Abstract
“. . . what to eat, what to drink, when to sleep, what to wear, whom to speak to, how to spend time, where one’s body is allowed to be . . .” (p. 68)—Ellis reminds the reader of Goffman’s work on total institutions and total control. In This Place Called Prison: Women’s Religious Life in the Shadow of Punishment dives into the gendered tension of religion in prison, including freedom and restraint, which she refers to as “secondary carcerality.” As Ellis outlines, religious practices are one of the few constitutional guarantees one has while incarcerated, even if religion is not a “free market” while incarcerated.
Ellis engaged in a yearlong ethnographic study at Mapleside Prison. In additional to daily observations, she also engaged in interviews with incarcerated women, some correctional staff, as well as volunteers. Her ethnographic focus and interview methodology is an excellent fit for understanding religion within the daily operations of a correctional facility. Ellis’s contributions extend beyond religion and penology, and into sociology, criminology, theology, and beyond. She reminds us that prisons were established as Christian institutions to produce moral transformation, but that religion and prison act on but not through one another. With 500 hours of observation, with a sample consisting predominately of Protestant Christians (63%), she candidly writes about the typical day at Mapleside Prison, including religious practices and programming, with attention to gender (motherhood and families).
To set the tone for the current U.S. penal system, Ellis reminds us of the impact of mandatory minimums, sentencing guidelines, and other policies that created mass incarceration. Students, academics, and practitioners can appreciate her person-first language and intentional efforts to demonstrate how and where intersectional paradigms help us understand the current state of incarceration for women. She notes that many incarcerated women are further criticized as mothers, and that some correctional facilities weaponize motherhood. Observations between religious volunteers and the incarcerated women also narrowly defined and prescribed their womanhood by suggesting they find a man, marry the man, and serve the man. According to Ellis, a Daughter of Christ (DOC) “ . . . must embody a particular form of feminine expression, embrace gendered hierarchies, and participate only in heterosexual relationships” (p. 128).
Heterosexism and mainstream norms for femininity were couched in religious conversations. Adherence to the norms, coupled with religious affiliation, could come with added benefits for such women (e.g., better and increased access to reading materials and extra food). She notes that some gravitated toward religious participation as a means of avoiding the social hierarchy, but found it was a pathway into a social organization. Similarly, religion behind bars can serve as a social support for some and a form of alienation for others. Religious involvement may replace the lack of state funded programming and be one of the only activities for engagement offered to women. While religious affiliation may come with additional control, religious volunteers sought individualized attention and personalized care—despite prison directives—as Ellis observed, they seemed to have genuine interest in connecting with the women of Mapleside.
As previous research has found, women may describe their incarceration in positive terms and a place of reprieve. Women come to terms with their incarceration as they are led to view their time behind bars as part of “God’s plan” (p. 92). When women demonstrate transformed behavior, she is said to be “making good” with a higher power. Yet, as Ellis notes, not all correctional staff hold this belief. She shared her conversations with one parole board member who viewed religious certificates as a means of deceiving the parole board rather than as a true investment in oneself, while the warden felt the women were just like her. An added value to this book is Ellis’s methodological appendix, that includes her own responsiveness to being an “outsider” conducting ethnographic work inside a women’s correctional facility.
Ellis’s conclusion lists three major lessons—the first, words matter. Ellis is deliberate in her choice of words (e.g., criminal justice system vs. criminal legal system) and aware of her role as an outsider with privilege. Words hold great power for all, including incarcerated women as they navigate their time. Secondly, Ellis summarizes that even with the best intentions, the force of carceral control is powerful. Ellis provides examples of religion as freedom but also restrictive and controlled. Finally, Ellis concludes that religion is central—not peripheral—to punishment. Ellis’ contributions are significant to a plethora of academic fields, while her writing style is easily digestible as she recalls the lived experiences of the women at Mapleside Prison.