Abstract
Despite a recent growth in studies on cyberbullying, extant knowledge on the underlying mechanisms of cyberbullying remain limited. The objective of the present study is to explore the dynamics of cyberbullying via traditional bullying, self-control, and delinquent peer association. Specifically, the following hypotheses guide the present study: (1) traditional bullying, low self-control, and delinquent peer association are predictive of cyberbullying, respectively, (2) the interaction between traditional bullying and low self-control has a significant impact on cyberbullying, and (3) the interaction between traditional bullying and delinquent peer association has a significant impact on cyberbullying. The present study relies on five waves of the Korean Youth Panel Survey (KYPS), a representative sample of South Korean adolescents. Data collection occurred annually and respondents were 14 years old at the first wave in 2003. KYPS is an almost gender-equal and racially/ethnically homogenous sample. Results of cross-lagged dynamic panel models show (1) significant effects of traditional bullying on cyberbullying with and without low self-control and delinquent peer affiliation, (2) the respective roles of self-control and delinquent peer association in the prediction of cyberbullying, and (3) an interaction effect between low self-control and traditional bullying on cyberbullying. These findings demonstrate the theoretical validity of self-control theory and social learning theory in online delinquent behavior as well as confirm their cross-cultural generalizability in a non-Western sample. The findings also highlight the importance of investing in early life-course prevention/intervention programs and policies to prevent and/or reduce the occurrence of bullying, regardless of whether it is being perpetrated face-to-face or online, and these programs and policies should also target components to improve self-control and reduce delinquent peer associations.
Bullying is often defined as intentional repeated aggression that occurred in an asymmetric power relationship (Olweus, 1997), which has been regarded as a major social concern around the world. Traditional bullying that usually takes place in school has had adverse impacts on youth in many ways. Negative consequences of traditional bullying include mental health problems (Fekkes et al., 2004; Gini & Pozzoli, 2009), physical health issues (Fekkes et al., 2006; Jennings et al., 2019), poor academic performance (Eisenberg et al., 2003), problematic behaviors at school (Smith et al., 2004), and externalizing behavior (Gini & Pozzoli, 2009). To make matters worse, recent innovations in information and communication technologies form a new type of bullying, that is, cyberbullying.
Although a relatively new phenomenon, cyberbullying quickly has become a global issue. South Korea is certainly not an exception. For example, a Korean national survey has documented that almost 28% of adolescents reported cyberbullying victimization, and almost 20% of teenagers engaged in cyberbullying perpetration (Lee, 2014). Analogous to traditional bullying, cyberbullying is linked to a wide array of adverse outcomes including: mental health/psychological symptoms including depression, social anxiety, poor mental well-being, low self-esteem, social difficulties, substance use, and suicidal attempts (Bottino et al., 2015; Chang et al., 2013; Fahy et al., 2016), physical health issues (Kowalski & Limber, 2013), problems at school such as poor performance, poor concentration, absences, and low grades (Beran & Li, 2008; Kowalski et al., 2012; Vazsonyi et al., 2012) as well as detentions, suspensions, and weapon carrying (Ybarra et al., 2007).
The appearance of cyberbullying, “willful and repeated harm inflicted through the medium of electronic text” (Patchin & Hinduja, 2006, p.152), resulted in scholars inquiring about the nature of this new type of bullying, and there is now a growing body of research in this literature exploring the relationship between cyberbullying and traditional bullying. In this vein, prior studies generally suggest that cyberbullying shares similarities with traditional bullying, and then, the next question arises as to whether traditional bullies are likely to also be (or become future) cyberbullies. Exploring answers to such a question is important to make effective and comprehensive prevention/intervention programs and policies, as well as aiding in the understanding of cyberbullying itself. Besides, the extant knowledge in this area is largely limited about factors that accelerate or buffer such linkages that are derived from a criminological theoretical perspective. To answer these questions, the present study seeks to unravel the dynamic mechanism of cyberbullying with consideration of the role of traditional bullying. Through the use of five waves of the Korean Youth Panel Survey (KYPS), the present study integrates the criminological theoretical frameworks of self-control and delinquent peer association to examine these linkages.
The Relationship Between Cyberbullying and Traditional Bullying
In cyberbullying literature, there is an ongoing discussion on its connection to traditional bullying: that is, whether cyberbullying is a newly invented deviance or a subtype of bullying. Some view cyberbullying as distinct due to the unique features of cyberbullying (see, Kowalski et al., 2012; Thomas et al., 2015). In the digital world, cyberbullies feel that he/she can hide behind a computer monitor since anonymity offers a feeling of safety or an inability of detection/getting caught. While verbal and nonverbal cues are observable in face-to-face communication, electronic communications lack instant emotional reactivity, which could worsen the situations (Kowalski et al., 2014; Kowalski et al., 2012). Moreover, it is quick and simple to copy and paste any rumor or gossip in electronic communication environment, allowing them to spread instantly. Although traditional bullying brings damages in terms of the victimization experience, it is often limited in terms of time and place (Nansel et al., 2001). In contrast, cyberbullying has no boundaries due to technology development and the worldwide accessibility of such technology. Another critical difference between these two forms of bullying is that victims of traditional bullying were relatively safe outside the school while cyberbullying can victimize individuals no matter where they are, what day/time it is, etc. As such, this 24/7 accessibility makes victims more vulnerable and leads to perception (and oftentimes the reality) that they cannot escape the bullying (Kowalski et al., 2012). Another contributing factor that increases online bullying and victimization is the parents’ and teachers’ lower familiarity with the digital world compared to their children. This digital divide reduces the ability for parents and teachers to prevent, monitor, or intervene in cyberbullying experiences as they emerge.
Despite the conceptual differences, empirical studies have shown a link between traditional bullying and cyberbullying. For example, employing a dual-trajectory analysis, Kim et al. (2017) reported general similarities in the developmental trajectories between the two forms of bullying among Korean youth. More specifically, they identified three latent groups for both bullying behaviors. Furthermore, the joint probability showed that almost 28.8% of adolescents were assigned to the non-involved group for both traditional bullying and cyberbullying, 27.5% were assigned to both sharp-decreasing groups, and 7.4% were assigned to both chronic groups. Or, in other words, an overlap in trajectory group assignment for the two forms of bullying was observed for greater than 60% of the sample. Comparatively, based on the criminal career approach, Donner et al. (2015) tested the offending generality/specialization hypothesis in cybercrime, relying on college students in the U.S. To be specific, the study examined whether online offenders engage in various types of crime or specialize in specific types of crime from a life-course perspective. Their results also demonstrated that offline offending and online offending were significantly related, thus supporting the generality hypothesis (for an exception, Khey et al., 2009).
The close association between traditional bullying and cyberbullying has also been observed in studies with different cultures. For instance, relying on a sample of Australian adolescents, Hemphill et al. (2012) found relational aggression as “a covert form of bullying” (p.59) (e.g., exclusion and spreading rumors) was predictive of cyberbullying perpetration. Similarly, engaging in traditional bullying predicted cyberbullying among Greek students aged 12–14 (Athanasiades et al., 2016). This was also the case for adolescents living in Cyprus (Fanti et al., 2012) as school bullying predicted cyberbullying 1 year later and school victimization predicted cyber victimization 1 year later. Jose et al. (2012) also documented the bidirectional relationship between traditional bullying and cyberbullying among teenagers in New Zealand. In addition, both traditional bullying perpetration and victimization have been determined to be significant predictors of cyberbullying perpetration among Korean youth (You & Lim, 2016).
The Role of Self-Control and Delinquent Peers on Cyberbullying
Considering prior literature has identified the shared characteristics between traditional bullying and cyberbullying, it is plausible to apply extant criminological theories explaining traditional delinquent behavior to cyberbullying. For example, Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) highlighted the importance of self-control in their general theory of crime. Specifically, those who have low self-control are described as being impulsive, shortsighted, insensitive, lacking empathy, and seek immediate gratification. Therefore, they are vulnerable to the pleasures of the moment and do not take into account the long-term consequences of their behavior. Claiming its general effects, Gottfredson and Hirschi have argued that self-control plays a crucial role in various types of delinquency, which includes bullying. Individuals with low self-control are insensitive and have poor empathy, therefore, it is unlikely for them to realize victims’ pain while enjoying using their power over victims, which may pleasure them.
Low self-control as a key factor for deviance has been considerably documented in the bullying research (Benda, 2005; Chapple, 2005; Lee & Kim, 2017; Vazsonyi et al., 2017). For example, Kim et al. (2017) revealed the salience of self-control in identifying heterogenous developmental pathways in both traditional bullying and cyberbullying among Korean adolescents. Donner et al. (2015) has also reported that low self-control is significantly related to online and offline offending. Finally, a cross-cultural study drawing on samples from 25 European countries has shown both direct and indirect effects of low self-control on cyberbullying perpetration (Vazsonyi et al., 2012).
Comparatively, Akers’ social learning theory (Akers, 2011) is another major criminological theory that has been widely applied to different types of delinquency and crime in the field of criminology. Social learning theory posits that individuals learn criminal behavior through social interaction with others and reveals the complex mechanisms by which behavior is learned. In this regard, the underlying assumption is that a dynamic learning process takes place through differential association, definitions, imitation, and differential reinforcement.
Differential association with deviant peers (or commonly referred to as delinquent peer association) is particularly important for adolescents who are heavily influenced by their peers (Warr, 2002). Deviant friends play several roles in the broader context of social learning mechanisms (Akers et al., 2020). Youth are exposed to definitions favorable to deviance through interactions with delinquent friends. Also, deviant kids may serve as a good model for delinquency through imitation and provide rewards via differential association. The influence of deviant peer association has been frequently tested and its importance has been widely supported by empirical evidence (Hoeben et al., 2016; McGloin & Thomas, 2019; Pratt et al., 2010). As is the case with previous research on traditional delinquency, a growing number of studies examining the delinquent peer effect on cybercrime has been emerging in the literature. For instance, Sasson and Mesch (2017) reported the significant association between peer norms and cyberbullying. Specifically, peer delinquency was identified as a significant factor for distinguishing high levels of cyberbullying and high levels of traditional bullying perpetration (Kim et al., 2017). Holt et al. (2012) have also found peer deviance to be significantly related to an increase in different types of cyber deviance.
Moreover, the moderation effects of self-control and deviant peers were suggested in theoretical frameworks and tested in prior studies on general delinquency and bullying literature. Although Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) remained in their position about self-control as a stable trait, self-control is often thought of as a dynamic entity, which is open to change (Burt et al., 2014; Hay & Forrest, 2006; Na & Paternoster, 2012; Pratt, 2016). For instance, an emerging body of research found that prior delinquency influences the level of self-control (Clinkinbeard et al., 2018; de Kemp et al., 2009; Vazsonyi & Jiskrova, 2018). This is also the case for delinquent peer affiliation. According to Hirschi (1969), it is hard for deviant youth to build prosocial relationships with conventional kids; therefore, they are likely to hang out with other deviant ones. Recent bullying studies found support for the thesis. Bullying is positively linked to negative peer influence (Espelage et al., 2000) and the relationship between bullying and deviance was moderated by deviant friends (J. Lee et al., 2018). Against this background, we would expect that low self-control and delinquent peers increase the likelihood of offline bullies engaging in online bullying.
The Current Study
Although an emerging body of literature has made initial forays into examining cyberbullying and its relationship with traditional bullying, the majority of this prior research has been cross-sectional and focused on Western samples. As such utilizing a nationally representative sample of Korean adolescents, the objective of the present study is to explore the dynamics of cyberbullying via traditional bullying, self-control, and delinquent peer association. Specifically, the following hypotheses guide the present study: (1) traditional bullying, low self-control, and delinquent peer association are predictive of cyberbullying, respectively, (2) the interaction between traditional bullying and low self-control has a significant impact on cyberbullying, and (3) the interaction between traditional bullying and delinquent peer association has a significant impact on cyberbullying.
Method
Data
The present study relies on five waves of the KYPS, a representative sample of South Korean adolescents. A stratified multistage cluster sampling was used to ensure the representativeness of the sample. The Korean youth population was divided into three groups: (1) those who live in the Seoul metropolitan city (the largest city in South Korea), (2) those who live in a compilation of six other metropolitan cities, and (3) those who live in other cities and counties equally drawn from all nine Korean provinces. A total of 104 schools were randomly chosen, and then, one class was randomly selected from a school.
Sample Descriptives.
SD = standard deviation.
Measures
Dependent variable (waves 2–5)
Cyberbullying was measured by two items (Choi & Kruis, 2019; Kim et al., 2017; Song et al., 2020): (1) How many times have you intentionally circulated false information on the Internet message boards about others during the last year? and (2) How many times have you ever cursed/insulted other people through chats/message boards during the last year? As the responses were open-ended, frequencies of these two items were summed and the natural logarithmic transformation was used to deal with skewed responses. Pearson’s correlation coefficient between two items of cyberbullying was .048, which meets the criterion (r = .30–.70) suggested by Nunnally & Bernstein (1994).
Independent variables (waves 1–4)
Traditional bullying was measured by three items (Cho et al., 2017; Choi & Kruis, 2019; Kim et al., 2017): (1) How many times have you severely teased or bantered other people? (2) How many times have you threatened other people, and (3) How many times have you treated other people as an outcast? As the responses were open-ended, frequencies of these three items were summed and the natural logarithmic transformation was used to deal with skewed responses.
Self-control was composed of six items measured on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) through 5 (strongly agree) (Kim & Lee, 2019). Items tapped into five of the dimensions of self-control identified by Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990): impulsivity, avoidance of difficult tasks for simple tasks, risk-taking, self-centeredness, and short temper (e.g., “I enjoy risky activities” and “I lose my temper whenever I get angry”). Higher scores indicated lower self-control (α = .629).
Delinquent peer association was estimated as the ratio of delinquent peers among their best friends, which took three steps. The first question asked to report their total number of best friends. Second, respondents were then asked to report the number of best friends who drank alcohol, smoked, were truant, or had engaged in assault, robbery, and/or larceny, separately. Third, based on the two items, we divided the number of delinquent friends by the total number of friends (α = .69). That is, the response reflects the proportion of deviant friends among their best friends.
Time variant control measures (waves 1–4)
Lagged cyberbullying refers to previous cyberbullying. For example, when estimating cyberbullying at time t, cyberbullying at t-1 was included in the estimating model as a control variable. This procedure was repeated across waves. Lagged cyberbullying was measured in the same manner as the dependent variable as described above.
Parental abuse was measured by two items based on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) through 5 (strongly agree): (1) I often receive verbal abuse from my parents and (2) I am often badly hit by my parents. Higher values presented greater parental abuse (α = .752).
Parental monitoring was composed of four items measured on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) through 5 (strongly agree): When I go out, my parents usually know (1) where I am, (2) whom I am with, (3) what I am doing, and (4) when I will return. Higher values indicated greater parental monitoring (α = .844).
Parental attachment was composed of two items measured on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) through 5 (strongly agree): (1) I am comfortable sharing my thoughts and feelings with my parents and (2) I often talk about what happens to me outside the home. Higher values presented greater parental attachment (α = .723).
Peer attachment was measured by four items based on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) through 5 (strongly agree): (1) I want to maintain the friendships I have with my close friends, (2) I am happy with my friends, (3) I try to have same thoughts and feelings as my friends, and (4) I have candid conversations with my friends. Higher values indicated greater peer attachment (α = .753).
Time-invariant control measures (wave 1)
Gender was coded 0 for females and 1 for males. Parental education level was measured for father and mother, respectively. The response was categorized into seven levels ranging from 0 = elementary school, 1 = middle school … 6 = master’s degree, and 7 = doctoral degree.
Analytic Strategy
Cross-lagged dynamic panel models are employed to examine the effects of traditional bullying, low self-control, and delinquent peer association on cyberbullying. Cross-lagged dynamic panel models are suitable for the purpose of this study since the models permit the ability to consider time-variant and time-invariant covariates over time. In other words, cross-lagged dynamic panel models enable to estimate how the independent variables influence the outcome behavior over time while controlling various correlates. Another key advantage is to include lagged measures of the dependent variable as a control variable, which distinguishes cross-lagged dynamic panel models from fixed- or mixed-effects models that are also used in the estimation of time-varying and time-invariant factors (Allison et al., 2017; Williams et al., 2018). Considering “delinquent behavior is determined largely by previous delinquent behavior” (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1987; Matsueda, 1986), the inclusion of previous dependent variables in the models enables a more rigorous analysis.
The analytic strategy for the present study is conducted in several steps. First, the descriptive statistics are reported for all dependent, independent, and control variables. Second, we estimate the effects of traditional bullying on cyberbullying with the time-variant and time-invariant measures including lagged cyberbullying. Third, low self-control and delinquent peer association are included in the analyses with traditional bullying and the control variables, respectively. Fourth, we estimate the effects of all independent variables (i.e., traditional bullying, low self-control, and delinquent peer association) on cyberbullying net of time-variant and time-invariant measures. Fifth, two interaction effects (i.e., traditional bullying x low self-control and traditional bullying x delinquent peer association) are examined, respectively. Missing values were handled via full-information maximum likelihood estimation. All analyses were performed in Stata 15.
Results
Table 1 displays descriptive statistics including mean and standard deviation (SD) across five waves. We also provided SD (between) and SD (within) since the estimations were repeated over time. The overall mean of the dependent variable, cyberbullying is .265 and a SD is .835 with a range from 0 to 7168. Its SD (between) and SD (within) are .543 and .635, respectively, which reflects changes in cyberbullying across waves. Regarding traditional bullying, the mean is .087 with a SD of .473 (range from 0 to 6.905). SD (between) of traditional bullying is .297 and SD (within) is .368, indicating the varying levels of traditional bullying over time.
Cross-Lagged Dynamic Panel Data Models Assessing Cyberbullying.
Coef. = coefficient; SE = standard error; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation; CFI = comparative fit index.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
Cross-Lagged Dynamic Panel Data Models Assessing Interactions on Cyberbullying.
Coef. = coefficient; SE = standard error; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation; CFI = comparative fit index.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
Discussion
The current study provided an examination of the linkages between traditional bullying and cyberbullying informed by low self-control and social learning theoretical perspectives. Relying on cross-lagged dynamic panel models estimated with a representative longitudinal sample of Korean youth, several key findings emerged that are briefly highlighted below.
Consistent with prior research (Athanasiades et al., 2016; Donner et al., 2015; Fanti et al., 2012; Jose et al., 2012; Kim et al., 2017; Hemphill et al., 2012), the analysis documented a significant association between the two different forms of bullying, that is, traditional bullying was predictive of cyberbullying. Furthermore, both low self-control and delinquent peer association were predictive of cyberbullying alongside traditional bullying. Subsequent analysis upheld these robust linkages, as these initial effects still maintained their significance once estimated simultaneously and net of the effects of time variant and invariant control variables. In addition, a significant interaction effect between traditional bullying and self-control was observed, but this same interactive effect was not found for traditional bullying and delinquent peer association. The latter was not an expected finding, and may suggest that self-control exerts a greater influence on cyberbullying in particular contexts, that is, in the presence of traditional bullying behaviors. In contrast, it appears that delinquent peer association operates only directly in terms of its effect on cyberbullying and its effect is not significantly amplified in the presence of traditional bullying behaviors. These findings overall fit within the larger literature about cyberbullying as prior systematic reviews have documented that cyberbullying can be mediated or moderated by demographic and social factors, and that the interrelationship between theoretically informed risk factors and cyberbullying can be used to inform intervention components (Kwan et al., 2020).
These results have several theoretical and policy implications. Regarding the theoretical implications, the findings suggest that both the low self-control (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990) and delinquent peer association (i.e., social learning) (Akers et al., 2020) theoretical perspectives have validity as explanations of cyberbullying behaviors. Therefore, future cyberbullying research that fails to incorporate these theoretical perspectives into their empirical investigations run the risk of being mis-specified. Also, the results contribute to extending the cross-cultural generalizability of both theoretical perspectives for predicting cyberbullying in non-Western samples of youth. The robust linkage that was observed between traditional bullying and cyberbullying yields additional evidence suggesting that some bullies may just be bullies, and they often do not discriminate between or specialize in one particular mode of bullying. Essentially, both forms of bullying are forms of the same underlying problem behavior syndrome for some, but certainly not for all. This has implications for future bullying research as it indicates that perhaps these constructs (i.e., traditional bullying and cyberbullying) are not as statistically or conceptually distinct constructs as previously thought. As such, future traditional bullying research should incorporate cyberbullying items into their measurement and vice versa, and this research should rely on similar theoretical perspectives and risk factors as predictors of both of these outcomes. These findings also highlight the importance of investing in early life-course prevention/intervention programs and policies to prevent and/or reduce the occurrence of bullying, regardless of whether it is being perpetrated face-to-face or online, and these programs and policies should also target components to improve self-control and reduce delinquent peer associations (Forgatch et al., 2009; Forgatch & Kjøbli, 2016; Piquero et al., 2016a, 2016b). In this same vein, these findings combined with prior evidence that the risk factors for involvement in crime and cyberbullying or online and offline/traditional offending are fairly similar (see Donner et al., 2015) indicate that prevention programs that target delinquency in general may also be sufficient and appropriate to reduce the occurrence of cyberbullying specifically rather than having a standalone cyberbullying prevention program. Nevertheless, the extant literature has also identified promising components for bullying intervention in South Korea youth specifically including: peer/teacher support (Lee et al., 2020), school interest in the issue of bullying, a reporting and monitoring system in the schools, and education and help-seeking (Chun et al., 2021).
Notwithstanding these implications, several limitations are worth noting. First, these data are from Korean youth, and therefore the extent to which these findings may generalize to other Asian and non-Western samples is subject to future empirical investigations. Second, as bullying perpetration is just one specific form of deviance, future research is encouraged to account for involvement in other delinquent behaviors when examining traditional bullying and cyberbullying when data permit. Third, given the well documented overlap between victimization and offending, future research should attempt to capture the bullying victimization experiences alongside the bullying perpetration experiences when further testing the low self-control and social learning theoretical perspectives as factors in the etiology of bullying and cyberbullying. Ultimately, these criminological perspectives exhibit promise in generalizing to explain cyberbullying and do so in an international, non-Western (Korean) context. Future studies should continue this effort to take these theories “global” as bullying in general and cyberbullying specifically are indeed global issues. Fourth, although we employ a rigorous analytical approach, our data presented several limitations in regards to measurement. Our bullying measures were unable to reflect the power imbalance that is often regarded as one aspect of bullying. While the bullying measures we used have been widely used in bullying literature, future work might wish to consider expanded measures. In addition, a few measures (e.g., self-control) had a reliability of less than .7. Further research relying on measures with stronger reliability could help enhance the generalizability of this study. Despite the study limitations, the current study enhances not only our understanding of how cyberbullying is evolved but also how key criminological factors influence the link between different types of bullying. We also provided empirical evidence of traditional criminological theories in a new type of delinquent behavior in a digital world. Ultimately, the unique contribution of the current study lies in its incorporation of multiple theoretical perspectives and time variant and invariant factors, application of advanced statistical methodologies, examination of two overlapping forms of bullying, and doing so in an international context, that is, South Korea.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
