Abstract
The ‘Animal Apocalypse’ in the Ethiopic Book of Enoch (1 Enoch) presents a fascinating rendition of human history, and Israelite history in particular, entirely in an extended metaphor of animals. This article argues that the author's animal symbols are systematically applied, based on his ethical understanding of the Law regarding clean and unclean animals. Under its symbolic imagery the ‘Animal Apocalypse’ offers an alternative view on human history which combines both the earthly and the cosmic realms. The animal symbolism reveals the author's worldview and carries a depth of meaning which otherwise would be lost in a story told in a literal sense.
The so-called Animal Apocalypse (chs. 85–90; henceforth An. Apoc.) is part of the ‘Book of Dreams’ (chs. 83–90), one of the five booklets in the Ethiopic Book of Enoch (1 Enoch). This ancient collection of Jewish works written in the pseudonym of Enoch is found complete only in Ethiopic, but fragments are extant in Greek, Latin, Syriac, and Coptic, as well as in Aramaic found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. The fact that the oldest fragments were in Aramaic means Aramaic was probably the original language in which the 1 Enoch booklets were composed, although the possibility is not ruled out that they could also have been written in Hebrew, or partially Aramaic and partially Hebrew. 1
The An. Apoc. is an extraordinary example of ancient Jewish historiography told entirely in a story about animals.
2
It is an allegory, a narrative system (story about animals) that parallels another system in a different domain (human history), with each detail in it corresponding to something to be found within the other system. In the An. Apoc. it is fairly easy to identify major characters and events from Adam and Eve up to the Babylonian exile and the return to Judah under the Persian rule, since the author used the biblical books from Genesis to Kings, and perhaps also Ezra–Nehemiah, as his sources. After this there are no more parallels to the Bible; the author seemed to have other sources unclear to us in his representation of history in the early Hellenistic period in Judea, particularly the Seleucid oppression and the Maccabean revolt (167–160
The most interesting feature of the An. Apoc. is obviously the use of animals to construct its extended metaphor. A number of commentaries have dealt with the interpretations of the individual symbols, 5 which can be summarized in the following table:
I shall move away from the identification of the individual animals in this study, and ask instead what was the author's rationale behind the choice of the symbols, if they were not selected randomly.
On the other hand, discussions on the historiography of the An. Apoc. generally focus on the authorial purpose in writing history. It is very often compared with the contemporary book of Daniel, especially Daniel's apocalyptic visions in chs. 7–12. Written at a time of severe Seleucid persecution and the Maccabean revolt, it aimed to encourage the faithful to endure hardships till the end and to answer pressing questions such as the causes of excessive suffering. While it is generally agreed that the An. Apoc. is a work of theodicy, debates centre around two questions regarding the author's intention: (1) whether the message of salvation extends to humankind in its entirety or only the remnant of Israel; 6 and (2) whether cosmic forces or human moral failure should be accounted for the evil of the world. 7 It is hoped that a study of the use of animal symbolism in the An. Apoc. may also help further clarify the above issues.
1. An Interaction View of Animal Metaphor
Using animals to talk about humans is common to all cultures. While wild creatures carry the spirit of nature and domestic ones bridge nature and culture, animals, being both useful and a potential threat from time to time, inspire in humans a sense of superiority as well as admiration and awe. Being closely related to humans and yet different enough to be the ‘other’, animals are adopted into human thought systems as symbols upon which humans project their own ideas, feelings and conceptions of the external world. 8 Indeed, animal metaphors are ubiquitous in human cultures, and the symbolic meanings of certain aspects of particular animals may even be universal across all cultures. 9 At the same time, meanings of animal metaphors are constructed collectively in a speech community to reflect its members' common mental views of reality. This sharedness of metaphors means that their meanings are culture-specific, determined by collective values, perceptions and idioms of the speech community from which they have sprung. 10 This observation leads us now to the question of how best to understand the way animal metaphors work specifically in the An. Apoc. in 1 Enoch.
Max Black, in his interaction view of metaphors, speaks against two conventional understanding of how metaphors work. The first view is substitution: a metaphorical expression is used in place of an equivalent literal expression. For example, ‘Richard is a lion’ is really a replacement for ‘Richard is brave’, a more interesting, imaginative way of saying the same thing. The consideration for using metaphors in this view is mainly stylistic—metaphors are mere decorations. 11 Another common view is comparison: a metaphor is a condensed simile, a presentation of similarities. Therefore, ‘Richard is a lion’ is really the same as ‘Richard is like a lion (in being brave)’. This view is a form of substitution, and is not without problem, either. ‘Is like’ cannot be the same as ‘is’. To indicate similarities between two subjects is far from being the same as giving one subject a covert identity. 12 Both the substitution and comparison views prove unhelpful in the study of the An. Apoc. in that they simply view metaphors as stylistic extras, non-essential alternatives in semantics. Surely the extended use of metaphor in the An. Apoc. cannot be seen as a simple artistic device to make human history sound more interesting; they carry significant extra meanings.
In Black's interaction model of metaphors, a metaphorical statement has two distinctive subjects, the source and the target. 13 The subjects are to be regarded as systems rather than individual things. The metaphor projects upon the target subject a set of ‘associated implications’ comprised in the system of notions characteristic of the source subject, which are shared by members of a common speech community. The author invites the reader or hearer to view the target subject through the lens of features of the source subject which he ‘selects’, ‘emphasizes’, ‘suppresses’ and ‘organizes’, and which are projected upon the target subject. 14
This interaction view of metaphor is important for the understanding of the An. Apoc. in at least three ways. Firstly, it emphasizes that subjects in a metaphor should be viewed as systems—sets of notions to be evoked, rather than isolated things. Secondly, the source subject in a metaphor is not in itself used as a straight substitution for the target subject; rather, there are certain features about the source subject that are selected and applied to influence the way the target subject is to be perceived. Thirdly, this theory highlights the importance of cultural context in the determination of the intended meaning of metaphor. Not only is it that the animals represent systems of notions, they are also associated with each other in a larger system of cultural perceptions; that culture is the one represented in the Hebrew Bible.
2. Animal (and Human) Metaphors in the An. Apoc.
a. Human Metaphors
b. Positive Animal Metaphors
A range of animals are chosen to symbolize humans in the story, but the only positive metaphors are the cattle and the sheep. A first impression of what marks the two species out from the rest is their being domestic animals, valuable to a society whose life is based on agriculture and animal husbandry.
In the Hebrew Bible, the bull and its related terms are used in different contexts either positively or negatively to refer to a range of things, from kings and princes to tribes and nations. In other words, the bull as a metaphor has an array of associated meanings that can only be determined by context. When referring to the tribe of Joseph, it denotes strength (Deut. 33.17); when used on enemies it suggests danger and ferocity (Ps. 22.13). At other times it symbolizes stubborn and wanton behaviour of nations such as Egyptians, Edomites or Babylonians that calls for chastisement. 20 There is much evidence in the Hebrew Bible that ancient Israelites were under the strong influence of the Canaanite cult of Baal who is represented as a bull—the episode of the molten calf in Exodus 32 can be seen as an example to show the struggle of monotheistic thought against the popular cult of Baal. Not only in the Canaanite culture, the bull was a common symbol in the entire ancient Near East standing for gods and the royal house. Power and fertility are the two most significant features of the bull metaphor. 21 The Hebrew Bible shows that although the Israelites shared the common notion of strength associated with the bull, it is never used as a representation for fertility or the image of their God.
In this cultural background, An. Apoc.'s use of the bull as a metaphor for the antediluvian world as well as patriarchs Abraham and Isaac is both faithful to its cultural tradition and innovative. Humankind at its beginning was represented as strong, a condition it will resume at the end. The value of this metaphor rests not only in its being an animal both fit for food and for sacrifice (more on this below), but also in its association with vigour, which the sheep metaphor lacks.
White symbolizes purity and righteousness in the Bible. It is a colour associated with God and angels. 22 Black, in antithesis, represents sin and evil. Black and white should not be seen in racial terms, but rather like the dichotomy of light and darkness. 23 Red, on the other hand, seems to have the association with bloodshed (e.g. 2 Kgs 3.22; Isa. 63.2). In Isa. 1.18, it is red, not black, that is placed in antithesis with white:
Though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow; though they be red like crimson, they shall be as wool.
In this sense, red also symbolises sin and iniquity.
The metaphor of Abel as a red bull naturally calls into mind the meaning of bloodshed and victim of murder; but the metaphor of Ham as a red bull is more puzzling. It is possible that the author has Noah's curse of Canaan, son of Ham, in mind. 24 Tiller suggests that the three colours representing the three brothers perhaps should be taken together to ‘characterize the postdiluvian age as essentially the same as the antediluvian age, inhabited by both righteous and wicked, both perpetrators and victims of evil’. 25 I think it is a well-reasoned argument. The author seems to be most concerned with making sure the line of white bulls is not interrupted and corrupted. In the final age, all creatures return to being white cattle with no exception, no more red or black.
Five individuals are represented by the ram metaphor in the An. Apoc.: Jacob (89.12, 14), Saul (89.42), David (89.45, 47), Solomon (89.48) and Judas Maccabee (90.9, 13, 31)—all five of which were Israelite leaders. The use of the ram as a term for leaders is also widely attested in ancient Near Eastern cultures, 28 and Hebrew culture included. In the Bible both Judean and foreign leaders are described as rams. 29 The most well-known ram metaphor in the Bible is in Daniel 8.3–7, 20, where Daniel has a vision of a ram with two horns explained as Media and Persia. Closely related to the ram is the horn, a symbol for power and honour, 30 or aggressive rulers and kingdoms. 31
In the An. Apoc. the horn is a metaphor for the strength and military prowess of Israelite leaders, in particular in the case of Saul, David and Judas Maccabee.
c. Negative animal metaphors
Before the flood humankind was one herd of cattle without racial distinction. Positive and negative judgment is carried out through the colour scheme. Ethnic distinctions were introduced in the postdiluvian epoch after Noah's three sons; from then on positive and negative evaluation is reflected mainly in the choice of animals standing for different races. Even before Noah, however, three animals are chosen to represent the illicit offspring of the fallen stars and women on earth.
To take the lion for an example, although here it may be a direct borrowing from the Bible, the lion is never a one-dimensional metaphor for Babylon. In the Bible it can be a positive symbol for bravery and strength, 34 for the royal house of Judah, 35 or for God—either in his power or his wrath; 36 otherwise it can be a negative symbol for dangerous foreign powers such as Assyria and Babylonia, 37 or for stealth and ferocity. 38 The lion as a metaphor, therefore, may evoke a range of associated notions in the Hebrew cultural background. The specific meaning of a metaphor must be understood depending on the context. The same principle works for the other animal metaphors as well.
It is interesting to observe how these animals stand in relation to the sheep. Although cast in a negative light the Ishmaelites and Edomites, related to the Hebrew people through Abraham and Isaac, are represented by hoofed animals. Other nations known to Israel through oppression and conquest are represented as wild carnivorous beasts and scavenging birds. Nations known from the Fertile Crescent with links to Israel by land, such as Assyrians, Babylonians, Egyptians, Philistines, Arameans and Ammonites, are given the symbols of predatory mammals whereas the Macedonian, Ptolemaic and Seleucid Greek powers are symbolized by dangerous birds, probably indicating their original distance from the land of Israel and their arrival with swift movement.
d. Clean and Unclean Animals
At this point the criterion of domestic versus wild animals is obviously inadequate, as is that of carnivores versus herbivores, for why are domestic, non-carnivorous animals such as camels, donkeys and pigs also used as negative metaphors? A major principle at work behind the author's rationale for animal choice is clean versus unclean in the Jewish dietary and sacrificial law.
Complicated legislation regarding clean and unclean animals in cultic rituals and matters of holiness is dealt with in Leviticus 11 and Deut. 14.1–18. I will limit my discussion to beasts and birds and omit other creatures that are not used as metaphors in the An. Apoc. In terms of dietary law, beasts that are clean to eat must part the hoof and chew the cud; an animal failing to meet either one of the two conditions is unclean. Thus the camel, although it chews the cud, is unclean because it does not part the hoof. Similar logic is applied to the pig, which, although its hoof is parted, does not chew cud (Lev. 11.3–8; Deut. 14.6–8). The ox, the sheep, the goat and other wild species that meet the two conditions are clean to eat (Deut. 14.4–5). Whatever goes upon its paws among beasts is unclean (Lev. 11.27); this would include the carnivores such as the lion, the tiger, the leopard, the wolf, the dog, the hyena etc. Birds such as the eagle, the vulture, the kite, the raven, the owl, the hawk, etc. are an abomination (Lev. 11.13–19; Deut. 14.11–18). Not all clean animals can be sacrificed to God; only offering of the cattle of the herd and sheep of the flock is acceptable (Lev. 1.2). If the offering is of birds, only turtledoves or pigeons are possible (Lev. 1.14). The choice of the bull and the sheep in the An. Apoc. as positive metaphors is clearly because they are prized as clean animals, whereas the choice for the Gentiles is unclean animals, many of which are spelt out in the Torah.
What is the author's understanding of the significance of the purity law? No doubt he would have been familiar with what he believed God to have commanded, that Israel must not make her soul abominable by unclean beast or bird (Lev. 20.25), and that
You shall be holy to me; for I the Lord am holy, and have separated you from other people, that you should be mine (Lev. 20.26).
For you are a holy people to the Lord your God, and the Lord has chosen you to be a special people to himself, above all the nations that are upon the earth (Deut. 14.2).
These are clear statements that it is a law of holiness in a religious sense, on the one hand, and an identify marker, on the other hand, to single out Israel as a nation with a unique relationship with God. The cattle and sheep metaphors are indications of such a relationship.
Further to holiness and separation, the differentiation of the clean and the unclean also represents a serious moral judgment by the author of the other nations. There have been a number of modern speculations about the rationale behind the clean and unclean categorizations.
39
What may help us explain the choice of animal metaphors, however, is what the author himself could have thought. In this regard, another Jewish work written less than half a century after the An. Apoc. may perhaps shed some light. The Letter of Aristeas, written in Alexandria about 150–100
The dichotomy of clean versus unclean, holiness versus abomination, also underlies David Bryan's study of animal symbolism in the An. Apoc. 41 By adopting Mary Douglas' anthropological approach to kosher legislation, Bryan highlights the kosher mentality of the assumed priestly author of the An. Apoc. as the underpinning worldview of his symbolic work, in which clean animals represent the created order whereas unclean animals stand for forces of chaos. Thus human history is a battle between cosmos and chaos, with each stage filled with cycles of order, destruction and temporary restoration, until the Eschaton—the final restoration to primeval condition. 42 Bryan's thesis is criticized by Olson, 43 who questions why there is a lack of examples of dietary transgression if the author was so influenced by a ‘kosher mentality’. 44 Olson believes that it could be a simple artistic choice to cast Israel in a positive light, on the one hand, and pick symbols with repulsing connotations for Israel's enemies. 45 He challenges Bryan's view by citing a conflict between a kosher mentality and the salvation of unclean Gentiles at the end of the narrative. 46
Olson's criticism is not fully justified. The use of clean and unclean animals in the An. Apoc. is simply too consistent and systematic to be random, or a simple artistic device. 47 While the priestly identity of the author remains a conjecture, there is indeed allusion to dietary transgression, change of lifestyle and behaviour in the story (86.2). Also, a kosher mentality is not necessarily set against a belief in universal salvation; there is no logical conclusion that the unclean cannot be transformed into the clean again. I agree with Bryan that the choice of clean and unclean animals to represent Israel and her enemies reflects the author's deep worldview and is central to understanding the significance of history as understood in the An. Apoc. However, the weakness of Bryan's argument lies in his identifying the unclean animals as representations of forces of chaos, yet the author seems to be drawing our attention to evil angelic forces on the cosmic plane as the main cause for disorder rather than the Gentile on the worldly plane. This is clearly demonstrated by the final judgment of the fallen angels, rebellious shepherds and apostate Israelites, but not the unclean Gentiles (90.20–27).
Therefore, the choice of clean and unclean animals indeed reflects the author's worldview and carries deep meanings for the text. It should be interpreted, however, not in terms of order and chaos, but rather as an indication of Israel's special relationship with God, her victimization by other nations, as well as her moral judgment of the Gentiles, as I have argued above. A moral explanation of clean and unclean animals such as that offered by Aristeas and Philo may seem inadequate to our modern mind, as Bryan points out; 48 nevertheless it reflects the Jewish understanding of themselves and the others at the time the An. Apoc. was written and read.
3. Historiography in the An. Apoc.
With the above understanding of the animal metaphors in mind, what kind of historiography is the An. Apoc.? What is its author's view of history? Firstly, the author sees human history in epochs, and he uses a patriarch in the metaphor of a white bull to represent the beginning of each epoch. The first epoch began with Adam, the second with Noah, and the third and final epoch in the future marks the end of times to be ushered in by another patriarch represented by a white bull with great horns. The mythical beginning, the known history of Israel and the mythical ending are told in a continuous line of narrative. Although the first and second epochs were marked with violence and crime on the one hand and suffering on the other—represented by the red calf and the black calf both after Adam and after Noah respectively, the final epoch is a world in perfection.
On the argument of universalism versus Jewish nationalism, the use of the bull metaphor clearly shows a universal sweep which should not be overlooked. The author sees human history on the whole as a process of gradual deterioration. The bull represents the vigour of humankind in the early epoch, which was later replaced by other animals. Ethnicity is only introduced in a later epoch, namely from Noah's sons. Despite the deterioration and desperation, the author also has a strong teleological view of history, i.e. history will end with a restoration of humankind to its original state, and this restoration concerns all human races, not just Israel. Hence all different kinds of animal are transformed and become white cattle, once again as one herd without racial differentiation.
Although the author's concern for the entire humankind can be established positively, it is also important to recognise the Judeocentric nature of the historiography. History is told totally from the Jewish perspective, with Israel at centre stage. The author makes sure that, in this world in a downward spiral, Israel is represented as descending from an uninterrupted line of white bulls, from Adam to Seth, Noah, Shem, Abraham and Isaac. The sheep metaphor for Israel indicates an exclusive relationship with God, the Lord of sheep, and the rest of humanity is simply organized around their relationship with Israel. There is a sharp contrast of Israel being the only clean animal and all other nations as unclean animals, reflecting an unapologetically self-centred moral judgment. The victimization of Israel by other nations is also put in contrast with the scene in the end when all animals come into the New Jerusalem to pay respect to the sheep. Further, the Israel-centredness of this historiography also lies in the author's belief that it is through Israel that God's salvation extends to the entire humankind. The last patriarch, the Messiah, represented as a white bull, came out of Israel and became the catalyst of the fundamental change of the human race.
The author understands human history as shaped by the involvement of beings from the heavenly realm. What plays out in the earthly realm is a direct consequence of the doings of angelic and demonic forces at the cosmic level. Although humans are also held responsible for their wrong moral judgment, the cause of evil and excessive suffering is explained as the corruption of the fallen stars and the rebellious shepherds. Here the way the author uses his source, the Book of Genesis in the Hebrew Bible, is illuminating. The episode of the forbidden fruit in the Garden of Eden is completely overlooked in the An. Apoc., whereas the brief mention of the fallen angels is expanded to give a full account for the origin of sin. 49 At the time when the An. Apoc. was being written, a burning issue facing all pious Jews was the nation's disastrous fate at the hands of foreign powers. Instead of attributing the problem entirely to the traditional view of sin and retribution, the author identifies evil forces at a cosmic level at work, i.e. the seventy shepherds, as the cause to human suffering. God himself intervenes in human history, although not every time humans call out for help. He acted when he brought Israel out of Egypt; he temporarily abandoned them for their apostasy; but he acts at the end time to set the world right again.
Can this history be told in plain language without the guise of metaphors? Perhaps it can; but the value of this apocalypse is that, by entirely using metaphors, it takes away what inevitably separates the heavenly and the earthly realms, unveils the unseen forces driving human history, and brings them out as players on the same stage, to be placed in close contact with humans—as close as in the relationship of shepherds and their sheep.
Footnotes
1.
For commentaries, see George W.E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1–36; 81–108 (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001). Also Patrick Albert Tiller, A Commentary on the Animal Apocalypse (1 Enoch 85–90) (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI, 1991); as well as E. Isaac, ‘1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch’, in OTP, I, pp. 5–89.
2.
We also know the author intended it to be interpreted as such, as Enoch tells his son at the end of his vision, ‘every deed of humanity was shown to me in its order’ (90.41). For this and other translations in the present study, I use George W.E. Nickelsburg Nickelsburg and James C. VanderKam, 1 Enoch: The Hermeneia Translation (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012).
3.
These characters and events are known to us through contemporary Jewish works such as 1 and 2 Maccabees.
4.
Different opinions exist about the exact dating of the fragments at Qumran. For a discussion of its dating, see Tiller's Commentary, pp. 76–101. Also Isaac, ‘1 Enoch’, pp. 6–7; James C. VanderKam, Enoch: A Man for All Generations (Studies on Personalities of the Old Testament; Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 121–22; idem, ‘1 Enoch, Enochic Motifs, and Enoch in Early Christian Literature’, in James C. VanderKam and William Adler (eds.), The Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity (Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum Ad Novum Testamentum, 4; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996), pp. 33–101 (33–34).
5.
Tiller's 1991 Commentary includes a review of studies prior to his own. After Tiller, major commentaries offering interpretations are Nickelsburg's 1 Enoch 1; Daniel Olson in consultation with Archbishop Melkesedek Workeneh, Enoch: A New Translation: The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, or 1 Enoch, Translated with Annotations and Cross-References (North Richland Hills, TX: BIBAL Press, 2004), as well as idem, A New Reading of the Animal Apocalypse of 1 Enoch: ‘All Nations Shall Be Blessed’ (Leiden: Brill, 2013).
6.
The universal concern of the An. Apoc. is argued, for example, by Tiller, Commentary, p. 20; Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, p. 357; Daniel Assefa; L'apocalypse des animaux (1Hen 85–90): Une propagande militaire? Approches narrative, historicocritique, perspectives théologiques (JSJSup, 120; Leiden: Brill, 2007), p. 320; and Olson, New Translation and New Reading. Olson finds the universal sweep in the work ‘surprising’, given its pro-Maccabean and pro-Judas stance. The theme of salvation for all humankind is certainly absent in the book of Daniel of the same period. However, Günter Reese disagrees in his Die Geschichte Israels in der Auffassung des frühen Judentems: Eine Untersuchung der Tiervision und der Zehnwochenapokalypse des äethiopischen Henochbuches, der Geschichtsdarstellung der Assumptio Mosis und der des 4Esrabuches (BBB, 123; Berlin: Philo, 1999). Reese sees the apocalypse as being exclusively interested in God's salvation of Israel alone, very much in line with the Heilsgeschichte of classical Israelite prophecy (pp. 48–49).
7.
Certain scholars find a strong theme of human moral responsibilities; see, e.g., Philip L. Tite, ‘Textual and Redactional Aspects of the Book of Dreams (1Enoch 83–90)’, BTB 31/3 (2001), pp. 106–20; Loren T. Stuckenbruck, ‘“Reading the Present” in the Animal Apocalypse (1 Enoch 85–90)’, in Kirsten De Troyer and Armin Lange (eds.), Reading the Present in the Qumran Library: The Perception of the Contemporary by Means of Scriptural Interpretations (SBLSymS, 30; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2005), pp. 91–102; and Assefa, L'apocalypse, p. 289, who sees the author holding Israel's infidelity to the Law and the covenant responsible. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, and Gabriele Boccaccini, Middle Judaism: Jewish Thought, 300 B.C.E. to 200 C.E. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991), on the other hand, argue that the author attributes the cause of evil to angelic or cosmic forces, with human initiative given a minimal role.
8.
The theory of ‘alterity’ developed by Edward W. Said in 1978 may be relevant here (Orientalism [London: Penguin, repr., 1995). In his book the concept of the Orient is considered a construction in the eyes of the Occident as part of a political and cultural power structure. As ‘alterity’, the Orient is both endowed with a negative sense of barbarian and glamourized and envied at the same time. Similarly, animals occupy a place as ‘alterity’ in human thought. Humans project their own evaluation of features and qualities observed in the human world upon the animals that display them. My attention was drawn to the theory by Chikako E. Watanabe, in her Animal Symbolism in Mesopotamia: A Contextual Approach (Wiener Offene Orientalistik, 1; Vienna: Institut für Orientalistik der Universität Wien, 2002), p. 6.
9.
I particularly like the way Beryl Rowland expresses the importance of animals in symbolism when she says that ‘most animal symbols are traditional, belonging to the mythology of everyone, eternally present in the collective unconscious memory and in the dream world where everything is a symbol’ (Animals with Human Faces: A Guide to Animal Symbolism [London: George Allen & Unwin, 1974], p. xvii).
10.
This sharedness, of course, does not mean that individuals cannot make up novel metaphors or invoke novel meanings with conventional metaphors. In order to do so the maker of the metaphor will have to provide a textual context to shape the intended novel interpretation of the metaphor. There are also cases of metaphors that simply fail to arouse an intended response from the hearer.
11.
Max Black, ‘Metaphor’, Chapter 3 in his Models and Metaphors: Studies in Language and Philosophy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1962), pp. 25–47 (31–34).
12.
Max Black, ‘More About Metaphor’, in A. Ortony (ed.), Metaphor and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 19–41 (31–32). To quote his own words, ‘Looking at a scene through blue spectacles is different from comparing that scene with something else’ (his italic).
13.
Black uses the terms ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ subjects.
14.
This formulation is based on M. Black, ‘Metaphor’ (1962) and ‘More About Metaphor’ (1979). In the latter work Black amends certain terminology in the former, but the theory remains unaltered.
15.
Gen. 49.24; Num. 27.17; 1 Kgs 22.17; 1 Chron. 11.2; 17.6; Isa. 63.11; Jer. 3.15; 10.21; 12.10; 23.1–4; 25.34–36; Pss. 78.71; 80.2; Ezek. 34.2–23; Mic. 5.4; Zech. 10.3; 11.8–17, 13.
16.
Isa. 40.28; Jer. 31.9; Amos 3.12; Mic. 7.14; Pss. 23.1–2; 28.9.
17.
The Masoretic version reads ‘sons of Israel’; however, the
18.
Olson, Enoch, p. 200. See also Bryan, Cosmos, pp. 52–61.
19.
The idea that God abandons his flock to a bad shepherd may be based on Zech. 11.16–17, and the idea that God will punish the bad shepherds who caused damage to his flock and will tend the sheep himself may come from Ezek. 34.2–23. However, in both cases in the Hebrew Bible, the shepherd is a human leader rather than an angel.
20.
E.g. Jer. 30.18; 50.11; Mal. 3.20; Hos. 10.11.
21.
Bryan, Cosmos, p. 68.
22.
Dan. 7.9; 10.5; 12.6–7.
23.
Bryan, Cosmos, pp. 75–76.
24.
Gen. 9.22–25. Canaan's father Ham saw Noah's nakedness and told his brothers, who came to cover their father's body. Noah awoke and knew what he had done. He said, ‘Cursed be Canaan; a slave of slaves shall he be to his brothers’.
25.
Tiller, Commentary, p. 267.
26.
Bryan, Cosmos, p.73.
27.
See ‘The shepherd’, above.
28.
Bryan, Cosmos, p. 70.
29.
2 Kgs 24.15 and Ezek. 17.13 for examples of Judean leaders; Exod. 15.15, Ezek. 31.11; 32.31 and 39.18 for foreign leaders.
30.
Deut. 33.17; Lam. 2.3, 17; Jer. 48.25; 1 Sam. 2.1, 10; 1 Kgs 22.11.
31.
Dan. 7.7–8, 20–24; 8.3–9, 20–22.
32.
Olson, Enoch, p. 190.
33.
Rock badgers, pigs and falcons are the only three types not identified as representing any nations.
34.
2 Sam. 17.1; 1 Chron. 12.8; Prov. 28.1; 30.29–30.
35.
Gen. 49.9–10; 1 Kgs 10.19–20.
36.
1 Kgs 7.36; 13.24–28; 20.36; 2 Kgs 17.25–26; Ezek. 41.19; Amos 1.2; 3.8; Hos. 11.10; Joel 4.16; Isa. 15.9; 31.4; Jer. 5.6.
37.
Amos 3.10; Isa. 5.29–30; Jer. 2.15; 50.17; Nah. 2.12–14; Jer. 4.7; 49.19; 50.17; 51.38.
38.
Pss. 7.3; 10.9; 17.12; 22.14; Jer. 2.30.
39.
For example, the cultic explanation that the unclean animals were unclean because other nations used them for sacrifice, or the hygienic explanation that the origin of the unclean animals was that they were unsafe for food. There are also anthropological explanations from the perspective of created order and irregularity. For a good summary of various views, see Bryan's Cosmos, pp. 144–67.
40.
On the dating and provenance, see R.J.H. Shutt, ‘Letter of Aristeas’, in OTP, II, pp. 8–9. Quotations are also based on Shutt's translation.
41.
Bryan, Cosmos.
42.
Bryan, Cosmos, pp. 168–84, 249–56.
43.
D. Olson, A New Reading of the Animal Apocalypse of 1 Enoch: ‘All Nations Shall be Blessed’ (Leiden: Brill, 2013).
44.
Olson, New Reading, pp. 8–9 n. 18.
45.
Olson, New Reading, pp. 8–9.
46.
Olson, New Reading, p. 9.
47.
Indeed, Black Max's theory on metaphor would argue against the use of metaphors as simple artistic devices too.
48.
Bryan, Cosmos, p. 154.
49.
The expanded account in the An. Apoc. of the fallen stars corrupting the world and having illicit offspring with humans is likely to be based on the first booklet of 1 Enoch, ‘The Book of the Watchers’ (chs. 6–11), which is dated earlier than the An. Apoc., or at least on a tradition or a literary source common to both.
