can be classified by size, location, or residential status of the household head (i.e., patrilocal, matrilocal, and avunculocal), type of marriage (i.e., monogamous, and polygamous), and structure of kinship (nuclear, broken or supplemented nuclear, stem, joint or extended) in the household. We initially explored detailed family typologies in India based on kinship structure. A broken nuclear family consists of one spouse living with unmarried children, while a supplemented nuclear family includes a married couple (with or without unmarried children) along with an unmarried relative of either spouse, such as a sibling or elderly aunt. The stem family, on the other hand, comprises up to two married couples, often including grandparents and the eldest married son, along with their unmarried children. Although these family types are still relatively uncommon in India, their prevalence is gradually increasing (Figure 2). State level trends and patterns of detailed family typologies are plotted in Figure 3. Between 1991 and 2021, Indian states witnessed a marked transformation in family structures, with broken nuclear families rising steadily in more urbanized and developed regions such as Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, and West Bengal, reflecting growing individualism, migration, and marital instability. At the same time, supplemented nuclear families, where nuclear households receive support from extended kin, expanded most significantly—reaching 25–32% in states like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, and Madhya Pradesh compared to below 10% in the early 1990s—indicating a weakening of joint families but persistence of kinship-based support. In contrast, stem families with multi-generational cores remain marginal at 1–3% and show signs of decline, suggesting that modernization and mobility are eroding traditional family systems. Regionally, South and Western states such as Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, and Gujarat lead in family diversification, while Northern and Northeastern states like Nagaland, Assam, and Tripura exhibit slower but steady shifts. Overall, the most dominant pattern across India is the growth of supplemented nuclear families, which represents a hybrid structure balancing traditional kinship ties with the demands of modern living. While joint families have been on declining trend across all states. For empirical clarity and simplicity, we grouped all these categories into two broad categories: nuclear and joint families and their definitions further mentioned as below.
Nuclear Family: A family household comprises a married couple with or without unmarried children.
Joint or Extended Family: A joint or extended family comprises at least one married couple with or without unmarried children, in addition to considering any other combination of kinships within the couple and other relatives present in the family, where any additional members can be included. The joint family may consist of grandparents, parents, married or unmarried children, uncles, aunts, and cousins under the same roof, which is multigenerational.
Explanatory Variables
The key explanatory variables of interest are modernization and urbanization. The modernization index is generated using multiple socio-demographic factors closely related to the modern attributes in Indian families. The other key explanatory variable, Urbanization, constitutes the percentage of families living in urban areas in India. The detailed explanation of explanatory variables and other covariates used in this study is provided below.
Modernization Index: Modernization is linked with a wide range of variables such as educational, industrial, institutional, agricultural, medical, social practices, trade, transport, housing, communication, and occupation. 72 The present study uses a statistical measurement of “modernization” based on available social and economic indicators, which can be ranked according to their relative degree of modernization. The composite index is made using the information related to household assets, the importance of child education, females’ autonomy, and practices of mass media exposure of female members in the family.
The analysis is carried out in two broad sections. In the first section, we use the full sample to measure the impact of modernization and urbanization on family changes in India. In the second section, we modified the modernization index by adding the information related to having autonomy for health checkups, autonomy for movement, and savings decisions for females in the family based on a subsample for the period of 2005–2015 to check the robustness of the index. Due to the unavailability of information for the above variables for the overall period, the subsample analysis excludes the other data points.
For modernization, an additive index is constructed (higher values represent higher levels of modernization) with the help of several questions that measure the degree of modernization. The questions contain information regarding having electricity, motorbikes, phones, televisions, and refrigerators in the household. In addition to that, the educational attendance of children aged 6–8 years, female participation in upper nonfarm jobs, and media exposure of females are also included to generate the index. The mass media are an important channel for information and ideas. In the late 1900s, we saw increased circulation of printed media materials such as newspapers and magazines, and comprehensive communication through radio. However, in the early 2000s, a significant change occurred in every section of Indian society. The utilization of television, mobile phones, and the internet, as well as other robust communication systems, has become common in every part of India. The new ideas and information inserted through mass media channels and urban networks help to explore and conquer the new developmental idealism and modernity. Previously, parents or senior male members of the family made decisions about the autonomy-related choices of their children without obtaining consent. Mostly, the young adult children or female members had no right in decision-making in those days. The remarkable changes in females’ autonomy regarding educational and occupational choices have been observed in recent decades. The generated index (Cronbach's alpha coefficient is 0.71) used in this study is treated as a proxy indicator for modernization, representing social and economic autonomy. All the variables considered in the index are in the same direction.
Urbanization: The spread of modernity is facilitated by urbanization, with the occupational transition from agricultural to bureaucratic employment. It helps to produce more effective communication channels. To understand the effect of urbanization, the percentage of the population living in urban settings is considered in the study.
Other covariates: Other variables of interest are literacy, poverty, per capita net state domestic product (Per Capita NSDP at current prices), and gross domestic product (GDP at current prices in hundred thousand) contributed by the service sector (as percentage of GDP) used in the study. In India, caste and religion-based regional or national schemes play significant roles in developing the following community. The exercise of the traditional lifestyle of caste or religion-based families is considered an important factor in family changes. To adjust for variation in the family due to caste or religion, the proportions of the scheduled caste (SC), the scheduled tribe (ST), and the Hindu population are considered as control variables. The fixed effect panel regression and IVs regression are employed to explore the association between “familial structure” and “urbanization and modernization” in India.
Definition of the Variables Used in the Study.
HH = household; GDP = gross domestic product; SC = scheduled caste; ST = scheduled tribe; NSDP = net state domestic product.
Description of the Study Population
Summary statistics for the key variables are presented in Table 3. The descriptive statistics of the study population here are based on a data panel created on 30 major states in India for 5 time points between 1991 and 2021 (1991–1992, 1998–1999, 2005–2006, 2015–2016, and 2019–2021). The sample comprises around 150 samples covering India's socioeconomic and demographic characteristics. Our dependent variable is the type of family (classified as nuclear and joint). The proportion of nuclear and joint families from 1991 to 2021 is shown in Figure 3. The proportion of joint families has decreased from 90.9 percent in 1991 to 58.3 percent in 2021, whereas the proportion of nuclear families has increased from 9.0 percent in 1991 to 41.7 percent in 2021. A remarkable decline in joint families and a rise in nuclear families is observed in the panel data. In the summary statistics table, the proportion of nuclear and joint families ranges from 4.8 to 51.0 percent and 48.9 to 95.2 percent, with a mean value of 28.2 and 71.8 percent, respectively. The mean values for urbanization and modernization indicators are 30.9 percent and 40.1 (on a 0–100 scale), respectively. The proportion of the urban population is between 8.3 and 99.1 percent. The literacy rate varies from 37.5 to 98.4 percent, and the poverty rate ranges from 0.4 to 75.3 percent. The mean values of literacy and poverty rates are 70.5 and 33.5 percent. The combined SC and ST population range varies from 1.8 to 94.9 percent, with a mean value of 34.1 percent, widely spread within the country. The proportion of the Hindu population varies from 2.1 to 95.9 percent, with the average Hindu population being 67.8 percent in the country.
Summary Statistics of the Study Variables.
GDP = gross domestic product; HH = household; SC = scheduled caste; ST = scheduled tribe; NSDP = net state domestic product.
Source: Author's estimations.
Trends in different family typologies in Indian States, 1991–2021.
Further, the per capita NSDP varies widely, from 3,037 to 435,959 rupees (at current prices). The GDP collected from the service sector also varies from 19.06 to 81.27 percent within the country, with an average value of 45.12 percent. The utilization of mass media plays an important role in the modernization process. 73 Regarding media exposure and social indicators in the family, the range of females’ mass media exposure varies from 27.26 to 98.86 percent, with a mean value of 74.74 percent. The mean values for the proportion of households having motorbikes, phones, televisions, and refrigerators are 23.18, 43.40, 50.66, and 23.86 percent, respectively. The average of 81.17 percent of households have electricity connections in India. The educational attendance of children aged 6–8 years varies from 40.50 to 99.50 percent, with an average value of 83.45 percent. The proportion of females working in upper non-farm jobs ranges from 1.96 to 33.60 percent, with a mean value of 10.65 percent.
The variables included in the sub-sample analysis for the alternative modernization index are also presented in the table below. The proportions of females who are getting autonomy for their health check-up and movement for different places vary from 2.1 to 93.9 percent and 3.9 to 100 percent, with a mean of 26.8 and 33.1 percent, respectively. The mean value for the proportion of females having cash in their hands for household expenses is 87.5 percent, observed in Indian families. And, the mean value of the modified modernization index, discussed below, is 47.10 (on a 0–100 scale).
Association of Family Typology with Urbanization and Modernization in India
Figures 4 and 5 below graphically present the association between family typology, modernization, and urbanization in India. Figure 4 represents a moderate positive (r = 0.29) association between family nucleation and urbanization in India in an unadjusted correlation plot. Figure 5 displays a high positive (r = 0.71) correlation between the nuclear family formation and modernization index in the pooled sample, 1991–2021. It is vividly visible that the proportion of nuclear families is increasing slowly with urbanization. Simultaneously, it is also observed that the proportion of nuclear families is significantly positively associated with the degree of modernization, and family nucleation is rising with the increasing level of modernity in India.
Percentage Share of Nuclear and Joint Families in India, 1991–2021.
Correlation (r = .29) Between the Nuclear Family and Urbanization in India, 1991–2021.
The unadjusted correlational plot, depicted in Figure 4, shows a moderate association between the family nucleation and urbanization in India. The following graphical representation indicates a slow increase in the proportion of nuclear families, whereas we find a strong positive unadjusted correlation for modernization in Figure 5. These plots indicate that the proportion of urbanization increases moderately, but the utilization of modern values follows a higher growth, even in rural areas. Rural-to-urban migration in India is primarily poverty-driven and for better economic opportunities. Though the recent studies suggest India's urbanization lacks well-planned infrastructure, effective governance, and urbanism. Thus, unlike Western countries, where a majority of the people living in urban areas are inculcated with urbanism traits, India lacks such urbanism traits in all urbanites due to huge existing inequalities and residential segregation based on socio-economic status. 74 Urbanization, modernization, and family systems are closely related to demographic changes. India has adopted the idea of modernism over the decades. However, it is hard to fully adapt Western societal systems immediately and promptly to Indian traditional family settings, even in urban setups. However, a considerable improvement is observed across India.
Empirical Strategy
The empirical strategy of this study comprises two stages: In the first stage, we have used a linear fixed effect regression model to examine the effect of urbanization and modernization on the nucleation of families in India. In the second stage, we used fixed effects IV regression estimates to check for the endogeneity between family structure and urbanization and family structure and modernization; thereby, we found a robust relationship between “family structure” and “urbanization and modernization.”
Linear Fixed-Effect Panel Data Regression Estimates
In order to analyze the effect of a higher level of urbanization and modernization on family structure in Indian states, we have used the following fixed-effect panel data model.
The statistical expression is as follows (without Lags):
To select the appropriate panel data regression model, we conducted both the Breusch-Pagan Lagrange multiplier (LM) test and the Hausman test. The Breusch-Pagan LM test results indicated the superiority of the fixed-effects model for our analysis. Additionally, we employed the Hausman test to examine potential endogeneity issues in our panel regression framework.
We also used the lag of urbanization and modernization to capture the potential time-lagged effects of urbanization and modernization on family nucleation in India with the following statistical expressions (with Lags):
Additionally, the fixed-effect instrument variable (IV) regression has been employed in the panel data to ensure the robustness of our model; it is essential that the residuals exhibit no autocorrelation, and the Sargan–Hansen tests for over-identification restrictions should confirm the validity of the instruments. To address the issue of instrument proliferation, we took precautions to ensure that the count of instruments in each regression remained below the number of groups.
The statistical expression for fixed-effect IV regression is as follows:
Results
Fixed-Effects Regression Estimates
To consider both within and between variations across states to reduce unobserved heterogeneity and omitted variable biases, the fixed-effect model is employed to investigate the relationship between urbanization and modernization with the family nucleation in India. Using equations (1) & (2) and equations (3) & (4) for lags, the fixed-effect panel model was used to estimate the parameters, and the results are reported in Table 4. There are controls for literacy rate, poverty, GDP collected from the service sector, and mass media exposures of females in the models. Fixed effects eliminate the influence of time-invariant characteristics in the model, enabling us to evaluate the overall impact of predictors on the outcome variable. Results show that coefficients for urbanization are positive and significant in most models (models 1, 3, and 4). The results suggest a positive and statistically significant association between the rise in nuclear families and urbanization: a unit change in urbanization is associated with an increase in nuclear families by 29 to 132 percent from its base values across the different models in different circumstances. Furthermore, the results reveal that a unit change in the modernization index is correlated with changes in nuclear families by 21 to 49 percent increase across the different models (models 2 and 5). The literacy rate is also positively associated with the proportion of the nuclear family. A unit change in literacy rate is associated with an increase in family nucleation by 38–72 percent in different models (models 3, 4, and 5). Interestingly, family nucleation is also positively related to poverty. One unit change in poverty relates to the increase in the family nucleation process by 12–16 percent (in models 3, 4, and 5). So, it can be said that poverty somehow fuels the process of family splitting, which directly indicates family formation. In Model 5, we also see the positive and significant relationship between GDP collected by the service sector and family nucleation. As the GDP is strongly associated with socio-demographic and economic factors, and infrastructural levels in the country, the changes in GDP also help to reshape the family patterns. This study divulges that increasing the service sector GDP can lead Indian families to experience higher nucleation. A unit change in GDP collected by the service sector is correlated with 10 percent changes in the family nucleation process (in model 5). The mass media exposure of females is also positively and significantly related to family nucleation. One-unit increase in female mass media exposure is linked to an increase in the family nucleation process by 25–27 percent (models 3, 4, and 5).
FEs Regression Estimates: The Effect of Urbanization and Modernization on the Nucleation of Families.
Standard errors in parentheses. GDP = gross domestic product; FE = fixed effect.
*** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p < .1.
Source: Author's estimations.
The lagged models (Table 4) yield results consistent with our nonlagged specifications. Our analysis shows that lagged urbanization is associated with family nucleation rates ranging from 16 to 104 percent increase from its base values. Similarly, the lagged modernization models demonstrate an influence on family nucleation in India, with effect sizes between 16 and 34 percent increase. Importantly, both lagged and non-lagged specifications produce directionally consistent results for all control variables examined in the study.
Endogeneity Check: Fixed-Effects IV Regression Estimates
However, we have checked the endogeneity in family structure and urbanization by instrumenting the proportion of urban population with the instrument “proportion of households having motorbikes”. The availability of motorbikes in India is common in all areas, irrespective of the type of place of residence. The presence of motorbikes in households does not influence the urbanization process directly, but influences family nucleation in terms of the presence of modern values and needs. Furthermore, we have also checked for endogeneity in family structure and modernization association by instrumenting modernization with the per capita NSDP. High per capita NSDP does not imply the modernization of society. Some countries in the Middle East have higher per capita income, mainly because of high oil revenues. But these societies are modernizing relatively at a slow pace. So, the per capita income is not directly connected with modern norms and values but is indirectly linked to the family nucleation process. The model was tested for identification using the Anderson canonical correlation LM statistic and for overidentification using the Sargan test, with the test statistic being significant and the model precisely identified in each case. Our main findings, observed in Table 4, are also obtained in the results of the IV regression models. In the fixed-effect IV regression estimates (Tables 5 and 6), the coefficients of urban population and modernization index show a positive sign and are statistically significant in each model, re-affirming that the main findings reported are sustained even after instrumenting explanatory variables to adjust for endogeneity. However, the effect of urbanization and modernization on the nucleation of families is still valid and considerable after controlling for endogeneity. A unit change in urbanization leads to a change in the nucleation of families by 92 percent from its base values, after controlling for other relevant variables. Similarly, a unit change in modernization leads to a change in the nucleation of families by 31 percent increase even after controlling for other factors.
Among other factors, the rise in literacy rate, poverty, GDP from the service sector, and mass media exposure of females are positively and significantly associated with urbanization and modernization (Tables 5 and 6). Interestingly, poverty is positively and significantly associated with modernization in models that fuel the family nucleation process, possibly due to the economic restraints (Table 6). Here, it can be stated that modernization may not be a goal in any society. However, it can be considered a response to hardship. The spread of modernity also encourages hope in some marginalized communities to assess better societal opportunities.
Fixed Effect IV Regression Estimates: The Effect of Urbanization on Nucleation of Families.
Note: Standard errors in parentheses. LM: Lagrange multiplier; GDP = gross domestic product; IV = instrumental variable.
*** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p < .1.
Source: Author's estimations.
Fixed Effect IV Regression Estimates: The Effect of Modernization on Nucleation of Families.
Note: Standard errors in parentheses. LM: Lagrange multiplier; GDP = gross domestic product; NSDP = net state domestic product; IV = instrumental variable.
*** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p < .1.
Source: Author's estimations.
Fixed Effect IV Regression Estimates for Two Recent Time Points (2005–2015) for the Modified Modernization Index.
Standard errors in parentheses. LM = Lagrange multiplier; GDP = gross domestic product; NSDP = net state domestic product; IV = instrumental variable.
*** p < .01, ** p < .05, * p < .1.
Source: Author's estimations.
Robustness Checks for Modernization Using sub-Samples
Since the modernization index is constructed as a proxy indicator for modern values and norms, we have checked the robustness of the analysis for modernization here. We have constructed a modified index for modernization using the period 2005–2015. The modified index includes information related to females’ autonomy in decision making, like accessing healthcare facilities by their own, autonomy for their mobility (visiting relatives or friends’ houses), and having cash with themselves to spend for household needs, in addition to the above variables used in the modernization index in the first phase in this study. The scale reliability coefficient of the modified modernization index is 0.85. To examine the robustness of the model for the modernization index, the fixed effects IV regression estimation is used for the sub-samples in the analysis.
We have checked for robustness of the association between family nucleation and modernization by instrumenting the modified modernization index with the per capita NSDP. The coefficients of modernization indices (for the modified one) are in tune with our main findings, which indicate a positive and significant relationship in each model in Table 7. One unit increase in modernization leads to an increase in the family nucleation process by 42 percent (models 1 and 2). But the mass media exposures of females and poverty show negative associations. The service sector GDP indicates a positive association, though the relationship is not significant (model 2). However, the modernization indices used in the study suggest positive and statistically significant relationships with the nucleation of families throughout the analysis.
Discussion
Lately, India has been experiencing unprecedented urbanization and modernization, especially post-globalization and liberalization in 1991. As of 2021, around two-fifths of Indian families are found to be nuclear, which indicates a considerable improvement during the period 1991–2021 considered for the study. Similarly, the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of Indian families clearly show a drastic change over the periods, although they do not reflect the SDT features. It has also been documented that urbanization and modernization have considerably influenced the first demographic transition of the country. 75 Urbanization and modernization, coupled with demographic transition, are believed to influence family size and structure. However, not many studies have investigated the links between urbanization, modernization, and family forms. In this context, the present study examines the effect of urbanization and modernization on the familial structure using a robust econometric strategy based on a panel dataset. The empirical analyses using multiple econometric panel data models display consistent results that the type of family is not only related to the socio-cultural and demographic behaviors of the family members but is also significantly influenced by macro-level processes like urbanization and modernization. Specifically, the fixed-effect estimates (with and without lags) suggest a positive and significant association between “modernization,” “urbanization,” and “family structure.”
Therefore, the findings empirically affirm the first hypothesis: a higher proportion of modernization, that is, having electricity and modern electronic gadgets in the households, exposure to mass media for females, importance of child education, and females’ autonomy in decision making, have positively influenced the nucleation of families in India. Our findings also support the second hypothesis, that is, urbanization, controlling for other covariates, increases the chance of family nucleation in India. Our main findings are stable even after controlling for the endogeneity problem. We have found a positive and improved association between “family nucleation” and “urbanization” and “societal modernization” after controlling for endogeneity using IVs using the IV regression approach. The results also stand in the same line after checking the robustness of the modernization indices used in the study.
This study's investigation into the relationship between poverty and family nucleation in India yields several key insights. The findings reveal that poverty, in conjunction with other sociodemographic factors, significantly influences the nucleation process, mostly through split of households. Our analysis highlights a dual dynamic in family transformation: While economic advancement and cultural shifts drive the voluntary adoption of nuclear family structures (reflecting conventional nucleation), economic hardship fosters a distinct form of “distress nucleation.” The latter arises from financial instability, constrained livelihood opportunities, and weakened support systems, often leading to the involuntary fragmentation of extended households. Thus, family nucleation in India emerges not as a uniform process but as a bifurcated phenomenon shaped by divergent socioeconomic realities.
Despite its significant contributions, this study has some limitations that can help guide future research in Indian family studies. Analyzing families using Indian household survey data presents challenges, particularly in establishing robust causal relationships regarding the causes and consequences of family change, due to the absence of family panel surveys. For example, while existing theoretical literature suggests that young working-age migrants often precipitate family splitting in pursuit of better economic opportunities, we lack longitudinal family-level data on these migrants to empirically assess migration-induced family transformations. Additionally, psychological factors, which are closely tied to shifts in family structure and dynamics, remain underexplored. The lack of family panel surveys, where multiple household members are interviewed over time, prevents us from examining the role of psychological influences on family systems, such as those framed by Maslow's hierarchy of needs. Finally, our macro-level panel approach may inherit limitations common to ecological studies, such as potential aggregation biases or unobserved heterogeneity. Addressing these gaps through longitudinal, multigenerational family surveys could significantly advance the field.
By focusing on India, a comparison of the findings of this study from an international perspective suggests that the prevalence of urbanization and the percentage of nuclear families are comparatively low in India compared to the continents of East Asia, Europe, and North America. The fertility and mortality rates have declined from the eighteenth century to the first half of the twentieth century in European countries, theorized as the first demographic transition. With the continuous sociodemographic development, industrialization, and economic and societal modernization, the traditional family pattern has resulted in conjugation across the West. 76 As a result, the fertility rates decreased, childhood survival increased, and the cost of bearing children increased over time. Due to the early transition in the Western and developed countries, a complex and dynamic family pattern exists apart from the other countries, which have not yet completed the first demographic transition. Nevertheless, developing nations such as India are experiencing a Western-style socio-demographic and family transition, facilitated by the assimilation of modernizing influences disseminated through mass media in a globalized context. The survey data indicate that the moderate percentage of nuclear families in India is due to the exercise of traditional family systems, hegemonic cultural practices, and a diversified economy. Sarkar and Rizzi's 77 study on self-marriage in India implies the breaking of traditional marriage systems and shifting of marriage patterns in recent decades, but it is not uniform in society. Sociocultural barriers are found to be risk factors that dominate individualism and modern beliefs in India. Although conjugal families seem more inclined to adopt modern trends, they are more prone to utilize upgraded facilities such as modern educational and economic opportunities. 78 The findings indicate that the shift from extended to conjugal families with demographic and socioeconomic development also aligns with Western countries. Along with that, we observe diverse family patterns (within the broad categories of nuclear and joint family systems) in India, as illustrated in the (Figure 2 (A, B & C)), even though their prevalence is very low, but they are on the rise. Despite following the direct structural pathways, as commonly observed in the demographically advanced countries, India faces some unique family patterns (reflecting a mosaic of both conventional and modern characteristics), potentially contributing to demographic transition in the near future. However, according to some scholars, compared to other Western families, the Northwest European families are less organized around the family. 79 In India, no study has explored the following phenomena. A few primary studies based on localized reports show a similar pattern to that observed in our study.
Correlation (r = .71) Between the Nuclear Family and Modernization in India, 1991–2021.
Bianchi 80 highlights family changes through the cumulative effect of the SDT in society, with the decline in fertility, the postponement of marriage, the increase in cohabitation or separation, and declines in mortality. In the Indian context, some of these factors help us explain the family changes, but not all. It is hard to define any specific demographic transitional phase for India. Still, the traditional marriage pattern exists, separation is uncommon, and divorce is relatively very low. The prevalence of Interfaith marriage and inter-caste marriage is also negligible in the Indian context. These factors can lead to pivotal roles for the SDT, but they act as an obstacle to the structural transition in Indian society. Demographic factors and gender norms are important in defining modernism in any society. However, females’ autonomy plays an important role in directing societal modernization in any society. Moreover, these are undoubtedly well-connected with self-actualization and individualization, thus changing with rising urbanization and modernization. The connection between “self-actualization and individualization” and “urbanization and modernization” is well discussed in existing theoretical frameworks. The research supports the shift of changing human needs from basic and physiological needs to self-actualization as proposed by “Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs theory.” Also, these results align with the social exchange theory, which states that family dynamics can be explained based on interpersonal relationships among family members. 81 The social exchange theory offers an interesting lens for understanding the social, financial, and emotional interlinkages among the members of the family. The theory helps to navigate the family dynamics through cost–benefit analysis, power shifts, and cultural norms that shape the familial structure in a demographically advanced society. India has experienced a significant shift in fertility and mortality indicators over the decades. Furthermore, the gradual changes in marriage systems have been observed recently, but at a slow pace. Migration due to educational and occupational opportunities has become common at every level in society. Along with it, the importance of self-reliance and individual freedom has been remarkably noticed in recent times, which is interlinked with social modernization. These altogether shape the modern Indian families in terms of cost–benefits, resources, support, affection, and power dynamics, in line with Western settings. Although the mechanism behind the above theories has not been tested empirically in the Indian context. However, the analysis shows how urbanization and modernism illuminated the likelihood of an accelerated rise in family nucleation in India for the coming decades.
Conclusion
The study demonstrates evidence showing the emergence of more nucleation of families in India with a sharp rise in “urbanization” and “modernization.” As urbanization and modernity shape family structure in contemporary society, the present study serves as a timely endeavor to explore the influence of modernity on family systems. However, through a comparison of the recent demographic and socio-economic trends in European, North American, and East Asian countries, it is apparent that gender roles and traditional marriage and family systems are changing relatively slowly in India. Although the pace of change may be slow, progress is still being made and will inevitably affect the family structure.
India's response to socioeconomic and demographic indicators has been much more progressive over the decades, as the concept of modernization suggests. Although the country does not yet present traits of a SDT, possibly due to the continued presence of traditional social systems or the influence of traditional values across various segments of Indian society, the influence of modernization cannot be nullified. Despite modernization not being visibly reflected in the framework of the SDT theory, 82 this study evidently explained its influence on familial systems in the country.
In conclusion, the study advances that understanding the ongoing process of family transition is critical for designing work-family policies and social safety nets, as the family transition will tremendously influence the well-being of vulnerable populations such as children, the elderly, females, and disabled individuals. Moreover, urbanization and modernization continue to rise and influence the family transition. Increasing life expectancy, rural–urban migration, and changing living arrangements due to changes in the labor market situation in the country continue to stress the importance of work–family policies.
Footnotes
Acknowledgment
The authors would like to thank Dr. Premchand Dommaraju (Associate Professor, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore) and Dr. Megan N. Reed (Assistant Professor, Emory University, the United States) for their valuable suggestions on modernization and theories of family change. We also thank Dr. Mengni Chen (Assistant Professor, University of Copenhagen, Denmark) for his useful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. This paper was earlier presented at the Population Association of Singapore (PAS) 2024 annual meeting, the Work and Family Researchers Network Conference (WFRN) 2024, Canada, and the Asian Population Association (APA) Conference 2024, Nepal, where it received valuable comments. However, the views expressed in the paper purely belong to the authors.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.