Indigenous Knowledge and the Social Construction of Patriarchy: The Case of the Bukusu of Kenya

Patriarchy in the Indigenous and Postmodern Settings

While the practice of patriarchy in Bukusu society may be seen as arcane and hyper-oppressive to women, critical studies of modern societies also show that patriarchy is deeply rooted in the modern world leading to varying forms of gender inequality and male-domination. In a way, what may seem as blatant, arcane, and hyper-oppressive in the Indigenous setting may simply be latently manifested in the modern world but equally oppressive, albeit wrapped in various forms of unfulfilled rights. A key lesson that can be drawn from Indigenous societies and critical studies of the postmodern world is the resilience and pervasiveness of patriarchy—from the simplest settings to the national and global levels. Just as Durkheim’s study of totemic beliefs became a lens into the system of rules that typify modern societies, so too the study of patriarchy in Bukusu society provides a magnified window into patriarchy. In both simple and modern societies, patriarchy is essentially a system of power and inequality that gives unequal social, economic and political opportunities to men at the detriment of women (Matandela, 2020). As Walby (1989) explicitly states, patriarchy is a ‘system of social structures, and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women’ (p. 214). In Bukusu society, this structure is entrenched in the knowledge system. In the postmodern world, this structure spans from the knowledge system to the capitalist economy and the racialized gradations of rights.

As we see from both the Indigenous and the postmodern settings, social structures create and reproduce gender inequalities. In African societies, for example, Indigenous knowledge systems drive patriarchy. It is a channel through which patriarchy is practiced and entrenched. Women have been socialized to believe that masculinity is the norm. The patriarchal society sets the parameters for women’s subordinate position in the family and society at large. Despite the professed global commitment to gender equality, reinforced by the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, women are highly marginalized (United Nation Development Programme (UNDP) Report, 2005). The marginalization of women is clearly a global phenomenon that is pervasive in both rich and poor countries, even though the material position of women may be seemingly different. In many ways, the roots of gender inequality and the marginalization of women lie in masculinity and patriarchy. These problems, which are blatantly manifested in Indigenous communities such as the Bukusu, are endemically latent in the modern and postmodern settings.

In her study of gender violence, Hunnicutt (2010) notes that patriarchal societies are characterized by embedded methods of control that are less overt but no less necessary to address. There is a relationship between violence used against women and patriarchal reinforcement. Even though the dynamic may take on various forms within different nations and cultures, there is consistently a presence of a patriarchal mode of female subordinacy. Patriarchy functions as a hierarchical system that sustains itself by trading the power positions of varying social members depending on their level of capital in proximity to those who consistently maintain their rank in society’s hierarchy and benefit the most from the stratified system. Hunnicutt maintains that both patriarchy and violence against women are popularly conveyed as a heavily contrasting dynamic between the violent, aggressive, and dominant men and the subordinate, weak, and naive women. However, this dynamic dilutes the ways each gender can both be benefited and hindered by social patriarchy (Hunnicutt, 2010). In the western world, patriarchy is part of a dual system of oppression rooted in capitalism and racism. According to Walby (1989), six structural forces form the patriarchal system, notably patriarchal mode of production, patriarchal relations in waged labor, the patriarchal state, male violence, patriarchal sexuality and patriarchal culture. In many ways, patriarchy becomes a tool that is rather flexible and employable by anyone regardless of status, race, or gender (Walby, 1989). However, for Pollert patriarchy is a self-feeding system that is separate from both gender inequality and economic structures (Pollert, 1996). Interestingly, the issue of race stubbornly persists in the way patriarchy is manifested and challenged. As Barrett and McIntosh show, white women and non-white women have innately different experiences of patriarchy. White western women have obtained greater capital which offered them the ability to voice their experiences and desires over others. Yet, they see the need to recognize the damage done and prevent further neglect or isolation of non-white experiences (Barrett and McIntosh, 2005).

The experiences of non-white women in non-western countries are also telling of the pervasiveness of patriarchy globally. Abeda Sultana provides an insightful critique of patriarchy in Bangladesh. Although Bangladesh does not have active discriminatory laws against women in any social sphere, the reality is that women are significantly limited in what they can do by a range of norms and practices that assert male dominance of society (Sultana, 2012). A woman is bound to the cultural, traditional, and ideological representations produced by a male-oriented society (Sultana, 2012). In African societies, Indigenous knowledge systems have been the tool used to inculcate societal values and exert social control. Both Indigenous knowledge and social norms promote patriarchal structures that perpetuate gender inequality (Chiliza and Masuku, 2020; Kamwendo and Kaya, 2016; Mwambari, 2017). A key element of this knowledge system is language, especially in its oral form. According to Chiliza and Masuku (2020), Zulu proverbs perpetuate gender bias and inequality by promoting patriarchy. In their study of Indigenous knowledge in Southern and Eastern Africa, Kamwendo and Kaya (2016) found that proverbs are used to articulate deeply entrenched patriarchal systems of social control and cultural reproduction. Similarly, Okoth’s study of patriarchal images and gender stereotypes among the Kikuyu of Central Kenya and the Luo of South Nyanza in Kenya found that the discrimination of women is laden in stereotypes about gender division of labor. Overall, women are relegated to submissive positions.

As with western countries, modern African societies too latently reproduce patriarchy. Although women have significant access to western education in countries such as Nigeria and Kenya, the Indigenous cultures still subordinate women. According to Williams (2019), female subordination in Africa takes intricate forms grounded in patriarchal tradition and culture. African women have always been noted for their salient activities such as procreation and childcare, but often denied access to power and economic resources (Bah, 1995). As Makama (2013) points out in her study of Nigeria, societal structures and social relations enable men to dominate women. Society is typified by a traditional patriarchal family system in which the conceptual and material bases of patriarchy promote gender inequality. More broadly, patriarchy is reproduced, operated, and inherited through cultural, religious, and state institutions (Okoth, 2020). As Micere Mugo (1998) framed it in her poem, ‘Wife of the Husband’, men are seen as the people of culture who do important work, whereas women inhabit the domestic sphere and are only identified by their relations to men, either as their property, a wife, or as the bearers of their children. A poignant manifestation of patriarchy is widow inheritance, albeit a dying practice (Okech, 2019; Wandibba and Ikanda, 2005).

Indigenous Knowledge: Language, Numerology, and Society

Indigenous knowledge systems are embedded in language, which is transmitted from one generation to the next through orality. Indigenous languages embody everyday life and the history and identities of the people. Language is not only the vehicles through which the people describe the landscapes they live in, but also the medium of forming bonds, establishing control, and shaping social identities (Wekalao, 2006). All of these feed off and reinforce the system of patriarchy. Number systems and Indigenous knowledge are deeply rooted in family, gender, and construction of time and temporality. Each of these are important manifestations of Indigenous living and the roots of contemporary social norms of gender, belonging and temporality, which are key elements of patriarchy. This is true not only for the Bukusu, but other Indigenous communities. Like the Bukusu, number systems embody gender difference and hierarchy. Among the Ijaw in Nigeria, for example, men and women substantially occupy different positions. Like the Bukusu, twofold numbers convey dichotomous relation (e.g. good or bad, life or death) and the threefold numbers show hierarchy (Zaslavsky, 1973).

Numbers are also used to depict family and genealogy. Among the Malinke in West Africa, for example, the word for the number nine is kononto, which literally means to the one of the belly. Kononto is directly associated with 9 months of pregnancy. Similarly, the word for twenty, muwaŋ, refers to a complete man. Twenty associates a man with completeness by invoking the 10 fingers and 10 toes of a complete human being. The number name for forty (taŋ naani) literally means a mat, which is symbolic of the family since the mat is where a couple sleeps together. As two complete human beings, the couple has a total of 40 fingers and toes. Also, the number word for hundred, keme, is associated with the word for a man and the phrase five men complete, which has been another way of saying hundred. As with the Bukusu, patriarchy is at center of the family. The imagery of male domination is evident in the way the family is depicted in language (Campbell, 1984; Zaslavsky, 1973).

Time and people’s temporal connectedness are also often depicted in the number system. For Bukusu men, for example, age is directly connected to circumcision, which is organized around eight cyclical age groups. Each age group lasts for 12 years. Male circumcision is based on the temporality of good and bad. As such, circumcision is done only during even years since the even numbers are associated with good. For Indigenous people, such as the Bukusu, time is not an abstraction but a reality embedded in cultural and social activities which are lived experiences. According to Mbiti (1969), time is essentially nonlinear events. Among the Kamba people of Kenya, for example, time is a two-dimensional phenomenon that is characterized by a long past and a present. The Lugbara, who live in West Nile region of Uganda and in the adjoining area of the Democratic Republic of Congo, have two perceptions of time. The first is tied to events that are fixed or that occur regularly, and the second is seeing in terms of events that are known by those interested in those events. In both perspectives, time is a lived experience (Dalfovo, 2007; Paulus, 1994). Among the Epie-Atissa of the Niger Delta, for example, the number seven is tied to the origin of creation and the great divinities which connect the past with the future. For them, the practice of ‘isini-pulem’ (i.e. divination) provides a transcendental connection between the past, present, and future. This is because the diviner is able ‘to communicate with the unseen and supersensible world, and transmit messages from ancestors, spirits, and divinities to his clients’ (Fefegha, 1988: 25). Too often, time is measured by reference to events and daily activities. Onwubiko (1988) notes that time is measured in terms of natural phenomena and social activities, such as the cockcrow, high moon, sundown, the length of shadows, planting and harvesting seasons, meal times, and initiation ceremonies. In this sense, time is a lived social experience.

Counting and Gender in Bukusu Society

In Bukusu society, gender differentiation is embedded in everyday life and reflected in the number system which is intertwined with everyday living. This is amply reflected in customary practices and rituals such as the events of birth and death, the return home of a child born out of wedlock, and objects such as the kitchen and the male headgear. These everyday practices, rituals, and objects show gender embeddedness through the number system.

The events of birth and death, which are very important and sacred in Bukusu culture, are marked with number symbolisms which underscore gender difference and male-domination. As a start, when a baby is born, women ululate (khúkhuupa sikalakala) two or three times depending on the sex of the child—two times for a girl and three times for a boy. The two ululations for a girl are tied to the two milestones and lives of a woman (biibaki), namely, marriage and death. The three ululations for a boy symbolize the three milestones in the life of a man, which are circumcision, marriage, and death. As one of the respondents, who is an elder, affirmed,

a boy is the pillar who takes care of the land. When a baby boy is born, three ululations are made. The significance behind the three ululations is that a man is the one who owns and inherits land and has power over all that is on the land (síikolóonjó). He is the authority figure.

As with birth, there are patriarchal symbolism in death. In the end-of-life rituals, a married woman’s body would be reposed for 2 days before she is buried, which symbolizes her two lives of marriage and death. In the case of a married man, the body is reposed for 3 days before he is buried, which symbolizes his three lives: circumcision, marriage, and death. It is important to note that Bukusu society does not practice female circumcision. Also, the rules for the number of days the body reposes do not apply to unmarried boys and girls.

Similar number symbolisms exist in the return home of children born out of wedlock. This is an important ritual to mark the acceptance of the child into the biological fathers’ home. As one of the oral poets stated,

A boy who is ready for circumcision does not get circumcised at a maternal uncle’s place. A girl who is about to begin her first menstruation does not start it at a maternal uncle’s place. Such children have to return to their biological fathers’ place, and for this to happen the biological father has to give to the foster parents who brought up the child two cows in the case of a girl and three cows in the case of a boy.

In this ritual, the number of cows is symbolic of the gender hierarchy and patriarchy embedded in the twofold and threefold numbers.

As previously mentioned, the Bukusu kitchen also conveys a lot of symbolism about gender and patriarchy. Although the kitchen is the place of the wife, it is laden with male superiority and patriarchy. At the heart of the kitchen is the three stone fire called kámaika, which is placed on the right-hand side of the kitchen. The front stone, which is also the first stone, is sunk by the husband who is the owner of the homestead. It is considered masculine and symbolizes the presence of the husband and his authority in the family. The second stone, which is placed on the right is feminine and belongs to the wife. The third stone, placed on the left, represents the children. The three stones form a triangular shape which represents the hierarchy of the family. When a woman is cooking, she steps on the front stone as a sign of dependency and submission to her husband. As one of the female respondents noted, ‘The first stone is a shrine for the woman. The first stone belongs to the husband and it represents power. Consequently, a wife can swear by this stone’. The patriarchal symbolisms of the three stone fire extend to the time of death. As one of the oral poets stated,

In the case of a husband’s death, his wife cannot use the same front cooking stone because such stone is usually uprooted as an indication that the man is dead. Instead, the wife will use a movable stone called kámakenga.

In fact, the masculine stone cannot be reused. As the respondent further stated, ‘when a husband dies, the wife extracts the first stone on the third day during lufu ceremony and hides it far away from where anyone can see her or see it. This is a symbol of widowed (námulekhwa)’.

The male headgear is another important object through which the number system conveys patriarchy. The male headgear is socially and culturally important because it signifies power, identity, and recognition for all married men. The male headgear is actually called ékuutwa, which means crown. Usually, men wear the headgear when attending important cultural meetings, traditional weddings, or council of elders’ meetings. Most married men have a headgear since it is symbolic of their position as distinguished men of the society. There is only one recognized headgear for the respectable men in the Bukusu community. Young men do not have a headgear. Threefold and twofold number imageries about gender and patriarchy are laden in the design and material used to decorate the headgear. A key feature of the male headgear is the feathers from a beautiful bird called enyefwe (ostrich) used to decorate the headgear, along with cowrie shells. The bird is very symbolic because it demotes a twofold number since the bird has two legs. Enyefwe conveys an imagery of female subjugation to the man. As one of the respondents, who is an oral poet commonly referred to as oswala kumuse, stated,

A Bukusu man has three legs (circumcision, marriage and death) and a woman has two legs (marriage and death). The woman is a property of a man as is indicative of a man’s headgear. She lives because of the man.

The man’s headgear symbolizes patriarchy through the two legs of the bird. Two is a twofold number that represents femininity. The bird symbolizes both food and the two lives of a woman: marriage and death.

Counting and the Social Construction of Family and Genealogy

In Bukusu society, patriarchy is also demonstrated through the twofold and threefold numbers associated with the family, marriage and genealogy. The family and the homestead belong to the husband who is the patriarch. One vivid symbol of male authority is the siisala, which is a three-legged stool. Only the husband sits on the siisala. No one else sits on it, not even circumcised male children. According to one of the respondents, who is an elder, ‘The man’s stool is three sided and if any child sits on it, he breaks his father’s back; he will die early’. The siisala is a threefold masculine object because of the three legs. A woman’s sitting place is typically on the kámachote (literally means appended for support), which is an elevated slab close to the floor. Deliberately sitting on the siisala is tantamount to challenging the authority of the father.

Bukusu families are polygamous; and wives are referred to in reference to their relation with the husband. Men can marry up to four wives, who are viewed through the twofold number (i.e. four) implying subordination. In many ways, life revolves around number positions, and this is even more pronounced for women. In fact, pregnant women are often referred to by their pregnancy term: ésítela for 4–6 months pregnant women and sienjeleli for those between 7 and 9 months. Even more, wives are assigned number names based on their position and relation to the husband. The first wife is referred to as simakulu meaning the respected one, but once the husband marries a second wife simakulu becomes nabulobe which means the rejected one. The second wife is referred to as wangoye, which means the one who has come to rival the queen. Wangoye often gets a lot of favors from the husband. The third wife is referred to as nafwofwoyo meaning the lazy one. The fourth wife is usually much younger and the favorite of all the wives. She is referred to as nábúkéléma and behaves like a queen in the family. Nábúkéléma rarely gives birth. Two things are very important to note in terms of patriarchy and the number system. First, the Bukusu associate women with twofold numbers. As such the number four, which is the number of wives a husband can have is significant. Second is the fact a woman’s status in the family is essentially pinned to her relation with the husband. This is more evident in the case of first wife who catapults from respected by her husband to being rejected. A similar issue of masculinity emerges with the fourth wife who is treated as a beauty object. The Bukusu understand this male power which almost seems unending. As one elder stated, ‘The stick that beats the abandoned wife will also beat the new wife’. The issue of wife beating and abandonment, physically and mentally, becomes the ultimate manifestation of male power. This sort of male power is often referred to in feminist critique of violence against women.

The objectification extends to the bride price, which is paid in cows based on the order of birth. As one of the traditional poets succinctly puts it, ‘a girl is wooed and will eventually bring animals for her family in form of dowry’ which enriches her father. The standard Bukusu bride price is 13 cows. However, if the girl is a first-born or the last-born child in her family the number of cows increase. For a first-born girl it is 20 cows, and for a last-born girl the number of cows must be more than 13. Women are subjected to the masculine hierarchy of threefold numbers through the symbolism of the 13 cows and the first born, which are both associated with threefold numbers denoting hierarchy. This hierarchy in birth order and bride price is tied to a deep-rooted understanding of lucky and unlucky numbers. Even though odd numbers are considered unlucky numbers, in the context of marriage and birth the rule is different. The number one is considered a lucky number in the context of birth order. The first born, called ómubele or ómwaana wenguu, is considered the first pain and joy of the family. The elevated status of the first born applies to both boys and girls. The first son also holds a special place in the family lineage because in the absence of the father, he is the second in command. In the case of the first-born daughter, she becomes an object of adoration and a care provider. As one of the respondents, who is an elder, summed it: ‘A first-born child is a child of both pain and happiness. The first-born boy is the thigh of an elephant, the first-born girl is a healthy thigh’. The thigh of an elephant symbolizes strength, while a healthy thigh signifies fertility and caregiving. In a similar way, unlucky numbers for a family are determined by birth order. In particular, the birth order of a child born out of wedlock becomes an unlucky number for the parents. For instance, if a person has three children in marriage and then gets a fourth child out of wedlock, then the number four becomes an unlucky number for that person and the family.

In the Bukusu family, twofold and threefold numbers convey a lot of meaning about fortune and hierarchy. All of them point to male domination and patriarchy. In addition to the way patriarchy is symbolized, what is also important is the way social norms are embedded in the knowledge system through numbers. The rules that govern the family are not written, yet they are firmly coded through simple numbers. A person’s number in marriage or birth order becomes a social codification of the person’s rights, duties, status, and everyday behaviors.

Counting and the Social Construction of Temporality

Numbers are very important in the way the Bukusu understand and measure time. Like other Indigenous communities, events and daily activities are key to the way time is conceptualized and expressed in numbers. As already noted, time is not abstract, but it is a lived experience. In particular, number names are used to identify days and years based on natural phenomena, everyday activities, and culturally significant events. Notably, the passing of the sun, known as éenyanga, is an important transition point in daily activities and a maker of time. In many ways, the mapping of time starts with the idea of a day, referred to as chínyaanga, which comprised day time (kúmusi) and night time (muusilo). A day becomes a baseline through which the week is mapped through a numerical distancing starting with ‘today’ (luno). In that way, the Bukusu map the week into yesterday (likolooba) and tomorrow (múchúli); and yesterday but one (endalo eyo) and tomorrow plus one (busiayo).

Temporality is fused with daily activities which provide meanings to the days and ground temporality into daily life. As one of the respondents, who is an elder, stated,

The Bukusu have a way of counting the number of days. This is observed through the passing of the sun and in particular, some days are given prominence owing to the major events that take place on such days. Monday is called Mubarasa, Tuesday is referred to as Lwakhabili, Wednesday is Lwakhataru, Thursday is Lwakhune, Friday is Múyonga, Saturday is Múnyoongesa, and Sunday is Libambwa lia yesu.

Mondays, Fridays, and Saturdays are the three major days in the Bukusu week. Monday is considered the first day because it is the day in which cultural and village meetings are held at the village square; barasa actually means meeting. Boys born on Mubarasa are called Barasa and girls born on this day called Nabalayo, which also means meeting. Tuesday (Lwakhabili) means two, Wednesday (Lwakhataru) is three, and Thursday (Lwakhune) means four. Friday is considered the fifth day and is referred to as Liyonga or Muyonga, which means ritual day. All rituals are performed on a Friday. A boy born on Friday is called chúma and a girl born on this day is called Machúma. Saturday (Múnyongesa) is considered the sixth and last day of the week in traditional Bukusu counting, even though Sunday has recently been added due to the influences of Christianity. Múnyongesa is a day of happiness and harvest. A male child born on this day is called Nyongesa, which means plenty and abundance. The Bukusu refer to Sunday as Múlibambwa meaning the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

Temporality in its most distance form is largely tied to male circumcision, which is done by age groups. There are eight culturally established age groups known as Bibiingilo. Each Bibiingilo lasts for 12 years, and each Bibiingilo is further divided into six subsets based on 2 years intervals. Male circumcision is a major event in Bukusu society because it is the process through which boys transition into manhood. As one of the oral poets explained it, ‘Male circumcision ceremonies are spaced about two years apart, young boys of a particular age (usually about 15 years) are circumcised. Once circumcised, an initiate becomes a member of an age group. There are eight age-groups known as Bibiingilo’. Circumcision, and belonging to an age group, is central to the way Bukusu male identify themselves and the way they see themselves as men, in temporal and generational terms. As one of the respondents, who is an elder, stated, ‘the initiation is a public event, witnessed by all. Going through the operation without showing any sign of pain is thought to be an indication of bravery. Once circumcised, an initiate became a member of an age group’. For men, circumcision affirms masculinity and temporal connections in Bukusu society.