Abstract
Volunteering generally enhances the health and well-being of midlife and older adults, yet patterns among Asian Americans, particularly for informal volunteerism, remain underexplored. This study analyzed data from the 2019 and 2021 Current Population Survey’s Civic Engagement and Volunteering Supplement (N = 9,537; age range: 50–75). Results show Asian Americans in this sample had the lowest odds of volunteering compared to other groups, even after accounting for socioeconomic resources. Education’s positive effect on formal volunteering was weaker for Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders and Hispanics compared to Asians. For informal volunteering, higher education had a weaker effect for Blacks, American Indian/Alaska Natives, and Hispanics, while higher income had a stronger effect for American Indian/Alaska Natives and Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders, compared to Asians. These findings highlight the need for culturally tailored interventions to address barriers, such as providing translation services and skill-based training for Asians with lower education. This dataset is limited in capturing cultural and immigration-related factors; hence, future research should examine intra-ethnic differences as well as cultural and structural factors shaping volunteering.
Keywords
• Significant differences in both formal and informal volunteering rates in mid- and later-life between Asian Americans (an underrepresented group in volunteerism research) and other groups are identified. • Findings reveal how ethnoracial identity may moderate the effects of socioeconomic resources on volunteerism, although these results are limited by statistical power and available measures. • By including a focus on informal volunteerism, this study expands upon an underexplored topic in previous research.
• The findings suggest that programs could consider addressing cultural and structural barriers to increase volunteerism among Asian midlife and older adults, particularly those with lower educational attainment, by offering support tailored to diverse needs. • Future studies should explore intra-ethnic differences within Asian communities, cultural factors like religion and immigration, and the influence of social networks and discrimination.What this paper adds
Applications of study findings
Introduction
Volunteerism, in both formal and informal forms, represents a critical avenue through which individuals contribute to their communities, foster social ties, and potentially improve their health and well-being (Gonzales et al., 2021; Kim et al., 2025; Matz et al., 2020). However, prior research and government reports have found ethnoracial disparities in volunteer participation among midlife and older adults (Gonzales et al., 2023; Grinshteyn & Sugar, 2021; Rotolo & Wilson, 2014; Serrat et al., 2020; Tavares et al., 2013), with Whites being more likely to participate than other ethnoracial groups in the U.S. Among the few studies of midlife and older Americans that have included an Asian category, Asians and Hispanics have had the lowest levels of volunteering (Johnson & Lee, 2017; Lee et al., 2018).
The nuances of these ethnoracial differences remain poorly understood, especially for Asian Americans, whose experiences with both formal and informal volunteerism have been largely understudied. One contributing factor may be the pervasive model minority stereotype, which often masks the unique challenges Asian Americans face, including potential barriers to civic engagement and volunteerism (Ecklund & Park, 2005). This gap in understanding is particularly concerning given the demographic shifts in the U.S. population, with Asian Americans representing one of the fastest-growing older populations (Budiman & Ruiz, 2021).
Empirical and Theoretical Framework
Formal and Informal Volunteerism
Defined broadly, volunteerism encompasses a range of activities where individuals offer their time and skills without financial remuneration for the greater good (Gottlieb & Gillespie, 2008; Morrow-Howell et al., 2001). Volunteerism can be divided into formal volunteerism, which involves structured programs and organizations (Lee & Brudney, 2012; Musick et al., 2000), and informal volunteerism, characterized by activities undertaken in an unstructured context, often within one’s immediate community or network, such as helping out neighbors or contributing positively to the community (Lee & Brudney, 2012; Reed & Selbee, 2001). However, informal volunteering has received much less attention in the literature. One possible reason is that informal volunteer activities, which often occur spontaneously within private social networks, might be underdocumented due to subjective perception or difficulties in recall (Dean, 2022).
The Role of Socioeconomic Resources
In understanding the factors that shape volunteerism in later life, it is critical to consider socioeconomic resources like education and income. People with higher education levels often feel more confident in finding volunteer opportunities and may have a deeper professional network that gives them access to opportunities; they may also be particularly attractive to nonprofit organizations because they often come with needed skills, resources, and knowledge (Musick & Wilson, 2007; Wilson, 2012). Meanwhile, highly educated individuals may also be more inclined towards informal volunteerism due to more established links with neighbors and friends who share social goals such as altruism or building a better community (Lee & Brudney, 2012; Pearce, 1993; Putnam, 2001), as well as more resources and job flexibility that make it easier to help out when needed (Musick & Wilson, 2007).
Income also plays a crucial role in volunteerism. Midlife and older adults with stronger economic power often experience greater personal autonomy and can freely decide to engage in volunteer work (Li & Ferraro, 2005). In contrast, people with less disposable income, time, and resources may have to rank basic necessities over volunteer service (Wilson, 2012). The economic security provided by higher income levels allows for greater flexibility in volunteering, reducing the constraints that limited financial resources can impose.
Ethnoracial Disparities and Socioeconomic Resources
Disparities in volunteer participation between Whites and Blacks or Hispanics have been explained primarily as a consequence of socioeconomic resources (Tang & Morrow-Howell, 2008; Wilson, 2012). Midlife and older adults from historically oppressed ethnoracial groups, including Hispanic, American Indian, Alaska Native, Hawaiian/Pacific Islanders, and Black Americans, on average, tend to have significantly lower levels of education and income than Whites (USA Facts Team, 2023; Wilson, 2012).
In contrast, Asian Americans as a group tend to have comparable or even higher levels of education and income relative to Whites (Joo et al., 2016; Kochhar & Cilluffo, 2018). However, despite these resources, Asians have lower rates of formal volunteerism compared to Whites, similar to other marginalized ethnoracial groups (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015; Johnson & Lee, 2017). Although few studies have examined these patterns in the context of informal volunteering, patterns may be very different in informal contexts (Jo et al., 2023; Lee & Brudney, 2012).
Interactions Between Socioeconomic Resources and Ethnoracial Identity
Previous investigations of how socioeconomic resources and ethnoracial identity intersect to shape volunteer behavior in the U.S. have been limited in both scope and breadth. For scope, Musick et al. (2000) restricted their comparison to White and Black populations when examining the associations between social class, religion, and volunteer behaviors. For breadth, findings from Johnson and Lee (2017), who did consider Asians in their analysis of data from California, may not be generalizable at the national level.
One could postulate that the relationship between socioeconomic resources and formal volunteerism is likely to be stronger for White midlife and older adults, whose access to established volunteer pathways is often enhanced by their resources and supported by networks embedded within mainstream volunteer organizations (McBride et al., 2006). In contrast, for Black, Hispanic, and Asian American groups, the link between socioeconomic resources and formal volunteerism may be weaker due to historical and structural inequalities in access to volunteer networks and institutional barriers (Musick & Wilson, 2007). Even when individuals from these groups have higher education and income, their access to formal volunteer organizations may be limited by past experiences of discrimination or exclusion, as well as by the lack of cultural and linguistic inclusivity within many volunteer organizations. As a result, more resources may not translate into the same level of formal volunteer engagement for marginalized groups as it does for White individuals (Jo et al., 2023).
The relationship between socioeconomic resources and informal volunteerism may also differ across ethnoracial groups but in varying ways. Informal volunteerism, such as helping neighbors or providing community support without organizational structures, is often driven more by cultural values and local social networks than by socioeconomic resources (Einolf et al., 2016; Schwartz, 2010). As a result, Black, Hispanic, and Asian American midlife and older adults may informally volunteer at similar rates to Whites due to alignment with the values of reciprocity and community responsibility in these communities (Li & Ferraro, 2005).
Aims and Research Questions
This study aims to delve deeper into the dynamics of formal and informal volunteerism among midlife and older adults, with a particular focus on how ethnoracial identity and socioeconomic resources interplay in shaping these patterns. Importantly, this study addresses a gap in prior research by including a focus on Asian Americans. In doing so, the following research questions are posed: (1) Are there differences in the rates of participation in formal and informal volunteer activities between Asian Americans and other ethnoracial groups? (2) Do ethnoracial differences in formal and informal volunteer rates persist after accounting for socioeconomic resources, operationalized as income and education? (3) Does ethnoracial identity moderate the relationship between socioeconomic resources and the likelihood of participation in formal and informal volunteer activities?
The study centers on the experiences of Asian American midlife and older adults by treating Asian Americans as the reference group in analyses. Further, the study utilizes the recent national data, which is important given that much of the literature on ethnoracial differences in formal and informal volunteerism, especially that includes Asian midlife and older adults, is considerably dated (Sundeen et al., 2007).
Methods
Data and Sample
We analyzed data from the 2019 and 2021 Current Population Survey’s Civic Engagement and Volunteering Supplement (CPS CEV), downloaded from a pre-managed dataset from AmeriCorps (AmeriCorps, 2021). The CPS is administered monthly to a probabilistically selected sample of approximately 60,000 occupied households in the U.S. using both personal and telephone interviews. The CEV Supplement is sponsored by AmeriCorps and administered by the Census Bureau every 2 years to collect information related to the nation’s civic health (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019, 2021).
Sample Selection Criteria and Loss Due to Listwise Deletion
aA random sample of 3,500 individuals were taken for each group, with more than 3,500 respondents aged 50 to 75.
bThe final sample consists of those who answered the formal and informal volunteering questions in the CPS CEV.
Measures
Dependent Variables
Dependent variables included formal and informal volunteering. Formal volunteering is a single variable operationalized using two indicators: “In the past 12 months, did you spend any time volunteering for any organization or association?” and “Some people don’t think of activities they do infrequently or for children’s schools or youth organizations as volunteer activities. In the past 12 months have you done any of these types of activities?” Those who responded “yes” to either question were coded as 1 and those who responded “no” to both as 0.
Informal volunteering is also a single variable operationalized using two indicators. The first “In the past 12 months, how often did you and your neighbors do favors for each other such as house sitting, watching each other’s children, lending tools, and other things to help each other?” was recoded such that varying levels of frequency equaled “yes” (1) and “Not at all” equaled “no” (0). The second “Did you get together with other people from your neighborhood to do something positive for your neighborhood or the community?” was coded as “yes” (1) and “no” (0). Those marked as “yes” to either question were coded as 1 and those who responded “no” to both as 0.
Key Independent Variables
Ethnoracial identity had 7 categories: non-Hispanic Asian (reference group), non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Native, non-Hispanic Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, Hispanic, and multiple races. Education level was a measure encompassing 7 distinct levels of educational attainment: Less than 1st Grade, 1st Grade to 6th Grade, 7th Grade to 12th Grade, High School Diploma, Some College and Associate Degree, Bachelor’s Degree, and Master’s Degree or Above. This variable was treated as continuous for analyses. Family income was the combined income of all family members during the last 12 months, which includes money from jobs, net income from business, and other sources. Income was measured across 16 levels, from “Less than $5,000” to “$150,000 or more.” To adjust for household size and limit the impacts from the number of persons in the household, this variable was divided by the total number of persons living in the household, keeping it as a continuous variable.
Control Variables
Control variables included nativity status (native-born vs. foreign-born), age (continuous), gender (female, male), marital status (married or cohabiting partner, not married or without a cohabitating partner), and logged number of household members (continuous). The distribution of the number of household members, with a range from 1 to 15, diverged substantially from a normal distribution. To address this, we top-coded the variable to 7 and applied the logarithmic transformation.
Working status was included as a 3-category variable derived from the labor force status questions in the CPS. The “employed” category encompassed both actively working and temporarily absent individuals (those with jobs but who were not working during the reference week due to vacation, illness, or other short-term circumstances), “unemployed for non-retirement reasons” included those who were actively looking for work, as well as those unable to work due to disability or factors other than retirement, and “retired” referred to individuals who have withdrawn from the labor force due to retirement.
Although the CPS contained limited measures of health, two important indicators were included. The first, difficulty in performing errands, captured whether respondents experienced any difficulty performing tasks such as visiting a doctor’s office or shopping on their own, due to any physical, mental, or emotional condition (1 = difficulty in performing any of these errands, 0 = no such difficulty). The second, difficulty in dressing/bathing, assesses whether participants experienced challenges in these basic self-care activities (1 = difficulty in any of these activities, 0 = no such difficulty).
Data Analysis
First, we employed descriptive and bivariate statistics for all study variables. Next, we estimated separate logistic regression models with robust standard errors to examine how ethnoracial identity is related to the odds of formal and informal volunteering. In these models, we used a stepwise model-building approach. Model 1, answering Research Question 1, included ethnoracial identity and control variables only. Model 2, answering Research Question 2, added income and education. Model 3, answering Research Question 3, included interaction terms between ethnoracial identity and socioeconomic resources (income and education).
Stata MP 17 was used for all data management and analyses. Relevant statistical assumptions were tested and addressed. All continuous variables included in multivariate analyses were mean-centered. Because the 2019 and 2021 waves were pooled together to increase the sample size for smaller racial groups, a wave indicator was included in the models to control for temporal and contextual differences before and after the COVID-19 pandemic, which may have disproportionately impacted some ethnoracial groups’ engagement in the community (Lai, Hogan, et al., 2024).
Results
Descriptive Analyses
Descriptive Characteristics of Key Study Variables (N = 9,537)
Reference group = Non-Hispanic Asian
Work Status = Unemployed for non-retirement reason
Bivariate Analyses
Bivariate analysis of study variables by ethnoracial group (N = 9,537)
Note. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001; NH = non-Hispanic;
aSignificance was assessed using chi-square tests for ethnoracial group and binary or categorical variables and ANOVA for ethnoracial group and continuous variables.
Regression Analyses
Results of Logistic Regression Models of Ethnoracial Differences on Formal Volunteering Among Adults Aged 50–75 in the U.S. (N = 9,537)
Note. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001; NH = non-Hispanic; OR = odds ratio; SE = standard error; continuous variables were mean-centered.
Results of Logistic Regression Models of Ethnoracial Differences on Informal Volunteering Among Adults Aged 50–75 in the U.S. (N = 9,537)
Note. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001; NH = non-Hispanic; OR = odds ratio; SE = standard error; continuous variables were mean-centered.
Second, we tested whether ethnoracial differences in formal and informal volunteer rates persisted after accounting for socioeconomic resources, which we operationalized as education and income (Tables 4 and 5, Model 2). We found that including education and income in the models led to all ethnoracial groups having greater odds of volunteering than Asians, with the magnitudes of association increasing for all groups as well. For formal volunteering, Whites (OR = 2.026, p < .001) Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders (OR = 2.135, p < .01), multiracial respondents (OR = 1.989, p < .001), Blacks (OR = 1.669, p < .001), American Indian and Alaska Natives (OR = 1.554, p < .01), and Hispanics (OR = 1.472, p < .001) all had higher odds. Similarly, all ethnoracial groups experienced higher odds of informally volunteering compared to Asians and experienced higher magnitudes of association after controlling for education and income (Whites: OR = 2.239, p < .001; multiracial respondents: OR = 1.833, p < .001; Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders: OR = 1.647, p < .01; Hispanics: OR = 1.599, p < .001; American Indian and Alaska Natives: OR = 1.543, p < .01; Blacks: OR = 1.357, p < .001). Socioeconomic resources were also significantly related to both formal (income: OR = 1.047, p < .001; education: OR = 1.569, p < .001) and informal (income: OR = 1.022, p < .01; education: OR = 1.184, p < .001) volunteering.
To visually examine these effects, the predicted probability for formal and informal volunteerism (Figures 1 and 2) was calculated, holding all control variables and socioeconomic resources at their means. In sum, the results suggest that socioeconomic resources were masking or suppressing racial differences in volunteerism. Predicted Probability of Formal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Identity After Taking Into Account Socioeconomic Resources. Notes. These Estimates Are the Estimated Probability of Formal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group, Holding all Controls, Household Income, and Education at the Mean. *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001; the Reference Group is Asians. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals. Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Identity After Taking Into Account Socioeconomic Resources. Notes. These Estimates Are the Estimated Probability of Informal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group, Holding all Controls, Household Income, and Education at the Mean. *p < .05, **p < .01; ***p < .001; the Reference Group is Asians. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals.

Third, we tested whether ethnoracial identity moderated the relationship between socioeconomic resources and the likelihood of participating in formal and informal volunteer activities (see Tables 4 and 5, Model 3). After accounting for these interactions, the main effects between ethnoracial identity and formal volunteering remained significant and increased further in magnitude from the preceding analyses. Yet overall, the inclusion of interaction terms between ethnoracial identity and income, as well as ethnoracial identity and education, did not identify many significant findings related to formal volunteering, with two exceptions: The effect of higher education on formal volunteering is less positive (i.e., weaker) or non-existent for Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (OR = .584, p < .01) and Hispanics (OR = .849, p < .05) compared to Asians.
For informal volunteerism, interaction terms show that higher education and income have varying impacts on informal volunteerism across different groups. The effect of higher education on informal volunteering is less positive (weaker) for Blacks (OR = .885, p < .05), American Indians and Alaska Natives (OR = .751, p < .05), and Hispanics (OR = .828, p < .01) compared to Asians, but not Whites, Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders, nor those identified as multiple ethnoracial groups. The effect of higher income on informal volunteering is more positive (stronger) for American Indians and Alaska Natives (OR = 1.109, p < .05) and Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders (OR = 1.151, p < .05), compared to Asians. However, for Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, and individuals of multiple ethnoracial backgrounds, the interaction effects with income were not statistically significant, indicating that the effect of income on informal volunteering for these groups is similar to that of Asians. To aid interpretation, Figures 3(a) and (b) and 4(a) and (b) show marginal effects of ethnoracial identity by education for both formal and informal volunteering, and Figure 5(a) and (b) shows those by income for informal volunteering. (a) Predicted Probability of Formal Volunteering by the Interaction of Ethnoracial Identity and Educational Attainment. Notes: These Estimates Are the Predicted Probability of Formal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group and Education, Holding all Controls at the Mean. Based on Model 5 Results, Significance is Compared to Asians. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals. (b) Predicted Probability of Formal Volunteering by the Interaction of Ethnoracial Identity and Educational Attainment (Only Statistically Significant Results Shown). Notes: These Estimates Are the Predicted Probability of Formal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group and Education, Holding all Controls at the Mean. Based on Model 5 Results, Significance is Compared to Asians. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals. (a) Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by the Interaction of Ethnoracial Identity and Educational Attainment. Notes: These Estimates Are the Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group and Education, Holding all Controls at the Mean. Based on Model 5 Results, Significance is Compared to Asians. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals. (b) Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by the Interaction of Ethnoracial Identity and Educational Attainment (Only Statistically Significant Results Shown). Notes: These Estimates Are the Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group and Education, Holding all Controls at the Mean. Based on Model 5 Results, Significance is Compared to Asians. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals. (a) Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by the Interaction of Ethnoracial Identity and Income. Notes: These Estimates Are the Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group and Income, Holding all Controls at the Mean. Based on Model 5 Results, Significance is Compared to Asians. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals. (b) Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by the Interaction of Ethnoracial Identity and Income (Only Statistically Significant Results Shown). Notes: These Estimates Are the Predicted Probability of Informal Volunteering by Ethnoracial Group and Income, Holding all Controls at the Mean. Based on Model 5 Results, Significance is Compared to Asians. *p < .05, **p < .01, and ***p < .001. Error Bars Indicate Confidence Intervals.


Sensitivity Analyses
We tested interactions between ethnoracial group and immigration status (U.S.-born vs. foreign-born) and found no statistically significant differences across groups compared to Asians. The sensitivity analysis may have been underpowered due to the relatively few numbers of U.S.-born, non-Hispanic Asian Americans.
Discussion
The Role of Socioeconomic Resources
Our results highlight the importance of socioeconomic resources, operationalized as education and income, when considering rates of formal and informal volunteering and ethnoracial differences between these rates. Before considering education and income, Asian respondents had rates that were statistically no different from all but White and multiracial respondents. However, after accounting for these resources, Asian Americans had statistically lower rates of both formal and informal volunteering than all ethnoracial groups in our study.
Formal Volunteering Rates and 95% Confidence Intervals Among U.S.-born and Foreign-born Aged 50–75 in the U.S. (N = 9,537)
Informal Volunteering Rates and 95% Confidence Intervals Among U.S.-born and Foreign-born Aged 50–75 in the U.S. (N = 9,537)
The Moderating Effect of Ethnoracial Group
When it came to moderation analyses, findings reveal complex patterns by ethnoracial group for education and income. Education’s positive effect on formal volunteering was weaker for Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders and Hispanics compared to Asians. For informal volunteering, higher education had a weaker effect for Blacks, American Indian/Alaska Natives, and Hispanics, whereas higher income had a stronger positive effect for American Indian/Alaska Natives, Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders, and Hispanics compared to Asians. It is challenging to draw definitive conclusions about the consistency of the study’s findings on interaction effects with those of prior studies since none have examined these relationships in the same way. For example, scholars have shown that compared to Whites, Black midlife and older adults are more sensitive to the impacts of income, but not education, on formal volunteerism (Gonzales et al., 2016) and that Black adults of all ages are more sensitive to both income and education on formal volunteerism (Musick et al., 2000). However, Asians were not included in these studies, nor did they consider informal volunteerism.
One tentative culturally grounded explanation is “face,” a Confucian-derived concern for maintaining moral standing and public prestige through role-appropriate, socially approved conduct; an interactional logic linking visible prosocial action to reputation while discouraging behaviors that could invite shame (Ho, 1994; Luo & Chui, 2016). This mechanism could plausibly explain the higher levels of both formal and informal volunteering among more-educated Asians in this sample, as higher education may expand access to and incentives for visible organizational or community roles that confer prestige. In contrast, lower mean levels of volunteering may be better understood through filial piety and familism (greater prioritization of family caregiving and household roles), and modesty and self-effacement norms that may reduce the pursuit or reporting of such roles. The potential role of such factors should be balanced with consideration of the role of immigration-related structural factors that likely shape opportunities to volunteer and how education relates to volunteering across groups. Factors such as English proficiency, immigration and documentation context, and multigenerational living could shape eligibility, capacity, preference, institutional risk, and reporting; thereby strengthening the observed relationship between education and volunteering among those with higher proficiency, secure status, acculturation, and shared household supports. However, because we lacked direct measures of these constructs and could not directly test the proposed pathways, our cultural and structural interpretations are tentative. Future work using richer data or mixed-methods designs should examine how cultural and immigration-related factors jointly shape volunteerism in mid- and later-life among Asian Americans.
The significant finding that ethnoracial identity for some groups moderated the relationship between income and informal volunteering (but not formal volunteering) could reflect a complex interplay between financial resources and ethnoracial groups in the community engagement (Lee & Moon, 2011; Wang & Handy, 2014). This challenges previous studies that resources and ethnoracial group differences may not be related to informal volunteerism (Einolf et al., 2016) and warrants further investigation into the culture-specific factors influencing both formal and informal volunteerism beyond resources (Lai et al., 2021).
Implications and Limitations
There is a need for a deeper exploration of additional factors to explain these ethnoracial differences, such as intra-ethnic differences within Asian communities (Lai et al., 2024; Sundeen et al., 2007), culture-related factors such as religion and immigration status (Musick & Wilson, 2007; Rotolo & Wilson, 2012), and the impacts from social networks and experiences of discrimination (Guo et al., 2023). The findings presented here suggest a need for deeper examination of these factors to understand the links between both formal and informal volunteering in later-life and ethnoracial identity. These findings could then have direct influence on programs and policies designed to increase rates of volunteering in an increasingly diverse society. For example, nonprofit organizations and public agencies could consider culture-related factors and ethnoracial diversity when recruiting both formal and informal volunteers. Further, and given the high rate of immigrants among midlife and older Asians in this study, practitioners could develop community education and support groups to empower immigrants to engage in volunteering, including English classes and volunteer opportunities in their native languages.
Several limitations of the present study warrant acknowledgment. First, the cross-sectional nature of the study precludes causal inferences, limiting insights into the evolving impacts of socioeconomic resources on volunteerism over time. Second, the operational definition of informal volunteerism presents challenges, given that participants may find it difficult to recall often spontaneous acts of civic and community engagement. Hence, the data collected on informal volunteerism may be unreliable (Taniguchi, 2012). Third, some samples excluded due to missing data had slightly lower education levels, indicating potential selection bias. However, both means approximate the cutoff for the category of “some college or an associate degree,” so the practical difference is minimal. Fourth, although we tested an interaction between immigrant status and ethnoracial group, the relatively small number of U.S.-born Asian respondents likely limited statistically power. As such, the absence of a statistically significant nativity effect should be interpreted cautiously, and further research with larger samples is needed to clarify these dynamics. Fifth, CPS lacks detailed measures on cultural and structural factors mentioned above that likely shape volunteer behavior among older Asian immigrants.
Lastly, we hope that this study provides an example for future researchers to be more expansive and inclusive when considering race and ethnicity in their studies. There are certain constraints, such as sample size, that prevent the analysis of additional ethnoracial groups in some studies and datasets. However, our study, which pooled two waves of data from the CPS to increase sample size, shows that it is possible to consider several more ethnoracial identities within major national datasets.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
This manuscript originated from Lai’s dissertation at the Boston College School of Social Work. We thank committee members Sara Moorman and Christopher Salas-Wright (Boston College), and May Guo (University of Iowa) for their guidance and mentorship throughout the dissertation process.
Ethical Considerations
This study was approved by the Boston College Institutional Review Board (IRB) under IRB Protocol Number: 23.261.01e.
Author Contributions
Lai conceptualized and planned the study, conducted all statistical analyses, and wrote the manuscript. Matz provided supervision for the data analysis and contributed to revising the manuscript. Halvorsen offered feedback and assisted in revising the manuscript.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
This study used data from the publicly available Civic Engagement and Volunteering (CEV) Supplement of the 2019 and 2021 Current Population Survey (CPS), administered by the U.S. Census Bureau and the Bureau of Labor Statistics and sponsored by AmeriCorps. All data were downloaded and are available from the AmeriCorps Office of Research and Evaluation
