Professionalising waste collection: Exploring a unique model of Haritha Karma Sena women,Kerala

Introduction

Waste collection is an important social service that impacts environmental sustainability, public health, and people’s well-being. Despite the important role waste collectors play in our society, they often face a lack of recognition and public and administrative support, as well as challenging working conditions. Available data show that there are approximately 1.5–4 million informal waste pickers in India, and they are known as “rag pickers” (Bandyopadhyay, 2025). Usually, waste collectors work informally, are low-paid, and are subjected to physical and psychological illnesses (Zolnikov et al., 2018). They are exposed to occupational safety and health-related risks (Gravel et al., 2023), in which socio-cognitive determinants play a major role (Lissah et al., 2025). Additionally, the public’s irresponsible behaviours and the systemic inefficiencies contribute to environmental and public health risks. The public’s recognition of waste pickers strengthens pro-environmental behaviour. Perceptions of nature, values, and related behaviours are influenced by culture (Tam, 2024). Cognitive, socio-cultural, and governance aspects influence pro-environmental behaviour and, consequently, the agency formation of waste pickers. As people’s waste-dumping behaviour poses the greatest challenge (Jiang et al., 2020), understanding cultural context is essential for measuring women’s empowerment, and agency alone cannot inform (O’Hara and Clement, 2018). It limits the basic capabilities, such as health, dignity, and social participation, of those women who are engaged in the work of waste collection, as mentioned in Martha Nussbaum’s Capabilities Approach (Nussbaum, 2013). The extent of support provided by governing bodies also plays an important role. The engagement between waste collectors and waste-governing institutions serves as a mechanism to regulate the waste collection process (Alene, 2018), indicating the need to structure informal household waste collection (Andrianisa et al., 2015). There is evidence that formal waste collection systems exist, operated through contractual or regular arrangements involving both public and private entities (Borchard et al., 2021). In these models, private-sector companies are often more efficient than their public counterparts (Katusiimeh et al., 2011; Simões et al., 2012). The present decentralised model in Kerala, India, demonstrates the effectiveness of government-managed institutions in waste management, such as Haritha Karma Sena (HKS). Though community-based waste management is prevalent in many developing countries, they have many limitations compared to the HKS model. For instance, waste-picker cooperatives of informal waste pickers (Colombijn and Morbidini, 2017), an inclusive cooperative model in Sri Lanka (Fernando and Tsuji, 2024) and a community-led model in Brazil (De Pinna Mendez et al., 2022) are not fully institutionalised, there is a lack of collaboration among stakeholders (Niroshika, 2025), have institutional structural weaknesses, are often uncoordinated (Mmereki et al., 2016), and there is a presence of middlemen (De Pinna Mendez et al., 2022). These challenges highlight the need for a new integrative sustainable model (Maalouf and Agamuthu, 2023). As many developing countries struggle to manage waste effectively and lack the resources to mechanise collection systems, there is a pressing need to identify and adopt successful interim models until adequate mechanisation becomes feasible. In that context, the HKS model is unique in its ability to effectively address the limitations mentioned above. It is a self-sustaining financial model integrated with local self-help groups (SHGs), supported by government-led infrastructure and a regulatory framework that ensures a steady income for the women engaged in waste collection. Financial independence enhances these women’s autonomy and strengthens their self-respect, thereby empowering them. In Kerala, a group of waste collectors operates within a formalised system, distinguishing them from informal waste pickers. These workers are known as the HKS. According to the Haritha Kerala Mission Website, 36,000 HKS women work in the field (2026). HKS women play an important role in Kerala’s decentralised waste management system. These women in HKS are part of SHGs. Their role starts not only with collecting non-biodegradable solid waste door to door from households but also with facilitating composting of biodegradable waste, segregating solid waste, and disseminating information on environmental cleanliness, among other things. After collecting the waste, they sort it into recyclable and non-recyclable waste and send it to recycling or disposal locations accordingly. They facilitate the diversion of non-recyclable plastic waste, commonly referred to as “reject,” which, as noted by Tiburcio et al. (2021), has alternative applications and is utilised in shredded form for the construction of rural roads (Report No. 9, Government of Kerala). Table 1 shows the generated waste across districts, as per the State of Decentralised Solid Waste Management in Kerala Report 2021, and the contributions of HKS women to waste processing. In many areas, HKS maintains a calendar specifying the categories of household items to be collected each month. HKS women also learn skills in equipment use. For instance, there are areas of baling machines that compact recyclable waste materials into dense bales using hydraulic or mechanical pressure. They learn to use these machines to compress heavy scrap into dense blocks for cheaper transport to recycling or to the Clean Kerala Company (CKLC) (the CKLC was established under the local self-government (LSG) Department of the Government of Kerala; website: www.cleankeralacompany.com). In areas where these machines are not available, all HKS women perform fieldwork, whereas in areas where they are available, some women are assigned to operate them. In this manner, HKS women play a crucial role in promoting environmental sustainability. These HKS women are considered different from regular waste pickers because they work professionally, are trained to collect, segregate, and dispose of waste. They are monitored by village officers in Panchayats and also by Health inspectors in Municipalities. Although the work contributes to their empowerment, HKS women encounter operational and structural challenges in performing their roles in the waste management process. Thus, the objectives of the research were to identify the socio-cultural and governance factors that strengthen and weaken the functioning of HKS women, how the above factors affect HKS women’s capabilities, agency formation, and their right to dignity, and to analyse the experiences of HKS women about their social and economic shifts after being part of this mission. The study aimed to generate evidence-based insights to inform interventions that can enhance the socioeconomic and occupational conditions of HKS women.

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Table 1.

HKS women’s contribution.

Activity linked to HKS women	HKS women’s contribution
Waste collection from the households	Collect approximately 4000 to 6000 tonnes of plastic and other types of waste from various panchayats and municipal areas (2024)
Rejected waste collected and aggregated at MCFs/RRFs (quantity of rejected waste in the year 2022–2023 and 2023–2024 is ≈21,627 tonnes (cumulative)	HKS women carried out segregation and handling, enabling the identification of rejects
Rejected waste transported to cement factories (last 2 years; ≈163,633 metric tonnes)	Continuous frontline labour ensured a steady supply for co-processing
Average rejected waste handled per district (~1300–1500 tonnes)	Indicates sustained, district-wide operational involvement of HKS teams
Number of dispatch consignments to cement plants (regular monthly consignments across districts)	Shows coordination by HKS women in packing, storage, and loading

Source: Website (https://haritham.kerala.gov.in/index.php), ICKL website, and field data collected by the researchers.

MCFs: material collection facilities; RRFs: resource recovery facilities; HKS: Haritha Karma Sena.

Professionalisation as a pathway to capability enhancement

Individuals develop the capacity to act through socially embedded relationships, norms, and self-understandings that influence how they perceive and exercise their choice. The enhanced dignity, safety, and social acknowledgement strengthen their capacity to act, negotiate, and participate meaningfully in decision-making processes, which is supported by improved working conditions and recognition of their indispensability. Agency formation of women, as connected to capabilities, is understood as relational and shaped by social norms, power relations, and institutional contexts, rather than as purely individual autonomy, which involves the ability to make meaningful choices and transform them into desired outcomes (Mishra and Tripathi, 2011). In that sense, sociality and identity influence the formation of agency (Shteynberg et al., 2021). Realising one’s worth facilitates understanding one’s capabilities (Nussbaum, 2016). Recognising equal human worth requires ensuring that all genders have equal substantive opportunities, the fundamental freedoms, and capabilities to lead lives they have reason to value. Equal worth based on gender is connected to ideas of freedom and opportunity (Nussbaum, 1999). A work becomes meaningful when individuals have the autonomy, choice, and capability to engage in it with dignity. The meaning of a work is based on its experiential components (Conklin, 2011). Waste collecting work fosters financial independence, which, in turn, builds a sense of competence among women and helps them recognise their worth. Underscoring the need for formal recognition, safety standards, and institutional support to transform waste collection work from informal labour into a valued and regulated public service, thus contributing to agency formation. Individual agency is a temporally embedded process in which individuals draw on past experiences, envision future possibilities, and make judgements within present social contexts (Emirbayer and Mische, 1998). Thus, expanding individuals’ real opportunities and freedoms can enable them to make meaningful choices and act in ways they value within their social contexts, thereby enhancing their capabilities, as Nussbaum (2001) stated. Nussbaum’s model provides a conceptual basis for thinking about human development universally (Van Jaarsveld, 2020).

Unlike Sen’s model (1999), Nussbaum (1999) focused on the non-economic dimensions of capabilities, which concern what individuals can do to live with dignity. Nussbaum (2011) identified 10 central human capabilities essential to human dignity: life, bodily health, integrity, senses, imagination and thought, emotions, practical reason, affiliations, connection to others, enjoyment of life, and control over one’s environment. Among these, affiliation stands out as particularly relevant to the context of HKS members. “Affiliation refers to the capability to live with and towards others, engage in social interaction and empathy, and to enjoy the social bases of self-respect and non-humiliation, including being treated as a dignified and equal human being without discrimination” (Nussbaum, 2011, p. 34). Nussbaum (1992) argued that the capability to affiliate ensures dignity. Social interaction is one of the critical elements of claiming capabilities, as more equitable recognition and inclusion within society ensures social justice. Social justice, as a form of equality, confirms women’s understanding of their inherent dignity and their right to be respected by others (Nussbaum, 2001). Socio-cultural factors influence an individual’s judgement, and considering any job undignified undermines the self-respect and self-worth of those engaged in it. Valorising unpaid or low-paid jobs, which contribute to societal and environmental goals, impacts the capabilities of workers (Bueno, 2024). Structural upgradation of waste collection, a low-paid occupation largely undertaken by women, can transform it into a dignified and socially valued occupation and thereby improve their social and working conditions. For this, recognising HKS women as equal members of society and treating them with dignity and respect is essential. It leads to overcoming challenges that undermine their self-respect, social recognition, and freedom to participate in social and economic life.

The Kerala government has undertaken initiatives to convert waste collection into a more organised and formal system, thereby contributing to the professionalisation of waste collection work. “Professionalisation involves the development of skills, identities, norms, and values associated with becoming part of a professional group” (Levine & Bell, 2015, p. 679). It consists of developing specialised roles, standards, and recognised forms of expertise, which helps a type of work gain public legitimacy and social recognition (Forsyth and Danisiewicz, 1985). The Kerala government provides uniforms, skill training, and formal work structures and systems for HKS women. In 2026, the Kerala government introduced a new scheme for providing a common uniform for all HKS women (Photo 1 below shows a government public poster announcing the inauguration of the distribution of a common uniform for HKS women). The poster reads “a common uniform for Haritha Karma Members, state-level launch of distribution, Shornur Town Hall, 11 March 2026 at 10 AM.”

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Photo 1.

Government poster announcing common uniform distribution for Haritha Karma Sena members, January 2026.

Thus, when waste collection as an occupation is formalised through training and structured roles, it gains public approval and professional status rather than being informal labour. LSG bodies have created opportunities for HKS women to participate; however, the experiential dimension of work, specifically how HKS members derive dignity or purpose from their labour, is an aspect that has received little scholarly attention. Existing studies show the role of women in solid waste management and environmental sustainability initiatives (Rakendu et al., 2025). Most literature focuses on policy-related issues, with limited attention to how HKS members perceive their roles, navigate societal barriers, or find meaning in their work. The research also acknowledges the feminisation of waste management through HKS initiatives in Kerala. As Conklin (2011) and Nussbaum (2016) suggested, recognising one’s worth and the experiential value of work is central to freedom and well-being; it is essential to examine the extent to which HKS women get recognised in their work. Identifying logistical and infrastructural challenges, as well as the governance gap that hinders the professionalisation of this occupation, helps acknowledge the value of their work. The reliance on non-motorised transport, such as bicycles and wheelbarrows, along with inadequate waste storage facilities and poorly designed vehicles, adversely affects waste collectors’ productivity and compromises their safety (Wibin and Kalina, 2025). Therefore, a deeper qualitative understanding of HKS members’ narratives is important to improve their working conditions and capabilities.

Method

Participant profile

HKS workers are recruited through a decentralised, ward-wise process across LSG bodies, with selection based on mandatory Kudumbashree ¹ membership, voluntary interest, physical fitness, and good conduct; educational qualifications are not considered. The primary recruitment pool comprises Kudumbashree and Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA ² ) workers. In rural areas, two members are selected per ward, with higher numbers permitted in Municipal/Corporation areas depending on population density. The core eligibility criteria, as per the Operational Guidelines, require candidates to be members of a Kudumbashree or Neighbourhood Group, demonstrate an interest in enterprise activities, be physically fit, and possess good conduct. Educational or professional qualifications are not treated as significant determinants of selection; the institutional emphasis is on community embeddedness rather than technical credentials. This reflects the programme’s broader orientation towards social inclusion and the economic empowerment of women from low-income households. Where services are outsourced, a hybrid governance model applies; private agencies may impose additional criteria (e.g. an age cap), and joint Kudumbashree agency panels conduct selection interviews. Post-selection, members receive 3 days of local government training, a uniform, and an ID card, followed by three stages of Kudumbashree training led by the Kerala Institute of Local Administration, covering group formation, enterprise opportunities, and sustainability initiatives (according to the Operational Guidelines). Table 2 shows the profile of the HKS women who participated in the interview.

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Table 2.

HKS women’s profile. Socio-demographic profile of respondents (N = 117).

Variables	Categories	Number	Percentage	Average
Age	30–39	13	11.1	47.9 (mean)
	40–49	58	49.6
	50–59	31	26.5
	60–69	15	12.8
	Above 70	0	0
Years of experience	Less than 2 years/2 years	24	20.5
	3–5 years	51	43.6
	6–9 years	40	34.2
	More than 10 years	2	1.7
Religion	Hinduism	103	88.1
	Christianity	6	5.1
	Muslim	8	6.8
	Other	0	0
Caste category	General	11	9.4
	OBC	63	53.8
	SC	40	34.2
	ST	1	0.9
	OEC	2	1.7
Marital status	Unmarried	1	0.9
	Married	96	82
	Widowed	16	13.7
	Divorced/separated	4	3.4
Local body	Panchayath	80	68.4
	Municipality	30	25.6
	Corporation	7	6
District	Kannur	27	23.1
	Malappuram	44	37.6
	Alappuzha	30	25.6
	Ernakulam	7	6
	Kottayam	2	1.7
	Thiruvananthapuram	7	6
Educational qualification	Under 10th grade	39	33.3
	Of which: up to 4th grade	11	9.4
	Matriculation and higher secondary	70	59.9
	Graduate and above	8	6.8
	Of which: post-graduate	1	0.8
Poverty	AAY a	7	6
	BPL b	96	82.1
	APL	14	11.9
Monthly income	Up to 5999	2	1.7	10,000 (median)
	6000–8000	29	24.8
	8001–10,000	46	39.3
	10,001–15,000	25	21.4
	15,001–20,000	10	8.5
	Above 20,000	5	4.3
Housing status	Own house	100	85.5
	Rent/lease	9	7.7
	Living with relatives	3	2.6
	Govt-provided house	2	1.7
	Others	3	2.5
Other sources of income for the family	No (their sole earnings)	33	28.2
	Yes	84	71.8
Skill level	Trained	117	100
	Untrained	0	0
Previous experience	None	28	23.9
	Have work experience	89	76.1
	Of which: sanitation	4	3.4
	Of which: MGNREGA	36	30.8
	Of which: ADS/Kudumbashree	3	2.6

Indented sub-categories are already included within the parent category and are not counted separately.

ADS: area development societies; AAY: Antyodaya Anna Yojana; BPL: below poverty line; APL: above poverty line; HKS: Haritha Karma Sena; OBC: Other Backward Caste; SC: Scheduled Castes; ST: Scheduled Tribe; OEC: Other Eligible Community; MGNREGA: Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.

a

AAY is the ration card issued by the government for the “poorest of the poor.”

b

BPL: People in this category receive higher food subsidies than those in the APL.

The demographic profile indicates that the majority of participants are middle-aged, with a mean age of approximately 48 years, highlighting the pressing need for adequate health insurance coverage. The caste composition of HKS workers is: Other Backward Castes (OBCs) – 53.8%, Scheduled Castes (SC) – 34.2%, General Category (GC) – 9.4%, Other Eligible Communities (OECs) – 1.7%, and Scheduled Tribes (STs) – 0.9%. Caste hierarchy exists in India. People in the GC category are considered to belong to higher social strata in the caste hierarchy and are not eligible for reservation. OBCs, SCs, and STs are marginalised communities eligible for affirmative action. The Kerala Government circular states that Other Eligible Communities (OEC) is a Kerala-specific caste category that represents backward communities within the OBC (https://egrantz.kerala.gov.in/OEC_pre2022-23.pdf). This composition, in which OBCs, SCs, and STs together constitute nearly 88% of the workforce, is not an empirical coincidence but a structural articulation of the caste–labour nexus, in which occupational assignment and social identity are mutually constitutive rather than merely correlated. Waste picking is undertaken mainly by marginalised communities in India (Shanmugasundaram, 2024).

Ethics

The research obtained ethical clearance from the Institute Human Ethics Committee, BITS Pilani-K.K. Birla Goa Campus, Reference Number: HEC/BPGC/2025/021. Additionally, individual consent was taken from each participant. Participation was voluntary.

Data analysis

The data were analysed using thematic analysis following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) model. A line-by-line coding approach (Gibbs, 2007) was used to construct codes that reflect the capabilities of HKS women. Researchers prepared a codebook after identifying the main themes, consisting of code concepts and descriptions, and manually coded the data. The first themes: Respect and Recognition (being acknowledged as persons of equal worth and recognition by the Panchayat, households, officials, or the broader community), Acceptance and Interaction (inclusion in social, civic, or community spaces and positive engagement with the public or officials), Perceived Role and Competence (understanding of their contribution to waste management and their confidence in performing their duties effectively), and Dignity and Rights (protection of their basic entitlements (e.g., safety measures, fair payment, institutional backing) and freedom from humiliation) were formulated applying Nussbaum’s capability approach. The analysis initially followed a deductive approach based on predefined themes, and subsequently incorporated an inductive process to identify emerging themes from the data.

ATLAS.ti 25 was used in the second stage to analyse the interview data after manual coding, and in the later stage to identify recurring concepts. ATLAS.ti 25 supported the identification of patterns, relationships, and emerging concepts within the large dataset and the collation of themes with the team’s manually coded themes, enhancing the rigour and transparency of the analysis process. Nine major themes emerged: (1) community engagement, (2) public perception, (3) recognition, (4) respect, (5) job satisfaction, (6) administrative support, (7) community support, (8) education, and (9) empowerment. The moderately strong themes are environmental awareness, collaboration, participation, and communication. It was used for keyword extraction to understand the frequency counts, as there were 117 respondents and the interviews were lengthy. The derived codes were aligned with the manually coded themes.

The following Figure 1 shows the thematic structure derived from the interviews.

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Figure 1.

Thematic structure derived from the interviews.

Results of the interviews

Frequency analysis of participants’ responses

The Figure 2 shows a stacked bar chart representing the frequency distribution of major themes across districts.

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Figure 2.

Stacked bar comparing major themes across districts.

The job brought changes in HKS women’s behaviour. As a group, they make collective decisions. Most of them have a WhatsApp group, and sometimes they go on an outing together. They consider their group as a family. Community engagement is consistently the most dominant theme, with Alappuzha reporting the highest frequency, followed by Malappuram, Kannur, Thiruvananthapuram, Ernakulam, and Kottayam. HKS women engaged in community outreach through household waste collection. HKS women from Malappuram reported that their interactions with households were enhanced through waste collection. The data demonstrated that engaging in waste collection improved HKS women’s knowledge about the environment. Most participants reported that, though some family members were initially reluctant to approve the job, support gradually improved after they became financially independent. Their condition also improved due to the support from governing bodies. Although they receive institutional support, many are unable to fully access its benefits; for example, despite paying for insurance, they often do not receive the intended coverage.

Challenges

The participants reported a few challenges, primarily occupational health and safety, socio-cultural barriers, logistical and infrastructural constraints, financial difficulties, and political and governance-related issues. The majority did not receive health insurance benefits due to unclear communication. In some areas, HKS women have to manually carry household waste to the mini-MCF if vehicles are not available (Photo 2). Consequently, infrastructural gaps weaken the transition of waste collection into a recognised and organised public service. Though HKS women received support from the administration, particularly from panchayats and municipalities, some areas need improvement in the provision of logistical and infrastructural facilities.

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Photo 2.

Woman carrying waste from the households approximately 1 km to the mini-MCF, repeated three to four times daily.

Tables 3 and 4 summarise the challenges faced by HKS women.

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Table 3.

Occupational health and safety challenges faced by HKS workers.

Category	Challenge	Key implication
Physical health and ergonomics	• Must cover many households per day – no vehicle access at the household level• Continuous walking, lifting loads, and carrying collected waste by hand• Long hours outdoors in sun and rain without rest areas or basic facilities• Workers report leg pain, physical exhaustion, and dust allergies from continuous fieldwork	• Musculoskeletal injuries and fatigue• Reduced long-term work capacity
Chemical and environmental exposure	• Daily exposure to mixed waste, unpleasant odours, and unsanitary conditions• Sorting waste outdoors during rain due to a lack of sheltered facilities• Working near slaughterhouses or dusty, malodorous MCF environments	• Respiratory conditions and infection risk• Psychological distress from a poor working environment
PPE and safety equipment	• Gloves, masks, and protective gear are inadequate or intermittently supplied• Workers are sometimes required to purchase safety items themselves• Provision of masks and gloves reportedly stopped after a few months	• Elevated disease and injury exposure• Financial burden on workers with low incomes
Basic workplace welfare	• No access to toilets at waste collection centres; discrimination prevents use of available facilities• Drinking water and adequate rest spaces are absent at MCFs• No designated areas for breaks during extended outdoor shifts	• Dignity violations and occupational health risk• Disproportionate impact on women workers
Health insurance access	• Workers receive no proper communication about health insurance entitlements• Health insurance premiums are deducted from workers’ already insufficient income	• Workers bear healthcare costs they cannot afford• Lack of awareness limits use of entitlements

Bullet points within each cell represent distinct reported challenges. “Key Implication” summarises likely operational or well-being consequences.

PPE: personal protective equipment; HKS: Haritha Karma Sena; MCF: material collection facility.

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Table 4.

Governance, infrastructural, socioeconomic and financial challenges.

Category	Challenge	Key implication
Logistical and infrastructural	• MCF spaces too small; no shelter for wet-weather waste sorting• Limited or absent vehicles for waste transport – workers carry by hand• Some panchayats do not provide waste collection bags• Waste volumes spike during festivals, elections, and tourist seasons without extra support	• Physical strain and operational inefficiency• Service disruptions during peak demand periods
Sociocultural	• Negative attitudes and low-status perception of waste collection work among residents• Residents resist paying monthly waste management fees• Households fail to segregate waste or clean plastics; poor public awareness	• Worker dignity and motivation are undermined• Increases sorting burden and delays operations
Financial and employment security	• Monthly income often ~ ₹8500–10,000 – insufficient for household needs• Income is contingent on user fee collection; delays are common• No income during absence; workers must find and train substitutes at their own effort• No pension, provident fund, or long-term employment security• Income varies with service demand and seasonal factors	• Financial precarity and high turnover• Incentive to work even when ill, increasing health risks
Governance and institutional	• Inconsistent support from panchayat/municipal staff• Political interference in recruitment, resource allocation, and infrastructure• Workers must sort waste into 10–12 categories or face rejection by recyclers• Uncertain pricing knowledge for plastic categories• Irregular household waste types not matching the collection calendar cause backlogs• Private company contracts block additional income-earning opportunities• Workers covering many wards struggle to complete collections on schedule	• Undermines institutional integrity of the scheme• Increases workload complexity without commensurate compensation• Limits workers’ economic agency

Challenges span logistical, sociocultural, financial, and governance dimensions that compound one another.

MCF: material collection facility.

Psychological impacts

Nonetheless, there is an attitudinal shift among households; some people still do not respect HKS women. In some areas, participants reported that certain households expressed hostility towards HKS women through scolding, sometimes even burning plastic waste as an act of retaliation. Such anger and vengeful attitudes contribute to feelings of distress and unhappiness among them. Participants reported psychological hardships in their work.

“We don’t feel it’s a burden. We do it with a happy heart, though the low wages cause mental distress.” (HKS KNR-20)

“The challenge is that people are scolding us. Yes, people should support this a bit more. . .‘There is a lot of difficulty. People sitting in chairs don’t know our struggle.’” (HKS TVM 1)

Discussion

The objectives of the study were to examine how the regularisation and structuring of waste collection empowered HKS women. Participants’ view that panchayats and municipalities recognise their work through occasional honours, allowing them to give their opinions, and the provision of identity cards, uniforms, health insurance, and regular remuneration, indicating that their legal and occupational rights are protected. Structuring the work to ensure regular wages, provide uniforms, and provide training to HKS women to improve their skills are steps towards professionalising the work. It confirms Martha Nussbaum’s principle of affiliation, which emphasises being treated with dignity, having one’s voice respected, and participating as an equal member of society, which enhances one’s self-worth. Positive social interactions from the public provide HKS women with affirmation, respect, and a sense of belonging, helping them feel valued by others. When people receive empathy, encouragement, or recognition through social connections, they internalise these experiences, and it strengthens their self-esteem and self-respect (Yıldırım et al., 2024). Apart from recognising that the agency and empowerment contextually constructed (as stated by Wray, 2004), the present research revealed that individual financial autonomy and the degrees of independence that they achieved through the waste collection work remain central enabling conditions that expand HKS women’s capabilities and strengthen their ability to participate meaningfully in familial and social spheres in later life. Despite widespread concerns about the lack of empowerment among educated women (Ahmed and Hyndman-Rizk, 2020; Kundu et al., 2022), the HKS women participants in this study, aged 40–65 and with lower educational qualifications, reported experiencing empowerment through their work in waste collection, indicating that labour opportunities and institutional structures continue to shape women’s agency.

From the interviews, the governing bodies’ initiative to professionalise waste collection is reflected primarily through the formalisation of roles, the provision of uniforms and other safety measures such as gloves and masks, the provision of regular work schedules, and clearly assigned responsibilities. Participants were proud to be part of HKS. The overall work structure of waste collection they followed can be considered public service work, not merely informal labour. The guidelines on routine waste collection, handling payments via QR code, reporting to village field officers, and raising public awareness suggest an effort to confer legitimacy and structure on the occupation. Additionally, respectable treatment from panchayat officials and households reinforced their dignity and sense of social worth. It confirms the research that engagement between the governing institutions and HKS women (Alene, 2018) improved their dignity and rights. Together, these institutional arrangements and their learning of social interactions contribute to safeguarding the HKS workers’ rights while enhancing their self-respect and public visibility. Financial independence is an important component of women’s empowerment (Kumari et al., 2025). The professionalisation of the work enabled HKS women to experience self-respect. They receive social respect through formal recognition by governing bodies and public acceptance of their invaluable service, as evidenced by verbal encouragement. As work becomes professionalised, it enhances social status and reinforces an individual’s self-esteem by signalling that one’s labour is worthy of esteem. Consequently, perceiving oneself as respect–worthy links to secure self-worth, indicating social respect can foster internal self-regard (Clucas et al., 2022). Social respect affirms their value and dignity. It enables HKS women to experience social inclusion and mutual respect. These experiences strengthen their capability for affiliation, enhancing their self-respect and public visibility as valued contributors to the community. Unlike studies that show waste collectors do not consider their work dignified (Belarmino et al., 2022), the HKS women consider their work a good occupation. Additionally, the emergence of HKS workers as electoral candidates in Kerala’s 2025 local body election reflects a significant convergence of civic labour and deepening of democratic participation. HKS members, through their routine household visits, inculcated what may be termed proximity-based legitimacy: social trust derived not only from political patronage but also from consistent, visible service. The victory of 7210 members in the election indicates that urban density amplifies the electoral salience of frequent community interaction. This trend of HKS participation points towards substantive representation, working-class women entering electoral politics carrying specific experiential mandates around sanitation, hygiene, and community welfare.

The major concern is the inefficient health insurance procedure, which undermines the ability to affiliate, increasing vulnerability and limiting participation of HKS women. Hence, addressing the challenges related to health insurance and the lack of vehicles to transport waste, which lead to infrastructural and logistical issues that limit the efficiency of waste collection and disposal processes, can help reduce their stress. Research indicates that waste collection vehicles pose a challenge in India’s waste management (Priyadarshi et al., 2023). The public’s questioning of their job choice reflects the social stigma associated with their occupation. Social stigma and negative judgements from others can lead to stress, social exclusion, and psychological distress (Link and Phelan, 2001). Reports of being scolded by the public indicate instances of verbal humiliation and abuse. It can cause harm to one’s mental health (Tawakkol, 2025). These psychosocial work factors affect their well-being and self-esteem (Maneen et al., 2025) and thus need to be addressed. This highlights the need to raise public awareness about waste management. Additionally, in some areas, households complain about the irresponsible behaviour of HKS women. It might have resulted from HKS women’s insufficient training or from frustration with their workload. Thus, developing a suitable framework is crucial. Though social recognition and supportive relationships help them build confidence, which in turn improves their overall well-being, collecting payment from the households by HKS women and not collecting waste afterwards hinders the relationship. This contributes to the breakdown of trust among the parties involved. In waste collection, which is a low-income job, trust functions as a form of social capital that sustains everyday interactions between workers and households. Trust is an important linking factor that enables cooperation and collective action among community members (Bouma et al., 2008). The perceived lapses in service by some HKS women may also stem from economic constraints and the challenging working conditions they face. Research shows that working in low-income jobs for a longer period can have psychological effects (Řimnáčová and Kajanová, 2019). Nonetheless, the findings suggest that, despite enduring constraints and certain trade-offs, HKS women experience capabilities and social empowerment. Even though there are challenges which emerge as factors contributing to psychological stress among HKS women, such as inadequate infrastructural support, occupational health-related factors, lack of support from some households, and weak governance in some constituencies, the capabilities they develop through this job can compensate for these concerns to a greater extent. Through waste collection, they build strong social relationships with communities and sustained interactions, which constitute an important component of affiliation. Economic participation and social inclusion drive empowerment (Nussbaum, 2001). The happiness among the majority of HKS women is an indicator of this.

Conclusion

HKS members, through their door-to-door collection and segregation of non-biodegradable waste, significantly reduce the environmental footprint of waste, help minimise landfill use, and promote recycling. Regular interaction with households serves as informal environmental education, raising people’s awareness. Through waste management, HKS women gain a stable income, achieve social mobility, and experience inclusion. In short, the structuring of waste collection, together with administrative support, empowered HKS women, enhanced their social respect, public acceptance, and dignity, and led to the recognition of their rights and to their inclusion as valued members of society. The work allows them to share the economic burden within their family and have their voices heard.

Nevertheless, improving occupational health and safety, reducing psychological distress, and addressing governance and infrastructure gaps further strengthen their conditions. Recognising their achievements must not obscure the persisting structural contradictions. The women in HKS are formally recognised yet materially underprotected. Often, they have to bear the costs of gloves, masks, and sacks, on top of wages already insufficient for basic family needs. To sustain and scale this model, there are some non-negotiable conditions that must be institutionalised: guaranteed occupational safety provisions funded entirely by governing bodies, dedicated material collection facilities, permanent employment classification, etc. Without these, professionalisation remains performative rather than substantive. The HKS model offers a replicable interim framework for regions where the full mechanisation of waste collection is not yet feasible. This model is distinguished from the conventional waste labour as it is re-constitutioned as environmental work and by the institutional architecture surrounding it – structured roles, community embeddedness, and administrative accountability. Thus, this model reconstructs the social meaning of the work itself, transforming the HKS women into active citizens and environmental stewards, as evidenced by their burgeoning electoral participation. This has implications far beyond waste management, suggesting a broader link between dignified labour and democratic citizenship.