Abstract
The past three decades since the 1980s, thanks to the efforts made by Chinese scholars, have witnessed the birth of many new theories on international relations different from classic Western ones. Among them, moral realism, postulated by Yan Xuetong, has not only triggered wide interest but has also been commended for its unique methodology. In his book World Power Transfer: Political Leadership and Strategic Competition, Yan gives a comprehensive and in-depth interpretation of moral realism, based on modern Western theories of realism on international relations and ancient oriental concepts on interstate politics dating back to China’s pre-Qin period (before 221 bc).
The book consists of two parts. The first part deals with the essentials, expounding the basics and principles of moral realism in four chapters. Chapter 1 explains ‘the principle of the transfer of the world power centre’, clarifying ‘how a rising power takes over the current world power’ (p. 3). According to Yan, moral realism conforms to the basic theoretical hypotheses of realism and acknowledges that material strength is the foundation for the success of a rising power. Unlike other scholars, he introduces political leadership as a new variable, deeming it as the core factor responsible for the growth of a rising country (p. 34). In Chapter 2, he proceeds to elaborate on the decisive role that political leadership plays in the evolution of international norms. Incorporated with the theory of Xunzi, an ancient Chinese master of Confucianism, Yan classifies leadership of dominant powers into three types: tyranny, hegemony and humane authority (王道), claiming that each type adheres to respective principles of international behaviour, namely the principles of strength, norm, and double standards (p. 43). The most popular behavioural principle of states is one that conforms to morality and is most likely to become a new international norm (p. 41). Yan points out in Chapter 3 that international power is being redistributed and a new international system is taking shape (pp. 82–3). He believes that the centre of world power is bound to shift from Europe to East Asia, and that ‘China has a potential for becoming a superpower with worldwide influence’ (p. 69). China’s attention to the building of a new international norm will influence the international system in a substantial way (p. 86). In Chapter 4, Yan suggests building a new international norm based on the values of ‘fairness, justice and civilization’. In his view, these values are derived from the traditional Chinese values of benevolence (仁), righteousness (义) and propriety (礼); therefore, they are of higher moral standards than ‘equality, democracy and liberty’ advocated by the West. In building the new international norm, China should use ‘benevolence to promote fairness’ (p. 91), ‘righteousness to uphold the principle of international justice’ (p. 93), and ‘propriety to harness competition among big powers’ (p. 95).
The second part, ‘Reference and Application’, consists of five chapters in which Yan explains the making of moral realism, its theoretical sources and its application. Scrutinizing the prominent theories on interstate relations postulated by ancient Chinese intellectuals in the pre-Qin period, he believes that the current international norm is very likely to be replaced by a new one under the guidance of humane authority. China, according to him, should play a more active part in innovating its politics and diplomacy.
Different from other theories of realism, moral realism stresses the decisive role of politics, with political leadership as an independent variable, advocating a strategic rising pathway guided by the philosophy of humane authority. Secondly, it emphasizes that a rising strategy lies in the integration of diplomatic strategies and domestic policies to ‘harmonize situations in and out of the country’ (p. 215). Thirdly, its self-consistent logic and solid empirical evidence betoken its strong predictive function. Fourthly, it incorporates political thoughts of ancient China to explain common phenomena associated with the transfer of the international power centre. However, it is not confined to a theory with exclusive Chinese characteristics; rather, it serves as a general theory of international relations.
Though it is a book completed after a decade of consistent efforts by Yan and his team from Tsinghua University, its theoretical ambiguities and Yan’s overconfidence in China are open to dispute. However, its innovative methods and novel application of ancient thoughts to the modern world unarguably ensure its theoretical and practical value, because theoretical innovation is keenly needed for nations pursuing the right growth strategy. As Yan puts it, ‘a strategy for seizing superiority depends essentially on innovation’ (p. 212).