Assessing the Victimizaton-Offending Hypothesis of Sexual and Non-Sexual Violence in a Nationally Representative Sample of Incarcerated Men in the United States: Implications for Trauma-Informed Practice in Correctional Settings

Abstract

Rates of exposure to sexual and non-sexual physical violence and other adverse childhood events are greater among people who are incarcerated with convictions for offenses related to sexual and non-sexual violence compared to other incarcerated populations and the general community. Few studies have differentiated which types of prior adverse experiences are greatest predictors of sexual and non-sexual violent offenses. The following study investigated associations between experiencing sexual abuse as a child or adult; experiencing non-sexual physical violence during childhood, adulthood, or both; having a caretaker who uses drugs; being in foster care; growing up in socioeconomically marginalized conditions; and the likelihood of reporting a prior physical or sexual conviction. The sample consisted of 13,604 men incarcerated in state and federal prisons in the United States. Multinomial regression models compared convictions for sexual offenses and non-sexual violent offenses to all other crimes. A model also compared sexual offenses to non-sexual violent offenses to differentiate between types of adverse childhood experiences associated with sexual versus non-sexual violent offending. Models adjusted for race/ethnicity, education, and age. Results suggest that exposure to violence during childhood was significantly and violence during adulthood was insignificantly associated with increased risk of conviction for a non-sexual physical offense. Sexual violence victimization as a child only was associated with increased risk of conviction for sexual violence perpetration during adulthood. Foster care involvement was associated with increased risk of being convicted for a non-sexual violent offense. Findings suggest that different traumatic pathways may differentiate types of aggression in adulthood. Future research must evaluate if trauma-informed approaches should be catered to address the unique effects of sexual and non-sexual victimization and the perpetration of different types of aggression in adulthood.

Keywords

violence alcohol and drugs,sexual assault alcohol and drugs,child abuse,sexual abuse child abuse

Introduction

Theoretical and empirical inquiry has generated a significant amount of insight into the progression of perpetration of sexual and non-sexual violence among men (Farrington, 2003; Maldonado-Molina et al., 2010). Men account for more than 90% of sexual and non-sexual violence perpetration in the United States (Carson, 2020). The victim-offender hypothesis suggests many men who perpetrate sexual and non-sexual violence have experienced victimization at some point in their lifetime (Aebi et al., 2015; Berg, 2012; Fox et al., 2015; Jennings et al., 2012; Teague et al., 2008). Prior literature finds that rates of exposures to sexual and non-sexual physical violence are much greater among incarcerated men compared to community rates of victimization (Aebi et al., 2015; Baglivio et al., 2014; Henry, 2020; Marotta, 2017). Numerous studies suggest that prior sexual violence victimization is associated with increased risk of perpetrating sexual violence compared to men who were not exposed to sexual violence victimization (de Jong et al., 2015; Jespersen et al., 2009; Krahé & Berger, 2017; Seto & Lalumière, 2010). As many as half of all men who commit physical or sexual violence have histories of sexual and non-sexual violent victimization (Jennings et al., 2012). The cycle of exposure to sexual and non-sexual trauma during childhood and later perpetration in adulthood reinforces the intergenerational transmission of violence and the cycle of incarceration across generations (Farrell & Zimmerman, 2018; Farrington et al., 2017; Gottfredson, 1984).

Despite the overlap between victimization and offending, prior literature tends to concentrate only on victimization or perpetration without including the intersection of the two. Research is lacking that examines how cumulative exposures to negative events including traumas in childhood and adulthood shapes the perpetration of sexual and non-sexual violence. Few studies have differentiated which types of childhood traumatic exposures are associated with increased risk of perpetration of sexual and non-sexual violence. Prior literature tends to examine sexual and physical violence perpetration separately without considering the intersection between the two. The few studies that do exist on the victim-offender overlap have focused on predominantly white participants in small samples in the general populations without including incarcerated men where rates of sexual and physical violence perpetration and victimization are the greatest.

The following study addressed a gap in extant literature by investigating the relationship between exposures to sexual and non-sexual violence during childhood and adulthood, other childhood adversities such as parental incarceration and use of substances, and perpetration of either sexual violence only, non-sexual violence only, and both sexual and non-sexual physical violence during adulthood. This study differentiated which types of childhood adversity and traumatic exposures were associated with perpetration of sexual and non-sexual physical offenses in a nationally representative sample of incarcerated men in the United States. This study also identified childhood adversities that were associated with the perpetration of both sexual and non-sexual physical violence, an underexplored area of prior research. Importantly, data for this study use the largest available nationally representative sample of incarcerated men in the United States. These data will elucidate important insights into which types of childhood adversities are associated with sexual compared to non-sexual physical violence.

Theoretical Frameworks and the Victim-Offender Overlap

Several theoretical perspectives grounded in criminology provide explanations of the relationship between victimization and offending that include developmental life course perspectives, social learning, social bonding, peer relationships, and routine activities theories. Prior developmental life course literature suggests that the influence of exposures to physical and sexual violence is greatest during childhood compared to adulthood (Farrell & Zimmerman, 2018). Studies suggest that exposure to physical or sexual violence during adulthood in the absence of early childhood trauma are less impactful in the development of aggression during adulthood (Beckley et al., 2019; Menard, 2012). A number of prior studies emphasize the deleterious impact of cumulative exposures to violence and other adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) on the perpetration of sexual and other forms of violence over time (Jennings et al., 2010)

Social learning theory provides a robust framework to understand why exposure to childhood sexual and non-sexual physical violence would be more influential than exposures during adulthood. Social learning theory is a commonly applied perspective to explain the overlap between sexual victimization and perpetration by suggesting that sexually abusive behaviors are learned during childhood and manifest as sexual aggression starting in adolescence and persisting into adulthood (Burton, 2008; Freeman-Longo, 1986; Mihalic & Elliott, 1997). Boys who are sexually assaulted may internalize these behaviors to believe that sexual aggression is an acceptable form of interpersonal behavior (Bandura, 1973, 1986). Similarly, exposure to physical victimization or witnessing non-sexual physical violence toward caregivers or other individuals may create social learning mechanisms that increase boys’ risk of physical violence during adulthood (Mihalic & Elliott, 1997). From a social conditioning standpoint, boys who witness physical violence as rewarded behavior through intimate partner violence as power and control may be more likely to use physical aggression during adulthood as a method of control in future interpersonal relationships (Mihalic & Elliott, 1997; Whitfield et al., 2003).

In addition to social learning mechanisms, routine activities theories may also play a role in overlap between sexual and non-sexual victimization and perpetration (Van Gelder et al., 2015). Originally developed by Cohen & Felson, routine activities theory suggests that the daily routines of individuals and the convergence of potential offenders, suitable targets, and absent guardianship create the necessary social conditions for predatory crimes such as sexual and non-sexual physical violence (Tewksbury et al., 2008). Chan et al., 2011 proposed an integrative conceptual model that combined routine activities and social learning perspectives. Sexual violence is a learned behavior that is the result of exposures to sexual hostility and aggression among family and other close peers that create belief systems that sexually aggressive behavior is acceptable and reinforced compared to behaviors that are not sexually aggressive (Chan et al., 2011). Men who experience sexual and non-sexual physical violence and go on to perpetrate aggression may learn how to identify the routine social conditions to identify potential targets for victimization and social contexts that exist in the absence of effective guardianships (Tewksbury et al., 2008).

Childhood Exposures to Sexual and Non-Sexual Victimization and Adult Perpetration

Prior research has identified significant relationships between exposures to sexual and non-sexual victimization and perpetration in adulthood among men (Aebi et al., 2015; Connolly & Woollons, 2008; Jennings et al., 2010, 2012). Drury et al. (2017) reviewed archival data from 225 federal sex offenders and found significant associations between physical abuse and sexual victimization during childhood and adult pedophilia. This study was limited by its exclusive focus on sex offenders without a comparison group. Connolly & Woollons, 2008 examined the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and adult offending in a sample of 125 incarcerated men who were convicted of sexual crimes and found that men with histories of sex offending were more likely to report histories of emotional abuse and neglect as well as higher levels of sexual and physical victimization. This study was limited by a small sample size and did not incorporate the overlap between the perpetration of sexual and non-sexual physical violence. This study did not examine how traumatic exposures may be associated with the perpetration of sexual and non-sexual violence in adulthood. Aebi et al., (2015) examined self-reported data from a nationally representative sample of 6628 adolescents and found exposure to sexual violence was associated with the perpetration of sexual aggression after adjusting for a number of other childhood adversities including emotional abuse, poor parental education, and poor socioeconomic status. Davis et al., (2018) identified subgroups of exposures to different types of childhood maltreatment that consisted of emotional, physical, and sexual abuse and adult perpetration of intimate partner violence, peer violence, and sexual assault in a sample of 626 men. The study found that men in the poly-victimized subgroup consisting of physical and sexual violence were significantly more likely to report the perpetration of adult sexual and physical violence. Additionally, child maltreatment and neglect were associated with later perpetration of adult intimate partner violence, other interpersonal violence, and sexual assault (Davis et al., 2018).

Adverse Childhood Experiences and the Victim-Offender Overlap

In addition to sexual and non-sexual physical violence, prior research has found significant associations between other ACEs including neglect, exposure to household substance use, mental illness in the household and parental divorce, and increased risk of sexual and physical violence (Baglivio et al., 2014; Craig et al., 2017; Craig & Zettler, 2021; DeLisi et al., 2019; Drury et al., 2017 Levenson & Socia, 2016; Levenson et al., 2016). Adverse childhood experiences consist of exposures in the immediate social environment including family systems, peers, siblings, and interpersonal violence as well as distal factors consisting of living in communities with high rates of violence and poverty. Prior research suggests that parental substance use may constrain the resources of parents to provide consistent support and supervision to children thus increasing risk of physical victimization which may increase risk of sexual and non-sexual violence. Involvement in the foster care system may disrupt attachment processes leading to increased risk of engaging in victimizing behaviors. In addition to foster care, having a parent that was incarcerated may increase risk of violent victimizing because of the absence of parental support to provide consistent attachment and social learning experiences (Geller et al., 2009). Growing up in public housing and experiencing economic stress are also associated in prior literature with engaging in delinquency and violence during adulthood. Levenson and Socia (2016) found a significant association between prior child sexual abuse, emotional neglect and domestic violence in the home, substance use of the parents, and incarceration of a family member significantly predicted increased risk of arrest for sex crime violations. Another study by Levenson et al. (2016) found that people convicted of sex offenses had three times the odds of prior child sexual abuse and twice the odds of physical abuse compared to people in the general community.

The only prior study to investigate if ACEs on violent recidivism were offense specific was conducted by Craig and Zettler (2021) on a sample of 11,788 youth in a Texas juvenile justice system. The study summed several ACEs including childhood physical and sexual violence and found a significant association between the cumulative exposure to difference ACEs and increased risk of rearrest for any violent crime, murder, domestic violence, aggravated assault, and sexual assault. A major weakness of this study is it did not differentiate which types of ACEs were predictive of different types of violent rearrests.

The Victim-Offender Overlap Among Incarcerated Populations and the Need for More Research

The United States continues to incarcerate more people on average than any other country in the world with 1.4 million individuals behind bars in 2019 (BJS, 2020). People convicted of sexual assault or rape account for 13%, and people convicted of murder account for 14% of the total prison population in the United States (BJS, 2020). Although studies estimate that as much as 80% of incarcerated inmates report a history of trauma, few studies examine the victim-offender overlap among incarcerated populations (Jaggi et al., 2016). Jennings et al., (2012) conducted a systematic review on the victim-offender overlap and found that out of 37 identified studies, 31 supported the overlap and six found limited support in favor of the victim-offender overlap. Out of the studies identified, (Broidy et al., 2006; Daday et al., 2005) two involved justice-involved populations. No studies to date have examined the victim-offender overlap in a nationally representative sample of incarcerated men in the United States. No systematic reviews have occurred since Jennings et al. (2012) and no recent research has occurred on the victim-offender overlap among incarcerated populations since 2012. This is especially concerning given the high rates of physical and sexual violence victimization among incarcerated men in the United States.

There is a gap in prior literature differentiating which types of exposures to sexual and physical abuse and other ACEs during childhood confer the greatest risk of perpetrating physical and sexual violence during adulthood. Research is lacking that differentiates which types of sexual, physical victimization, and other adverse experiences are associated with perpetrating physical compared to sexual violence in adulthood. Investigating the relationship between exposures to sexual and non-sexual violence during childhood and adult perpetration could inform future research into trauma-informed interventions in incarcerated settings. Prior literature disproportionately focuses on examining relationships between exposures to physical and sexual victimization during childhood and other adverse experiences and outcomes of any form of physical or sexual victimizing or sexual and physical victimizing individually. Additional research is needed that identifies shared risk factors for sexual and physical victimizing as well as factors that are associated with the perpetration of both sexual and physical victimization.

The Present Study

To address these gaps, this study investigated the association between exposures to physical and sexual violence during childhood, adulthood, and both, and relative risk (RR) of violent, sexual, and violent/sexual offending in a nationally representative cross-sectional study of inmates in state and federal facilities in the United States. This study is informed by the social learning framework of understanding the development of sexual and non-sexual violent offending and hypothesized that people with a history of exposure to sexual and physical abuse in childhood were more likely to be convicted of a sexual or violent offense compared to people convicted of other offenses. This study also hypothesized that the association between exposures to other ACEs including parental substance use and incarceration, being in foster care, and economic distress would be associated with increased risk of violent and sexual offending compared to other kinds of offending. Differentiating risk factors between sexual and violent crimes could illuminate important insights into delivering trauma-informed interventions to men who are incarcerated for sexual and non-sexual violent offenses. This study will also examine associations between experiencing sexual and physical violence and other adverse childhood events and perpetrating sexual offenses and both sexual offenses and violent offenses. It was also hypothesized that exposure to childhood sexual violence would be associated with sex offense and both sex and violent offense and insignificantly associated with being convicted of a violent offense. The final hypothesis was that exposure to childhood physical violence would be associated with increased risk of both sex and violent offense compared to being convicted of a sexual offense. The following study addresses gaps in prior literature by using a large nationally representative sample of male inmates in state and federal correctional facilities. Prior literature has traditionally focused on the relationship between sexual and non-sexual physical victimization and perpetration separately without differentiating risk factors of sexual and non-sexual violence in the same models. Moreover this study advances prior literature by investigating differences in prior risk factors in the social environment between perpetration of sexual and non-sexual violent behaviors.

Methods

Data and Procedures

Data for this study comes from the National Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Facilities which is a nationally representative sample of 14,297 men who were incarcerated in 2004 in the United States. The NSISFSF was conducted by the Bureau of Census and designed by the Bureau of Justice Statistics to administer surveys that measured conviction history, physical and sexual abuse in childhood and adulthood, childhood adversities, mental health, substance use, and demographic factors. The sampling design of the NSISFSF used two stages. The first stage involved 1549 state federal facilities followed by selection of inmates from within facilities. Participants completed a computer assisted interview. After excluding 4.82% (690 cases) of the sample with missing data, a final sample size remained of 13,604 incarcerated men.

Variables

Dependent variables

Sexual and non-sex violent offending variables were created using the three digit offense codes that designated the offense type for each of nine self-reported offenses in the survey instrument. Sex offending consisted of a variable measuring whether the incarcerated person was currently convicted of rape (forcible and statutory), other sexual assault with an adult, and lewd acts with children. Non-sexual violent offending consisted of a variable measuring if the incarcerated person was convicted of homicide, manslaughter (voluntary/non-negligent, vehicular, and non-vehicular), kidnapping, armed/unarmed robbery, assault (aggravated, simply, on a public officer, hit and run driving, and child abuse), arson, and other (i.e., criminal endangerment and gang related violence). A three-level discrete dependent categorical variable was created that measured 0) all other crimes, 1) sex offending with no non-sexual violent conviction, 2) non-sexual violent offending with no sex offending conviction, and 3) both sexual and non-sexual violent offense convictions.

Independent variables

Experiencing sexual and non-sexual physical abuse during childhood and adulthood: A three-level variable was created to measure sexual victimization that included 0) none, as well as experiencing pressure or force to engage in any sexual contact, 1) at any time during childhood, or 2) adulthood only. A four-level categorical variable was created to measure physical victimization that included 0) none and ever being pushed, grabbed, slapped, kicked, bit, or shoved; hit with a fist; beaten up; someone used a weapon, gun, or knife against them; and physically injured during 1) childhood only, 2) adult only, 3) both adult and childhood. Household dysfunction: Dichotomous indicators of household dysfunction (1 = yes, 0 = no) were created from survey data that included 1) having a caretaker use substances, 2) living in foster care, 3) living in public housing, and 4) having a caretaker who was on social assistance programs. Sociodemographic characteristics: Dichotomous variables measuring race and ethnicity were created measuring black, white, Hispanic, and other race. Age included a continuous variable in years. A categorical variable was created measuring education that included 1) less than high school, 2) some high school, 3) a high school diploma, and 4) more than high school education.

Statistical analyses

Descriptive statistics included overall proportions and counts of self-reported experiences of sexual abuse, physical abuse, childhood adversities, and sociodemographic characteristics. Bivariate analyses included tests of statistically significant differences in proportions of physical and sexual abuse, childhood adversities, and sociodemographic characteristics stratified by conviction types of 1) all other offenses, 2) sexual only, 3) non-sexual violent only, and 4) sexual and non-sexual violent offenses. Multinomial logistic regression analyses estimated associations between experiencing sexual abuse during childhood or adulthood only and RR of being convicted for a non-sexual violent crime only, sexual crime only, and sexual and non-sexual violent conviction with all other convictions as the base category. A second multinomial regression model estimated associations between prior exposure to sexual and physical abuse, childhood adversities, and sociodemographic factors comparing sexual only and sexual/violent convictions with violent only convictions as the reference category. This enables differentiation of childhood traumas and adversities that may be associated with greater risk of conviction for sex offenses compared to violent convictions (Table 1).

Table 1.

Descriptive and Bivariate Differences Between Prior Sexual and Physical Abuse, Childhood Adversities, Sociodemographic Characteristics, and Conviction Histories for Sexual, Violent, and Other Offenses.

	Overall	All other	Violent only	Sexual only	Sexual/violent	p-value
	% (n)	% (n)	% (n)	% (n)	% (n)
	(13606)	48.1 (6763)	40.1 (5358)	9.0 (1144)	2.7 (341)
Physical and sexual abuse
Sexual abuse						<.001
None	94.3 (12,888)	96.7 (6554)	94.9 (5093)	83.7 (958)	82.9 (283)
Any childhood	5.0 (625)	2.9 (181)	4.1 (216)	15.3 (175)	15.6 (53)
Adult only	.7 (91)	.04 (26)	1.0 (49)	.9 (11)	1.5 (5)
Physical abuse						<.001
None	50.5 (7094)	54.9 (3865)	45.4 (2462)	52.7 (606)	47.6 (161)
Child only	21.1 (2696)	15.4 (985)	24.6 (1290)	29.0 (327)	27.4 (94)
Adult only	14.2 (1914)	16.1 (1044)	13.4 (731)	9.2 (105)	9.7 (34)
Child and adult	14.4 (1900)	13.6 (867)	16.5 (875)	9.2 (106)	15.3 (52)
Childhood household dysfunction
Caretaker substance use	30.9 (1997)	33.1 (1759)	33.1 (1759)	33.3 (380)	34.7 (117)	.057
Lived in foster care	6.8 (887)	6.2 (382)	8.0 (423)	5.2 (60)	6.3 (22)	<.001
Lived in public housing	18.2 (2438)	16.9 (1109)	21.5 (1146)	11.9 (136)	14.8 (47)	<.001
Family received welfare	32.9 (375)	33.2 (2141)	40.1 (2117)	32.8 (375)	39.0 (133)	<.001
Sociodemographic
Race
Black	41.8 (5690)	40.9 (2730)	47.0 (2543)	23.6 (268)	43.6 (149)	<.001
White	34.5 (4585)	35.1 (2318)	29.0 (1524)	54.5 (618)	37.3 (125)	<.001
Hispanic	18.1 (2555)	18.9 (1388)	18.0 (965)	14.7 (168)	10.2 (34)	<.001
Other
Age	35.3 (.09)	34.9 (.13)	34.4 (.15)	40.7 (.53)	39.1 (.53)	<.001
Education						<.001
Less than high school	11.8 (1611)	10.4 (728)	12.8 (677)	13.6 (154)	14.9 (52)
Some high school	49.1 (6443)	48.9 (3107)	52.0 (2746)	37.7 (427)	47.8 (163)
High school	25.2 (3451)	26.3 (1792)	22.7 (1223)	30.7 (352)	24.9 (84)
More than high school	13.9 (2099)	14.5 (1134)	12.5 (712)	18.0 (211)	12.5 (42)

Results

Descriptive and Bivariate Statistics

Dependent variable: Participants who were convicted of only non-sexual violent offenses accounted for 40.3% (n = 5358) of the sample compared to 9.0% (n = 1144) who were convicted of sex offenses only, and 2.7% (n = 341) who were convicted of both sexual and non-sexual violent offending.

Sociodemographic characteristics: More than 40% (41.8%, 5690) of the sample was black, more than a third were white (34.5%, n = 4585), and less than a fifth were Hispanic (18.1%, n = 2555). A significantly greater proportion of Black participants were convicted of non-sexual violent offending only (46.9% n = 2543) non-sexual and sex offending 43.6% (n = 149) and all other offenses (40.9%, n = 2730) compared to sex offending only (23.6%, n = 268, p < .001). Fewer Hispanic participants were convicted of sexual/violent offenses (10.2% n = 34) and only sex offenses (14.7%, n = 168) compared to (18.0%, n = 965) of violent only and all other offenses (18.9%, n = 1388, p < .001). A significantly greater proportion of white participants were convicted of sex offenses (54.5%, n = 618) compared to violent only (29.0%, n = 1524), sexual and non-sexual violent offending (37.3%, n = 125), and all other crimes (35.1%, n = 2318, p < .001). Overall, nearly half the sample reported some high school (49.1% n = 6443), more than a quarter reported a high school degree (25.2%, n = 3451), and 13.9% (n = 2099) reported having more than high school education. Bivariate analyses found that a greater proportion of people convicted of only sex offenses had a high school diploma (30.7%, n = 352) compared to sexual and violent, (24.9%, n = 84) violent only (22.7%, n = 1223), and all other offenses (26.3%, n = 1792). More than half of people convicted of a violent crime had some high school education (52.0%, n = 2746) compared to 47.8% (n = 163) of people convicted of violent and sexual offenses, 37.7% (n = 427) of people convicted of only sex offenses, and 48.9% (n = 3107) of all other crimes. More than high school education was reported by 18.0% (n = 211) of those convicted of only sex offenses compared to 12.5% (n = 712) of those convicted of a violent crime only, 12.5 (n = 42) of those convicted of a violent and sexual offense, and 14.5% (n = 1134) of all other crimes.

Childhood physical and sexual abuse: Nearly 5% (4.9%, n = 625) of the sample reported experiencing sexual abuse during childhood and less than 1% reported sexual abuse in adulthood only (.7%, n = 91). Childhood adversities. The most prevalent childhood adversity was growing up in a family in poverty (receiving welfare assistance) (32.9%, n = 375) and having a caregiver who used substances (30.93%, n = 997) followed by living in public housing (18.2%, n = 2438) and a foster home (6.8%, n = 887). Childhood physical and sexual abuse. Nearly 5% (5.0%, n = 625) of the sample reported experiencing sexual abuse at any time during childhood and less than 1% reported sexual abuse only in adulthood (.7%, n = 91). More than a fifth of the sample reported experiencing physical victimization only in childhood, 14.20% (n = 1914) reported non-sexual violence victimization in adulthood, and 14.4% (n = 1900) reported victimization in adulthood and childhood. A much greater proportion of people convicted of sex offenses (15.3%, n = 216) and sexual and non-sexual violent offenses (15.6%, n = 53) reported histories of childhood sexual abuse compared to only non-sexual violent offenses (4.1%, n = 216) of offenses and of all other offenses (2.9%, n = 181, p < .001). More than a fifth of the sample reported exposure to physical abuse as a child only (20.9%, n = 2696). Approximately 14% reported exposure to abuse as an adult only (14.2%, n = 1914) and during adulthood and childhood (14.4%, n = 1900). The prevalence of exposure to physical abuse in childhood only was significantly greater among those who were convicted of a sexual offense only (29.0%, n = 327), sex/non-sexual violent offenses (27.4%, n = 94), and only non-sexual violent offense (24.6%, n = 1290) compared to all other crimes (15.4%, n = 985, p < .001). Prior physical abuse during childhood and adulthood was more common among participants with a violent only conviction (16.5, n = 875) or violent and sexual offense convictions (15.3%, n = 52) compared to all other offenses (13.6% n = 867) and only sexual offense convictions (9.2%, n = 106, p < .001).

Childhood adversities: The most prevalent childhood adversity was growing up in a family in poverty (receiving welfare assistance) (32.9%, n = 375) and having a caregiver who used substances (30.9%, n = 997) followed by living in public housing (18.2%, n = 2438) and a foster home (6.8%, n = 887). A greater proportion of participants who were convicted of non-sexual violent (40.1% (n = 2117) and both sexual and non-sexual violent offenses (39.0%, n = 133) grew up in a family that received welfare compared to of all other offenses (33.2%, n = 2141) and sexual offenses only (32.8%, n = 375).

Multivariable Results

Comparisons between conviction for a sexual and violent offenses compared to all other crimes

Table 2 presents multinomial regression models of associations between prior sexual and physical abuse, childhood adversity, and RR of sexual and violent conviction history with all other crimes as the reference category.

Table 2.

Multinomial Regression Models of Associations between Prior Sexual and Physical Abuse, Childhood Adversities, Sociodemographic Characteristics, and Relative Risk of Sexual and Violent Conviction History.

	Model 1									Model 2
	Violent only versus other			Sexual only versus other			Violent/sex versus other			Sex only versus violent only			Violent/sex versus violent only
	RR	95% CI	p-value	RR	95% CI	p-value	RR	95% CI	p-value	RR	95% CI	p-value	RR	95% CI	p-value
Childhood adversity
Sexual abuse
Childhood	1.2	1.0, 1.5	.109	4.8	(3.8, 6.2)	<.001	5.3	(3.7, 7.6)	<.001	4.0	(3.2, 5.1)	<.001	4.4	(3.1, 6.3)	<.001
Adulthood only	2.3	(1.4, 3.9)	.002	2.3	(1.0, 5.0)	.045	4.0	(1.5, 10.7)	.007	1.0	(.5, 2.1)	0.97	1.7	(.7, 4.5)	.268
Physical abuse
Child only	1.9	(1.7, 2.2)	<.001	1.7	(1.4, 2.0)	<.001	1.8	(1.4, 2.4)	<.001	.9	(.7, 1.0)	0.061	.9	(.7, 1.3)	.655
Adult only	1.0	(.9, 1.1)	.994	.6	(.4, .7)	<.001	.6	(.4, .9)	.012	.6	(.4, .7)	<.001	.6	(.4, .9)	.013
Child and adult	1.5	(1.3, 1.7)	<.001	.7	(.5, .8)	<.001	1.2	(.9, 1.7)	.233	.5	(.4, .6)	<.001	.8	(.6, 1.2)	.267
Lived in foster care	1.1	(1.0, 1.3)	.009	1.0	(.8, 1.2)	.644	.8	(.5, 1.3)	.347	.6	(.5, .8)	0.001	.7	(.5, 1.1)	.169
Lived in public housing	1.1	(1.0, 1.3)	.189	.7	(.5, .9)	.011	.8	(.5, 1.1)	.104	.8	(.7, 1.0)	0.079	.7	(.5, .9)	.014
Sociodemographic
Race
Black	1.5	(1.3, 1.6)	<.001	.5	(.4, .6)	<.001	1.3	(1.0, 1.7)	.022	.3	(.3, .4)	<.001	.9	(.7, 1.2)	.491
Hispanic	1.2	(1.1, 1.4)	<.001	.7	(.5, .8)	<.001	.6	(.4, .9)	.021	.3	(.4, .7)	<.001	.1	(.3, .8)	.001
Other	1.4	(1.2, 1.7)	<.001	1.0	(.8, 1.4)	.813	1.9	(1.3, 2.9)	.003	.7	(.6, .9)	0.028	1.4	(.9, 2.1)	.146
Age	1.0	(1.1, 1.0)	.598	1.1	(1.0, 1.1)	<.001	1.0	(1.0, 1.1)	<.001	1.1	(1.0, 1.1)	<.001	1.0	(1.0, 1.1)	<.001
Education
Some high school	.8	(.7, .9)	.003	.8	(.62, .96)	.020	.3	(.5, 1.0)	.080	.9	(.8, 1.2)	0.597	.9	(.6, 1.3)	.521
High school	.7	(.6, .8)	<.001	1.0	(.81, 1.27)	.915	.6	(.4, .9)	.020	1.5	(1.2, 1.8)	<.001	.9	(.6, 1.3)	.651
More than high school	.7	(.6, .4)	<.001	.8	(.62, 1.01)	.060	.5	(.3, .7)	<.001	1.1	(.9, 1.4)	0.448	.7	(.4, 1.0)	.069

RR = relative risk.

Conviction for violent crime only vs. all other crimes: Participants who reported experiencing sexual abuse in adulthood only were significantly more likely to be convicted of only a violent crime compared to all other crimes (RR = 2.3, CI_95% = 1.4, 3.9, p = .002). Experiencing physical abuse as a child only (RR = 1.9, CI_95% = 1.7, 2.2, p < .001) and as a child and as an adult (RR = 1.5 CI_95% = 1.3, 1.7, p < .001) was associated with increased risk of conviction for a violent crime compared to all other crimes. Spending time in a foster home or institution was associated with increased RR of conviction for a violent crime compared to all other crimes (RR = 1.2, CI_95% = 1.0, 1.3, p = .009). Participants who were black (RR = 1.5, CI_95% = 1.3, 1.6, p < .001), Hispanic (RR = 1.2, CI_95% = 1.1, 1.4, p < .001), and other race (RR = 1.4, CI_95% = 1.2, 1.7, p < .001) were more likely to be convicted of only a violent crime. With less than high school as the referent category, participants who were convicted of a violent crime were less likely to report some high school (RR = .8, CI_95% = .7, .9, p = .003), high school diploma (RR = .7, CI_95% = .6, .8 p < .001), and more than high school (RR = .7, CI_95% = .6, .8, p < .001) compared to participants convicted of all other crimes.

Conviction for sexual offenses only vs. all other crimes: With all other crimes as the base category, the RR of being convicted for a sexual offense only among those exposed to sexual abuse in childhood were 4.8 (CI_95% = 3.8, 6.2, p < .001) times greater than the risk of conviction of sex offense among those not exposed to childhood sexual abuse compared to all other offenses. The RR of conviction for a sexual offense was 2.3 (CI_95% = 1.0, 5.0, p = .045) times greater among participants who experienced sexual abuse only in adulthood. Childhood physical abuse was associated with a greater RR of conviction for a sex offense compared to all other offenses (RR = 1.7, CI_95% = 1.4, 2.0 p < .001). The RR of conviction for a sex offense was lower among those who experienced physical violence in adulthood only (RR = .6, CI_95% = .4, .7 p < .001) and as a child and adult (RR = .7, CI_95% = .5, .8 p < .001). Participants who grew up in public housing were less likely to be convicted of a sex offense only compared to all other crimes (RR = .7, CI_95% = .5, .9, p = .011). Participants who were black (RR = .5, CI_95% = .4, .6, p < .001) or Hispanic (RR = .7, CI_95% = .5, .8, p < .001) were less likely to be convicted of a sex offense compared to participants who were not black or Hispanic. Older age was associated with increased risk of conviction for sex offenses only compared to younger participants (RR = 1.1, CI_95% = 1.0, 1.1 p < .001). With less than high school education as the referent category, participants who had some high school (RR = .8, 95% CI = .6, .9, p = .020) were less likely to be convicted of a sex offense.

Conviction for sexual and violent offenses vs. all other crimes: The RR of conviction for both violent and sex offenses was 5.3 times (95% CI = 3.7, 7.6, p < .001) greater for people who experienced sexual abuse as a child only and 4.0 times (95% CI = 1.5, 10.7, p = .007) greater for people who experienced sexual abuse as an adult only compared to all other crimes. The RR of conviction for a sexual and violent offense was 1.8 times (CI_95% = 1.4, 2.4, p < .001) greater among participants who reported experiencing childhood sexual abuse as a child only and .61 times (95% CI = .4, .9, p = .012) lower among participants who reported experiencing physical abuse only as an adult. Participants who were black (RR = 1.3, CI_95% = 1.0, 1.7, p = .022) and other races (RR = 1.9, CI_95% = 1.3, 2,9, p = .003) were at greater risk of conviction for sexual and violent convictions. Hispanic ethnicity was associated with lower risk of conviction for a drug or violent crime (RR = .6, CI_95% = .4, .9, p = .021). Greater age was associated with increased risk of conviction for sexual and violent offenses (RR = 1.0, CI_95% = 1.0, 1.1, p < .001). With less than high school as the referent category, high school diploma (RR = .6, CI_95% = .4, .9, p = .020) and more than high school (RR = .5, CI_95% = .3, .7, p < .001) were associated with lower risk of conviction for sexual and violent crime compared to all other crimes.

Comparisons between conviction for a sexual and all other offenses compared to conviction for violent offenses only

Conviction for sexual versus violent offense only: The RR of being convicted for a sex offense only compared to a violent crime for participants who experienced sexual abuse as a child was 4.0 (CI_95% = 3.2, 5.1, p < .001) times the RR among people who were not exposed to childhood sexual abuse. Experiencing physical abuse only during adulthood (RR = .6, CI_95% = .4, .7, p < .001) and during childhood and adulthood (RR = .5, CI_95% = .4, .6 p < .001) were associated with lower RR of conviction of a sex offense only compared violent offense. Participants who were black (RR = .33, CI_95% = .3, .4, p < .001), Hispanic (RR = .5, CI_95% = .4, .7 p < .001), or other race (RR = .7, CI_95% = .6, .9, p = .028) were less likely to be convicted of a sex offense crime compared to violent crime. Older age was significantly associated with greater risk of conviction for a sex crime only compared to violent crime (RR = 1.1, CI_95% = 1.0, 1.0, p < .001). The RR of conviction for a sex offense for people with a high school diploma was 1.5 (CI_95% = 1.2, 1.8, p < .001) times the risk of conviction for a sex offense for participants with no high school education.

Conviction for violent and sexual offense vs. violent offense only: The RR of being convicted for a violent and sexual offense for participants who reported sexual abuse was 4.4 times (CI_95% = 3.1, 6.3 p < .001) the RR among participants who did not report sexual abuse. The RR of being convicted for violent and sexual offenses was lower among people who reported experiencing physical abuse during adulthood only (RR = .6, CI_95% = .4, .9, p = .013). Participants who grew up in public housing were less likely to be convicted for sexual and violent crimes compared to the base category of a conviction for a violent crime only (RR = .7, CI_95% = .5, .9 p = .014). Hispanic participants were less likely to be convicted for both violent and sexual offenses (RR = .5, CI_95% = .3, .8 p < .001). Participants who were older age were more likely to have violent and sexual offense convictions compared to younger participants.

Discussion

Findings from this study filled a gap in extant literature by differentiating types of ACEs that were associated with perpetration of sexual and non-sexual physical violence in adulthood using the largest nationally representative sample of people incarcerated in state and federal facilities in the United States to date. Findings from this study confirmed several hypotheses that exposures to physical violence in childhood only and both in adulthood and childhood would be associated with increased RR of violent crime compared to other crimes. Exposure to physical abuse during childhood was associated with violent crime perpetration but not sexual crime perpetration. In this study, the prevalence of exposures to sexual abuse during childhood was more than 3 times greater among people convicted of sexual offenses compared to the prevalence of childhood sexual abuse among people convicted of violent only and more than five times greater than the prevalence of sexual abuse compared to those convicted of all other crimes. Violent victimization during childhood was associated with increased risk of being convicted for a violent crime. Neither sexual nor physical violence during adulthood in the absence of victimization during childhood were associated with increased risk of conviction of either a sexual or non-sexual violent crime.

These findings lend support for social learning theoretical frameworks for understanding traumatological factors that are associated with sexual and non-sexual violence. Children who are exposed to sexual violence may be at greater risk of learning new behaviors and beliefs that condone sexual violence or sexual behavior leading to greater risk of perpetrating sexual violence. Exposure to non-sexual physical victimization during childhood may teach youth that physical violence is an acceptable form of conflict resolution and interpersonal communication resulting in greater risk of perpetrating non-sexual violence during adulthood. These findings suggest that offense specific victimization during childhood play a role in differentiating risk factors for sexual and non-sexual physical violence.

Living in foster care was associated with increased risk of being convicted of a violent crime compared to participants who did not report being in foster care. Living in foster care may expose youth to greater rates of physical violence victimization thereby increasing risk of non-sexual physical victimization. Living in foster care may expose youth to greater risk of physical violence victimization which could explain heightened risk of non-sexual physical victimization. Participants who reported growing up in socioeconomically marginalized conditions (i.e., public housing and receiving welfare) were more likely to have been convicted of a violent offense as well as both violent and sexual offenses. One potential explanation for these findings is rates of sexual assault and physical violence victimization are greater in socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods resulting in higher rates of both sexual and physical violence. Socioeconomically marginalized neighborhoods are more likely to be aggressively policed which introduces the possibility of bias in the detection of crime that would inflate the racial differences observed in individuals who were convicted of non-sexual violent crimes. Greater research is needed to identify the contribution of economic distress to violent behavior in adulthood.

Moreover, this study supported prior literature suggesting that White men are more likely to be convicted of sexual offenses and black men are more likely to be convicted of violent offenses. Since the sample of the study consists of persons incarcerated in prisons, it is not possible to differentiate if racial and ethnic differences exist in the perpetration of violence but rather suggests that racial and ethnic disparities in policing, rates of conviction, charging decisions, sentencing, and correctional policies may result in more African Americans apprehended for violent crimes compared to white populations. Levenson (2008) suggests that people convicted of sex offenses are incarcerated groups that are in greatest need of trauma-informed approaches. Levenson (2008) presents a holistic approach to trauma-informed care with people who are convicted of sex offenders. Future research must evaluate the possible merits of trauma-informed practices that are adapted to address the high prevalence of sexual traumatic histories among so many people convicted of sex offenses.

Implications for trauma-informed practice with people who are convicted of sexual and non-sexual violence

Findings from this study provide insights that inform the implementation of trauma-informed approaches for people who are convicted of sexual and non-sexual physical violence perpetration. Greater research is needed to identify if people who are convicted of sexual and non-sexual violent offenses benefit equally from a one size fits all approaches to trauma-informed practice or the adaptation of trauma-informed practices to address the unique effects of sexual and non-sexual violence victimization. Future research must evaluate the potential benefits of integrating trauma-informed approaches into correctional management and treatment of incarcerated people who are convicted of sexual and non-sexual violent offenses. Greater research is needed to examine if interventions that target the relationship of prior traumas to violent behaviors could reduce recidivism among people who are convicted of sexual and non-sexual violent offenses. Current sex offending treatments do not incorporate trauma-informed approaches into systems of care that involve restructuring the milieu as well as therapy that incorporates prior traumas into social learning experiences.

Limitations

There are several limitations of this study that provide fruitful avenues of future research. The study is cross-sectional thus precluding causal inference between prior trauma exposures during childhood and perpetration of aggression in adulthood. This study used dichotomized indicators of prior trauma exposure that did not measure the intensity, severity, frequency, or emotional features of exposures to sexual and non-sexual abuse. This study did not examine the duration and frequency of involvement in the foster care system. Future research is needed that includes more detailed measures of childhood adversities. A limitation of this study is the regression models cannot identify cumulative associations between sexual abuse in both childhood and adulthood and RR of reporting sexual and non-sexual violent offending. The wording of the questions regarding experiencing multiple incidents of sexual abuse does not allow for differentiation as to whether or not the abuse occurred both during childhood and adulthood. This is due to the wording of the question asking when abuse occurred for individuals who reported more than one incidents of sexual abuse. The variable that was created measuring sexual abuse only includes childhood (which can also include adulthood) and adulthood only. Another limitation is the study did not examine how sequelae of traumatic exposures including PTSD, stress-coping models, or other psychological factors may mediate or moderate the association between exposure to trauma and perpetration of sexual and non-sexual aggression. The sample included only men. Greater research is needed to identify differences by sex in associations between exposure to childhood trauma and the perpetration of aggression in adulthood among women. Additionally, men may be significantly more likely to underreport prior exposures to sexual abuse during childhood and adulthood compared to women thereby underreporting the true prevalence of prior trauma. Prior literature suggests that male victims may be reluctant to report exposures to traumatic events such as sexual and non-sexual physical violence particularly in hypermasculine settings such as prisons thus introducing the possibility of underreporting in the data (Alaggia, 2005; Artime et al., 2014; Fontes & Plummer, 2010; Sorsoli et al., 2008; Weiss, 2010).

Conclusion

This study provides evidence for a cycle of sexual and non-sexual violence victim-offender overlap using a novel comparison between sexual and violent offending using the largest dataset of incarcerated people to date. Men who are convicted of sexual and non-sexual violent offenses are disproportionately impacted by trauma and other ACEs compared to general populations of incarcerated persons. Addressing the role of sexual and non-sexual physical violence in the perpetration of aggression during adulthood among incarcerated men is critical to interrupting the cycle of violence that contributes to the problem of mass incarceration in the United States.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (grant numbers R25037190 and T32019426).

ORCID iD

Phillip Marotta

Author Biography

Phillip Marotta is an Assistant Professor at the Brown School at Washington University in St. Louis. Dr. Marotta’s research examines the role of trauma in structuring access to substance use treatment and other mental health services among populations who are involved in the criminal justice system. Dr. Marotta’s research is also concerned with improving the mental health of incarcerated populations.

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