Abstract

Zigon, an anthropologist, has produced a compelling and theoretically sound analysis of how modern neoliberalism in Russia works to compel, restrain and organize individual morality even within the Russian Orthodox Church which explicitly resists the worldly goals and ethics of modern society. Set against the backdrop of the twin 20th century developments of neoliberalism and universal human rights, Zigon sets out to show how it is only by conforming to the demands of the former that one is qualified for access to the latter. That is, only by adhering to the guidelines of good citizenship within the neoliberal state is one seen as having intrinsic value worth protecting. Central to this dynamic is a desire on behalf of the individual to live up to socially acceptable norms and standards. The book’s provocative title reflects this theme as the Russian Orthodox Church views HIV as a wake-up call for drug users to pursue a more moral life.
HIV is God’s Blessing is located in a voluntary, residential drug treatment and rehabilitation facility sponsored by the Russian Orthodox Church. Although located outside the official realm of state regulation, Zigon shows how the goals of the neoliberal state (self-regulation, responsibility, industriousness, etc.) are accomplished in the course of the program as the rehabilitants focus on remaking themselves (what Zigon terms ‘ethics’) into new, morally acceptable, people. The central irony is that the teachings of the Russian Orthodox Church are officially at odds with the morality espoused by the highly individualistic and decentralized focus in neoliberal Russia. Despite this fact, the rehabilitation program disciplines and prepares people to lead healthy, productive, normal lives within this modern social context.
Using this tension as his point of inquiry, Zigon does two things of equal importance. In Part I of the book, he establishes the theoretical linkage between the regulation of the individual and the development of neoliberalism. While the Introduction is theoretically dense, the chapters which follow work through the various components of the argument. Taking an anthropology of moralities perspective, Zigon draws deeply on the work of Agamben and Foucault to explain how the concept of the ‘bare life’ becomes the focus of moral and ethical work in the modern world. Zigon’s real strength in this analysis is the way he weaves in historical and contextual information without losing sight of the larger picture. That is, while the treatment program investigated by Zigon is clearly situated in, and impacted by, a post-Soviet context, it is not wholly determined by those influences. Zigon’s analysis and theory building is obviously and admittedly discursive. He posits that the ‘ethical assemblage’ developed in this context is both created and altered by the ways that various institutions combine to influence people’s individual lives. The analysis clearly shows the types of contextual forces that matter without devolving into an account of how these dynamics only exist in this particular idiosyncratic case.
Second, drawing on extensive ethnographic data, Zigon demonstrates empirically how this link works in practice. That is, he shows how modern therapy techniques acculturate rehabilitants and create new moral citizens equipped to return to society and live ‘normal lives’. While Zigon claims in the beginning to be aiming to fill a gap in the therapeutic literature that fails to address rehabilitation from the perspective of the rehabilitant, one should not expect this text to be a guide for what does and does not work. While this subtext may exist, it is clear that Zigon is interested in how the rehabilitants understand their own treatment because it is a window into a phenomenological approach to the topic. That is, the rehabilitants show how the discursive aspects theorized in the first half of the book play out in real life. To be sure, some of these connections feel a bit forced. For example, one rehabilitant, Zhenia, reported turning to prayer when a fight broke out on a public bus instead of joining the melee. Zigon interpreted this as a sign of responsibility and decentralization, two aspects of the neoliberal state that Zhenia had developed in the course of treatment. However, the truly responsible thing, from a neoliberal standpoint, would have been for Zhenia to attempt to break up the fight or seek help in some way. In any case, this option is not considered; however, more often than not, Zigon’s connections are perfectly plausible especially as he develops the very useful concepts of the ethical assemblage and enchurchment, for example.
Sociologists will find Zigon’s analysis to be compelling and interesting, but lacking in implications. This is probably due more to Zigon’s anthropological orientation than anything else, but it ultimately remains unclear whether this is a one-off analysis of a unique therapeutic setting which allows the reader to see the full extent of the neoliberal state, or whether this drug rehabilitation program is emblematic of a more general pattern that emerges whenever external institutions operate in the context of a decentralized state apparatus. While both are interesting and valuable on their own merits, there is perhaps nobody better situated than Zigon to wade into this conversation – and yet it is neglected. Additionally, there is no detailed methodological discussion. Though readers can glean Zigon’s reflexive stance from the text, a further discussion of how his analysis and investigation proceeded is clearly warranted.
These minor criticisms aside, HIV is God’s Blessing is an important contribution to our understanding of the ways that agency is facilitated and channeled into paths that support the neoliberal goals of decentralization and self-regulation. Indeed, as Zigon shows repeatedly, these twin objectives are not accomplished in spite of one another, but rather they are mutually supportive, and mutually constitutive when seen through the lens of morality and the ethical teachings of individual transformation as put forth by the Russian Orthodox Church.
More than anything, HIV is God’s Blessing opens up a way for researchers interested in investigating the institutional construction and facilitation of moralities to proceed as there are clearly other places where such work is being done. Even within the same substantive field, there would appear to be obvious theoretical linkages between Zigon’s work and an analysis of faith-based self-help and therapeutic groups in the USA which moralize health and happiness.
