Abstract
The persistent resistance of some women to feminism, a movement fundamentally designed to advance their rights, presents a critical paradox in gender studies that demands systematic investigation. This study examines why women oppose feminist ideals through a systematic synthesis of 49 peer-reviewed studies across 23 countries, identifying four key factors: (a) deep-rooted patriarchal socialization that naturalizes gender inequality, (b) perceived material and social benefits from traditional roles, (c) institutional reinforcement through religion and conservative media, and (d) neoliberal appropriation of feminist rhetoric that alienates disadvantaged groups. Findings reveal that antifeminist women often rationalize their stance as morally necessary or pragmatically advantageous, including educated women, particularly when social networks reward conformity. Challenging simplistic “false consciousness” narratives, the analysis demonstrates how structural incentives and cultural conditioning interact to sustain opposition. The study urges informed interventions, ranging from economic policies addressing material precarity to faith-based feminist dialogues, offering a pathway for bridging ideological divides in gender justice movements.
Introduction
Antifeminists, predominantly men, oppose feminism's efforts to dismantle systemic oppression and secure women's autonomy, casting these aims as destabilizing threats to the social order. They often portray feminists as power-seeking hypocrites while denying their own investments in maintaining dominance. However, the more confounding resistance comes from female antifeminists, who do not merely disregard feminism but actively repudiate its core principles, rejecting equality as unnecessary or even harmful while upholding patriarchal norms that restrict their own rights (Nelson et al., 1997). This opposition is neither new nor marginal; it has manifested across cultures and historical periods, from 19th-century antisuffragettes to contemporary women who campaign against reproductive rights or gender quotas (Jarvis & Eddington, 2021).
The persistence of female antifeminism raises urgent questions: Why do some women fight against movements designed to liberate them? Is it internalized misogyny, a strategic alignment with male power, or a genuine belief that tradition ensures stability? Scholars have offered various explanations for such motivations (e.g., Kandiyoti, 1988), but what remains underexplored is how these motivations intersect with broader power structures, and why solidarity among women remains so fractious despite shared oppression.
Existing research has largely analyzed female antifeminism in fragments, focusing on specific groups, such as conservative activists or religious fundamentalists, without synthesizing these cases into a broader understanding of women's complicity in antifeminist diatribe. This fragmentation obscures patterns and contradictions, highlighting the need for a comprehensive analysis of the existing literature to clarify why women oppose feminism. Thus, this study seeks to examine patterns across geopolitical contexts, asking not only how women resist feminism but what their resistance reveals about the enduring grip of gendered hierarchies. By confronting this paradox head-on, we might uncover the roots of antifeminist sentiment among women and the persistent fractures that hinder collective resistance.
Specifically, this study seeks to answer the following primary research question: Why do women across varied social locations oppose feminist projects that seek to challenge gendered subordination, and how are these oppositions shaped by different understandings of feminism? In addressing the question, this systematic review explores the social, cultural, and structural contexts that shape women's antifeminist positions, with particular attention to the interplay between personal belief systems and broader institutional forces. Rather than assuming a singular cause or a homogeneous category of women, it synthesizes the conditions under which antifeminist attitudes are formed across varied social positions and differently interpreted feminist traditions.
Women Against Feminism: Concepts, Contradictions, and Contexts
The phenomenon of women opposing feminism poses a compelling intellectual puzzle that has been examined through various theoretical lenses. Early interpretations viewed these women through the prism of false consciousness, suggesting they had absorbed patriarchal values to their own detriment (de Beauvoir, 1949/2011). This contrasted with conservative celebrations of antifeminist women as guardians of traditional morality (Schlafly, 1977). As scholarship progressed, more nuanced frameworks emerged. The concept of patriarchal bargaining revealed how women in oppressive systems might adopt compliance as a survival strategy, trading autonomy for security within power structures (Kandiyoti, 1988).
Contemporary analyses complicate this picture by rejecting any homogeneous view of women. They treat women as socially situated subjects and understand feminism as a plural, contested field whose meanings vary across liberal, intersectional, postcolonial, religious, and socialist traditions, some of which may be experienced as exclusionary across particular social locations (Macleod et al., 2014). Postfeminist narratives can further enable women to reject feminist activism while benefiting from its gains, especially in conservative communities where alignment with institutional power appears safer than feminist identification, which may invite ostracization or worse (Ahmed, 2017). From a political economy perspective, neoliberal co-option of feminist language has also deepened class divisions, making feminism appear irrelevant or threatening to working-class women's survival (Fraser, 2013). Together, these perspectives show that female antifeminism reflects psychological adaptation, cultural conditioning, and strategic calculation shaped by context.
Building on these frameworks, scholars have debated whether female antifeminism reflects agency or structural constraint. Rational choice perspectives frame it as a calculated decision in which women weigh benefits, security, social acceptance, or spiritual rewards against the costs of feminist alignment (Coleman, 1990). This contrasts with social identity approaches emphasizing how group loyalties can override individual interests (Reinhardt & Duncan, 2025), leading some women to reject feminism to maintain status and belonging within conservative communities (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Feminist structural analyses further complicate matters by showing how economic deprivation, religious socialization, and limited access to feminist discourses shape women's perceptions of subordination (Hooks, 2000). These perspectives suggest that antifeminist positions arise from a confluence of personal beliefs (“feminism is dangerous”), social pressures (“my community disapproves”), and perceived constraints (“resistance is impossible”). This theoretical landscape presents a dilemma: whether to interpret female antifeminism as resistance to feminist movements, adaptation to patriarchal incentives, or a failure to recognize systemic injustice.
This systematic review of female antifeminism is both timely and necessary. Drawing on 49 empirical studies from 23 national contexts, it provides a comparative synthesis of the motivations and conditions under which antifeminist attitudes among women emerge and persist. By integrating fragmented studies across disciplines and contexts, the review offers a comprehensive account of the ideological, structural, and psychological forces shaping women's opposition to feminism. It clarifies what the reviewed literature reveals about how gendered power operates through external pressures, internal beliefs, and strategic choices, while also indicating areas where further research is needed. This synthesis helps build a foundation for scholars to better engage with one of the most persistent contradictions in contemporary gender politics. This research does not aim to resolve female antifeminism but to illuminate its mechanisms for clearer, more critical engagement. The study seeks to clarify the mechanisms underlying this paradox by bridging theoretical perspectives and empirical observations.
Methodology
A systematic review was conducted to investigate antifeminism among women across 23 countries. This method offers a structured process for locating, selecting, and synthesizing primary research relevant to the topic, with the aim of addressing clearly defined research questions (Oakley, 2012). By setting explicit inclusion and exclusion criteria, the review ensured reproducibility and minimized selection bias in article identification (Higgins et al., 2021). Following a review protocol, the study's objectives, research questions, selection criteria, search strategies, quality assessments, data extraction, and reporting methods were outlined (Gates, 2002). Two independent researchers, the authors, conducted article screening and analysis, resolving discrepancies through discussion to ensure reliability and validity.
Literature Identification and Inclusion Criteria
Relevant studies were retrieved from the Web of Science (WOS) database to capture a wide range of texts from different disciplines written in English. The search terms were “antifeminism” OR “antifeminist” OR “antifemale” OR “misogyny” AND “women's view,” along with their synonyms, variations, and other expressions. The scope of this review encompassed international literature, focusing on the phenomenon of antifeminism among women. Peer-reviewed empirical articles published between 1990 and 2024 and indexed in the Web of Science database were selected. This time frame was chosen to capture developments over the past 25 years, during which, academic interest in female antifeminism has expanded alongside global shifts in gender politics. We used WOS because it is known for quality articles with high precision, recall, and reproducibility, making it a valuable resource for systematic literature retrieval (Gusenbauer & Haddaway, 2020). The review included empirical studies that employed quantitative, qualitative, or mixed-methods approaches.
Screening for Inclusion
Both authors participated in a three-stage screening process. In the first stage, an initial search yielded 1,245 records from the WOS database. Of these, 1,157 were removed before screening: 1,136 were excluded through database-assisted filtering based on document type, language, publication status, and topical relevance in titles, abstracts, and keywords, while 21 were identified as duplicates. This resulted in 88 records for manual screening. We excluded 17 records during this stage for reasons such as irrelevance to female antifeminism, focus on male antifeminists, or emphasis on fictional, artistic, or clinical content. This left 71 articles for retrieval, of which, seven could not be accessed. A total of 64 articles were assessed for eligibility, and 15 nonempirical or methodologically irrelevant articles were further excluded. This process yielded a final selection of 49 empirical studies on female antifeminism, representing data from 23 countries. Figure 1 presents the study’s PRISMA (preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses) flow diagram.

PRISMA flow diagram of the study.
Data Extraction and Analysis
Information, including authorship, year of publication, research setting, topic focus, methodological orientation, data type, abstract content, conceptual framing, and key findings, was recorded in Excel spreadsheets. Each article was read in full, and data on women's antifeminist attitudes, gender positioning, explanations of feminism or antifeminism, and relevant social, cultural, institutional, or ideological contexts were extracted and compared. Both authors participated in screening, coding, and thematic refinement, with differences resolved through discussion. For example, a recurring divergence concerned whether studies focused primarily on feminist identification fell within scope. One author favored inclusion where antifeminism could be inferred from distancing language or low identification scores; the other required it to be an explicit focus. We resolved this by agreeing that studies were included only where antifeminist attitudes or active rejection of feminism featured in the research questions, measures, or analytic framing, not merely as a byproduct of identification scales. Themes were generated through an iterative process of comparing recurring patterns across studies, merging conceptual overlaps, and distinguishing the primary mechanism emphasized in each study, including structural conditioning, ideological internalization, strategic adaptation, or social enforcement. Because the review relied on English language, peer-reviewed studies indexed in WOS, and because the reviewed studies varied in their theoretical and epistemological explicitness, the synthesis should be read as a reflexive interpretation of the indexed literature rather than an exhaustive account of all regional or conceptual debates.
Findings
Study Characteristics
Table 1 presents patterns across the 49 studies reviewed in this study, including publication trends over time, geographic distribution, methodological approaches, and data sources.
Characteristics of This Study.
Temporal Trends
While we searched for articles from 1990 onwards, the oldest relevant article we found was from 1996. The publication timeline shows a sharp upward trend over the past few years. Only five studies were published between 1996 and 2005. However, there was a significant increase thereafter, with 11 studies appearing between 2006 and 2015, and 34 studies, more than two thirds of the total, published during the last decade (between 2016 and 2024). This growth reflects an intensified scholarly interest in the topic in recent years, likely driven by shifts in global discourse, policy developments, and the expansion of digital research capabilities. The publication trends are presented in Figure 2.

Publication trend of studies on female antifeminism (1996–2024).
Country Distribution
Regarding regional representation, the studies span 23 countries or regions, with the United States appearing most frequently represented in 18 of the 49 studies. Other commonly represented countries include the United Kingdom (UK; six studies), Germany (five), Canada (four), France (four), and Australia (four). Countries such as China, Italy, Japan, Israel, Indonesia, Poland, Romania, and Hungary were represented once or twice each. Several studies featured multinational collaborations (e.g., Sykes & Hopner, 2024; Worth, 2021). These figures indicate a predominance of Western and Anglophone contexts in the sample, though an emerging representation from Asia and other regions is evident.
Research Design
Regarding research methodology, qualitative approaches were overwhelmingly dominant. Of the 49 studies, 38 employed qualitative methods (77.6%), seven used quantitative methods (14.3%), and four employed mixed-methods designs (8.2%). This strong preference for qualitative approaches suggests that the field is oriented toward exploratory, interpretive, and descriptive inquiry, often drawing on diverse feminist and critical perspectives characteristic of educational, cultural, and social research.
Data Sources
The studies reviewed drew on diverse data sources, often incorporating multiple types of evidence within a single design. Published materials such as journal articles, policy reports, and books were the most frequently used, serving as key data sources in 22 studies. Digital materials featured in 17 studies, indicating increased scholarly engagement with online archives, websites, and social media platforms. Fourteen studies conducted interviews or focus group discussions, and seven employed survey data. Six relied on documentary sources or institutional databases, while field notes and observational records were used in five studies. This variety of data reflects a strong integration of both primary and secondary materials. The prominence of textual and online sources points to an analytical focus on document-based and internet-mediated forms of inquiry.
Major Themes
This section presents the four major themes that emerged from the synthesis of 49 empirical studies on female antifeminism. Together, these themes show how structural forces, ideological beliefs, and strategic responses sustain women's opposition to feminist principles. The four themes are (a) patriarchal social conditioning, (b) false consciousness, (c) patriarchal bargaining: submission as strategy, and (d) coerced complicity. Each theme highlights a particular dimension of this broader process while also interacting with others across diverse cultural and institutional contexts (see Figure 3).

Theme map.
Theme 1: Patriarchal Social Conditioning.
The Core of Patriarchy: Upholding Male Hegemony and Privilege
The synthesis of the literature revealed that patriarchy upholds male privilege and exhibits hostility toward any attempts to disrupt men's domination, oppression, or criminal acts against women. This lies at the heart of the backlash against feminism: some antifeminists argue that the first, second, and third feminist waves have demeaned and oppressed traditional femininity, which they view as the sanctified, though subjugated, tradition of womanhood, while the fourth wave is especially vilified, described as a male-hating ideology aimed at promoting female superiority (Sykes & Hopner, 2024).
To preserve male dominance, patriarchal societies promote essentialism, which emphasizes fixed physiological and psychological differences between the sexes (Wan, 2024). This view leads some women to believe that such differences are biologically determined and immune to social or cultural influence (De Simone & Priola, 2022). Within this framework, gender roles are strictly enforced wherein men and women are perceived as having distinct, nonoverlapping functions. Women should embody traditional feminine virtues and serve primarily as wives and mothers, with their “rightful” place portrayed as within the home (Zhang et al., 2026). This reinforces their subordination to male authority and sustains the belief that men are inherently different from, and thus entitled to dominate, women (Wan, 2024). Similarly, the LGBTQ+ community is perceived as a threat to the patriarchal order, as it challenges binary gender norms and traditional family structures that underpin patriarchal ideology (Wan, 2024).
Anti-Feminism and Patriarchal Propaganda
The synthesis of literature showed that much antifeminist sentiment among women can be traced to pervasive patriarchal propaganda embedded in most societies. Long-standing religious and cultural ideologies have shaped patriarchal systems (Martinez, 2022; Norocel, 2018) that grant men control over dominant discourses, allowing them to define virtue and vice (Wan, 2024), impose restrictions on women (Camargo-Fernández & Polo-Artal, 2024), legitimize male authority, and expect women to submit to male leadership, endure oppression (Darakchi, 2019), and shoulder family responsibilities (De Simone & Priola, 2022).
With technological advancement, patriarchal authorities have adapted their messaging for mass dissemination, using traditional and digital media (Orgad & De Benedictis, 2015) to reinforce gender hierarchies and spread gender-biased narratives (Bauer, 2024). For example, during the 2011 economic downturn, when many British women were forced out of the labor market due to rising childcare costs, 41% of media coverage framed this exclusion positively, as a return to traditional family values. Women were encouraged to embrace roles as stay-at-home mothers, emphasizing identity and “choice” while obscuring the political, economic, and social conditions that shaped their retreat into the domestic sphere (Orgad & De Benedictis, 2015).
Social media is also used to resist and reframe feminist initiatives (Norocel, 2018). Patriarchal narratives often appear cloaked in moral virtue and tradition, fronted by conservative female figures. For example, Brazilian Minister of women, families and human right, Damares Alves used gender discourse alongside religious institutions, conservative groups, and the media to manufacture social “truths” and expand political influence (Martinez, 2022). These efforts stigmatize feminism as false and radical (Pustulka, 2024), promote ideals that reduce women to “breeding machines” (Kajta, 2022), and accuse feminists of hostility toward marriage, digital activism, and family values (Procope Bell, 2024; Wang & Chang, 2023).
Patriarchy's Moral Compass
The literature synthesis highlighted that, through patriarchal propaganda, “femininity” is celebrated as the ideal, portrayed as the “average” or “real” woman, the “feminine” archetype to which women are expected to conform (Barrett Meyering, 2016). In contrast, women who emulate men are viewed negatively, associated with difficulties in marriage, and deemed undeserving of care (Procope Bell, 2024). The notion of the “natural family” (Camargo-Fernández & Polo-Artal, 2024, p. 37) is staunchly defended, with marriage and motherhood upheld as pillars of social cohesion and moral righteousness (Leimgruber, 2020). Alongside male privilege, these ideals sustain patriarchal moral order.
Within this framework, feminism is vilified as a source of moral decline (Bauer, 2024). Feminists are depicted as selfish women who deprived others of femininity and maternal roles, inventing “unreal (problems), such as gender inequality” (Kajta, 2022, p. 18) and threatening religious norms and traditional family structures (Maryani et al., 2021). They are labeled as supporters of abortion and LGBTQ+ rights, overly sensitive, and opposers of men, while patriarchal society frames these portrayals negatively to stigmatize feminism.
Meanwhile, oppressive practices such as chastity and widow suicide are encouraged (Anagol, 2013), domestic violence is downplayed (Darakchi, 2019; Zaatut & Haj-Yahia, 2016), and sexual violence committed by men against women is reframed to portray men, especially white heterosexual men, as the true victims of gender oppression (Rentschler, 2022).
Theme 2. False Consciousness
While the preceding theme focused on discursive portrayals of feminism as socially harmful, this theme examines the internalization of such narratives in women's own beliefs about gender roles and identity. Such narratives often reshape women's perceptions of justice and fairness, as studies have shown that women expressing antifeminist views frequently display limited engagement with social justice or democratic values (Linden, 2015; Nelson et al., 1997). Many women, having unconsciously internalized patriarchal values to their own detriment, develop what de Beauvoir (1949/2011) termed “false consciousness.”
“Sacred” Motherhood?
Like men, antifeminist women adopt an “embryo-centered” stance (Avanza, 2020, p. 12), opposing abortion and denying women's bodily autonomy (Schreiber, 2002). They argue that women should “accept being enslaved for the perpetuation of the species,” since “women were the only ones responsible for the creation of life” (Runcan, 2024, p. 233). In their view, feminism distracts women from their “true” responsibilities, marriage and motherhood, thus destabilizing families and society (Blais & Dupuis-Déri, 2022; Faraut, 2003). As a result, “women were … responsible for the steep decline of the Humanist ethos, either by being careless or by being conceited” (Runcan, 2024, p. 233). Education, they insist, should enhance maternal duties, not support professional ambitions (Faraut, 2003), since personal advancement allegedly undermines women's sacred God-given maternal role (Camargo-Fernández & Polo-Artal, 2024).
Ironically, nonmarital childbirth, despite its benefits for population growth and women's reproductive rights, is condemned as immoral (Wan, 2024) for allegedly threatening male interests and traditional family values (Schreiber, 2002), revealing antifeminists’ true aim of upholding a men-centered, rather than embryo-centered, ideology to preserve male privilege.
Submission to Men
Antifeminist women believe their greatest asset is not intellect or career success but traditional femininity and submission to men (Procope Bell, 2024). Some contend that widows should not remarry, with self-immolation as the only honorable response to a husband's death (Anagol, 2013). Victims of domestic violence may reject protection, defending a “natural” religious order in which men lead and women follow, even at the cost of safety (Darakchi, 2019). Political participation is condemned since elections allegedly strip women of gender identity (Faraut, 2003), fostering “ambitious” moral decay (Sorrentino & Augoustinos, 2016) and eroding virtues expressed through family and charity, where women support men (Anagol, 2013). Leadership roles, especially the presidency, are seen as inappropriate for women, whose “essence” lies in following male guidance (Darakchi, 2019; Tadros, 2021).
Whose Consent Counts? Male “Victims” Versus Female “Immorality.”
The literature shows that certain female commentators dismiss “rape culture” as a feminist delusion, claiming it an exaggerated issue caused by misunderstandings and drunken behavior. They argue that feminists weaponize the term to suppress free speech and open discourse more broadly, labeling “social justice” an oppressive ideology. According to this absurd perspective, women can avoid assault by better managing their own behavior, thereby shifting the blame onto victims and recasting men as the true victims, the victims of feminism (Rentschler, 2022). Moreover, antifeminists accuse women of perpetuating an unhealthy “victimhood culture” around sexual harassment, portraying it as evidence of moral weakness that undermines social norms and institutions (Gianoncelli, 2022).
Interestingly, however, attempts to restore sexual freedom for women, such as the Sexual Violence Eradication Bill (RUU PKS) in Indonesia, have been vehemently opposed by antifeminist women's organizations. In their view, women's potential engagement in adultery, prostitution, and homosexuality (Sya'rani, 2023) undoubtedly poses major threats to society, apparently far greater than sexual and domestic violence perpetrated by men. Empirical evidence consistently shows that gender-based violence remains a serious social problem in many countries, including Indonesia, where women continue to face significant risks of domestic and public violence.
Internalized Patriarchy and Blind “Neutrality.”
Across patriarchal contexts, which vary in form, intensity, and institutional expression, antifeminist sentiment often thrives where gender inequality is normalized and naturalized (Orgad & De Benedictis, 2015). Women, particularly those exposed to systemic threats (Yeung et al., 2014) or living in countries experiencing democratic backsliding, are socialized to internalize antifeminist ideologies (Martinez, 2022), often passively accepting the status quo (Yoder et al., 2012) and becoming desensitized to systemic injustice (Buschman & Lenart, 1996). Many report no personal experience of gender-based discrimination (Crowley, 2009), suggesting a disconnection between systemic oppression and the perceptions of women conditioned by patriarchal norms.
This acquiescence often appears as blind neutrality, with some women positioning themselves as mediators between genders (Crowley, 2009), conflating equality with equity, and mistakenly framing their stance as a defense of justice. Individuals with high social dominance orientation and authoritarian tendencies are especially likely to endorse antifeminist views, particularly when they distrust governmental institutions (Beyer et al., 2018).
Theme 3. Patriarchal Bargaining: Submission as Strategy
The literature also indicates that some women who oppose feminist ideals are not uniformly motivated by loyalty to men; rather, many act out of self-interest or pursue personal advantages.
Economic and Political Incentives
Governments with patriarchal orientations often implement policies that encourage women to adopt traditional roles under the guise of voluntariness. For example, state-sponsored family benefits like Poland's “Family 500+” program, which provides financial assistance to families, directly reward women who support conservative gender norms, effectively incentivizing them to remain in traditional domestic roles (Leimgruber, 2020).
Conservative political parties also recruit women to bolster antifeminist messaging. These parties leverage female voices by having women publicly oppose feminist ideas (Martinez, 2022; Schreiber, 2002), knowing such statements from high-status women are often more persuasive and publicly accepted (Beyer et al., 2018). Some even adopt feminist rhetoric to frame nationalist or anti-immigration policies, masking conservative agendas in a seemingly progressive guise (Camargo-Fernández & Polo-Artal, 2024).
Female politicians may also embrace antifeminist positions for strategic purposes. Facing potential backlash or declining approval, some distance themselves from feminist issues to secure electoral support (Sorrentino & Augoustinos, 2016). Although gaining votes from antifeminists may cost them support from feminist women, the stance reflects calculated trade-offs (Sorrentino & Augoustinos, 2016). Participation in antifeminist organizations can also create an illusion of agency. Some women report believing they can challenge internal misogyny and contribute to leadership despite contrary views from male colleagues (Crowley, 2009).
This trade-off becomes a mutually reinforcing dynamic: the female politician gains support from antifeminist voters, while the party advances its patriarchal agenda under the banner of women's endorsement, thereby making its policies more acceptable (Leimgruber, 2020).
Marriage
Marriage can alter women's allegiances, with some shifting their views to align with their husband’s interests. For instance, women closely connected to divorced men paying alimony may view feminist-backed legal gains for ex-wives as direct threats to the rights of the men they care about (Crowley, 2009), and to their own future interests should they marry these men. This perceived “betrayal” often drives them to turn against feminist causes (Iker, 2023). Some women adopt antifeminist positions to preserve perceived forms of security and social approval within patriarchal systems (Blais & Dupuis-Déri, 2022), including the socially valued position of staying at home, managing household labor, caring for children, and being economically supported by men. In these accounts, patriarchy is presented as simplifying family roles, reducing marital conflict, relieving the pressures associated with the “superwoman complex,” offering emotional security, and enabling women to feel valued through their husbands’ attention. It is also seen as lowering decision-making burdens and strengthening marital intimacy (Snyder-Hall, 2008, p. 573). In China, the tradition of bride price, despite objectifying women, continues to attract those seeking financial benefit, while the patriarchal “Dishu” system historically enabled legal wives to exploit concubines and their children (Wan, 2024).
The Myth of “Choice.”
Female antifeminists argue that focusing on gender equity overlooks women's distinct experiences and needs (Snyder-Hall, 2008), or that feminism imposes new forms of control, such as criticizing married women, which replicates patriarchal oppression and fractures female solidarity (Wang & Chang, 2023). Having long tolerated patriarchal constraints, these women ironically resist similar expectations when imposed by feminists (Burkinshaw & White, 2020). Take the group identifying as “postfeminists” for example; postfeminism focuses on individual cases while neglecting the broader context, falsely claiming the battle for gender equality has already been won (Buschman & Lenart, 1996; Darakchi, 2019). Its proponents accept patriarchal stereotypes, view women as unsuitable for grand narratives, and place excessive faith in individual choices (Jarvis & Eddington, 2021). They assert that women's choices, whether becoming housewives or pursuing careers, are equally valid forms of empowerment (Sykes & Hopner, 2024). However, during the 2011 U.K. economic crisis, despite making the same choices, middle-class stay-at-home mothers were praised for embodying “family-first values,” while working-class mothers who withdrew from the labor force faced public shaming (Orgad & De Benedictis, 2015). This disparity exposed the classist foundations of patriarchal narrative, revealing how it co-opts feminist language to reinforce hierarchies that restrict meaningful autonomy for most women.
Theme 4. Coerced Complicity
This theme explores how patriarchal systems suppress feminist movements while weaponizing antifeminist dissent through strategic co-optation, offering a manufactured sense of belonging to compliant women and mobilizing them as horizontal enforcers of gendered discipline.
The Cost of Feminism
Compared to the perceived benefits of opposing feminism, endorsing feminist ideals often appears less appealing. Feminist engagement requires confronting systemic oppression, which carries emotional and social costs. For instance, some women subjected to domestic violence choose to endure their circumstances, believing they cannot achieve independent living and prioritizing their children's welfare over personal safety (Darakchi, 2019).
Conservatives often present themselves as representing the “mainstream” (Schreiber, 2002, p. 336), while marginalizing those who deviate from traditional norms (Crowley, 2009). In such contexts, feminism becomes an easy target (Nelson et al., 1997), and feminists are stereotyped as deserving of gender-based discrimination (Yeung et al., 2014). Even women inclined toward feminist awakening often remain silent, fearing backlash and remaining reluctant to speak openly (Linden, 2015). The awakening process itself entails psychological discomfort (Yoder et al., 2012).
Research shows that egalitarian beliefs are often more socially acceptable when women avoid identifying as feminists. Activism may gain broader legitimacy when endorsed by individuals who conform to dominant gender and social norms, rather than by groups labeled extreme or marginalized, such as feminists or LGBTQ+ communities. However, this strategic dependence on socially conforming figures risks reproducing the same hierarchies that feminist politics seeks to challenge. When framed as a promotion of freedom or equality, activism is less likely to be seen as a threat to the social order and may gain broader support (Yeung et al., 2014, p. 7).
Therefore, for women facing intersecting forms of discrimination, even when they recognize gender-related problems, if feminism seems inadequate in addressing their most urgent concerns, some seek alternatives. This mirrors how some black women embrace traditional domestic roles as a means of navigating capitalism, white supremacy, and patriarchy (Procope Bell, 2024).
Subjective Norms and Manufacturing Belonging
Women's antifeminist behaviors are significantly shaped by subjective norms, especially through observing the endorsement of antifeminist attitudes by important social referents and the practice of antifeminism by others (Blais & Dupuis-Déri, 2022). For example, research reveals that women may face criticism from fathers, brothers, or husbands for defying gender norms such as cutting their hair short or refusing to shave, which can pressure them into adopting antifeminist views (Blais & Dupuis-Déri, 2022). Similarly, the wives of football players in Israeli society, who align with right-wing political subcultures, display stronger tendencies toward authoritarianism, antifeminism, and conservative political attitudes (Rubinstein & Lansisky, 2013). Female politicians in right-wing parties and members of antifeminist organizations often report a sense of belonging and emotional fulfillment within these groups, feelings they do not find in feminist organizations, even though these groups prioritize men's rights over women's (Iker, 2023).
Contemporary developments, especially social media expansion, have lowered barriers for women to widely disseminate antifeminist views, often aligning these narratives with economic interests (Bauer, 2024). Antifeminist organizations support such expressions, offering symbolic rewards that make women feel their influence is growing, which motivates continued support for patriarchal structures (Leimgruber, 2020). Consequently, the actions of antifeminists who share personal stories to build emotional resonance and critique feminism are particularly concerning. By becoming influential referents, they legitimize antifeminist narratives and subtly reinforce regressive gender norms through everyday interactions, thereby entrenching systemic inequalities (Bauer, 2024).
Co-opting Dissent: Women as Cultural Enforcers of Antifeminism
Antifeminist women do not merely internalize traditional values, they actively enforce them in public and digital spaces. Bauer (2024) shows how female influencers use social media to spread emotionally resonant antifeminist messages. They present themselves as defenders of tradition and family, critiquing feminism as aggressive, immoral, or unfeminine. These narratives persuade by framing antifeminism as protective rather than regressive. Using intimate language and affective storytelling, they attract loyal audiences who view them as moral guides, not ideological agents.
Martinez (2022) illustrates how figures like Damares Alves in the Brazilian context use emotional language and spiritual symbolism to present antifeminist messaging as morally urgent. Collaborating with religious and conservative institutions, Alves amplifies claims that feminism causes moral decay and cultural confusion. Her status as a woman and public official lends credibility to arguments that might seem sexist from men, making her influence particularly effective.
Kajta (2022) documents how antifeminist rhetoric casts women as national mothers and guardians of morality. These roles offer emotional meaning, despite limiting power. Feminists are seen as dangerous for destabilizing values that hold society together. Antifeminist women become protectors of a symbolic order that morally centers them, even as it excludes them from political influence.
This affective alignment with conservative values draws on a broader sense of cultural crisis. Many antifeminist women invoke nostalgia for a past seen as more orderly and feminine. Their activism, framed as a return to dignity, purity, and family, gains them recognition, symbolic status, and public authority, reinforcing a deeply gendered politics of belonging.
Discussion
The findings of this study reveal a complex set of factors shaping women's opposition to feminism, challenging explanations that attribute antifeminism solely to false consciousness, ideological rigidity, or economic pragmatism. Both feminism and antifeminism encompass diverse ideological traditions that shape how gender equality and feminist politics are interpreted across contexts. Accordingly, antifeminist positions among women may emerge from different ideological, cultural, and strategic orientations rather than a single unified form of opposition. Interpreted through complementary theoretical perspectives, these patterns show how structural power, social norms, and strategic adaptation sustain antifeminist positions. Prior research has often treated these motivations separately, yet the present synthesis shows that these mechanisms frequently appear alongside one another in the literature, reinforcing resistance to feminist ideals. Across these patterns, a recurring ideological core is the naturalization of binary gender roles and biologically essentialist assumptions that position traditional femininity as necessary to social order.
A key observation is the role of patriarchal bargaining (Kandiyoti, 1988), where women's compliance with antifeminist positions may appear rational within constrained systems. However, these bargains are not merely individual calculations but are embedded in religious, economic, and cultural structures that discourage feminist identification. While some findings highlight the role of group affiliation, others reflect broader structural, ideological, and strategic mechanisms operating across social groups. Although these mechanisms often appear together in the literature, the review does not systematically identify the contextual conditions under which each becomes more salient.
A critical finding concerns the role of patriarchal authorities, governments, religious institutions, and conservative political forces in sustaining antifeminist views. Across diverse cultural contexts, these authorities promote traditional gender roles and the natural family structure, legitimizing women's submission to men and casting feminine compliance as morally virtuous. As Engels (1884/2018) argued, the modern individual family is historically founded on the overt or covert enslavement of women, and the persistence of this structure sustains systemic gender inequality. This review revealed that patriarchal institutions actively obstruct women's return to public life by suppressing feminist discourse and limiting exposure to alternative perspectives.
Women raised within such environments often internalize patriarchal values, perceiving feminism as a threat to the moral order they sincerely uphold (Ahmed, 2017). Immediate social circles, such as families, religious communities, and workplaces, reinforce this normative pressure (Blais & Dupuis-Déri, 2022). Convinced that leadership is not appropriate for them (Tadros, 2021), these women internalize masculine standards of successful leadership (Noman et al., 2025) and believe that men are inherently better suited to lead (Awang-Hashim et al., 2016). Such beliefs reinforce their acceptance of subordinate roles, partly explaining the persistent underrepresentation of women in leadership positions (Noman et al., 2025) and sustaining patriarchal discourses of power.
The emergence of postfeminism, a Trojan horse for the antifeminist movement, further complicates the landscape, offering a veneer of empowerment while masking antifeminist agendas (Beyer et al., 2018). Women fitting this profile report few gender-related negative experiences, express satisfaction with the status quo, and accuse contemporary feminism of being corrupt (Buschman & Lenart, 1996; Jarvis & Eddington, 2021). They often attribute structural oppression to individual failure (De Simone & Priola, 2022; Hall & Rodriguez, 2003). These women were often used strategically by conservative parties to legitimize traditionalist policies, framing patriarchal norms as multiculturalism under the guise of cultural pluralism (Binard, 2022). This finding echoes de Beauvoir's (1949/2011) false consciousness thesis, demonstrating that women's opposition to feminism often stems from manipulated ignorance and epistemic silencing, where the language to articulate oppression is systematically denied. Structural barriers and ideological conditioning thus operate in tandem to sustain antifeminism.
Equally significant is the influence of economic precarity on antifeminist attitudes, particularly among working-class women. While rational choice theory posits individuals act to maximize personal benefit (Coleman, 1990), neoliberal economic systems (Fraser, 2013) exacerbate material insecurities, making feminist activism seem like an unattainable luxury. In such contexts, women's alignment with patriarchal systems can serve as a survival strategy rather than an ideological choice. Policies such as family allowances and tax breaks reinforce women's dependence on traditional family structures (Leimgruber, 2020), while weak social safety nets and undervalued female labor further entrench these dynamics. These findings align with Bourdieu's (1998/2001) concept of symbolic violence, where individuals internalize and perpetuate structures of domination under the illusion of free choice.
Surprisingly, limited predictive power of education in countering antifeminist beliefs was found in the literature. Even among highly educated women, antifeminist alignments persist, particularly when social or professional networks reward conformity to traditional gender roles (McRobbie, 2009). This, on one hand, underscores the critical role of social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) in political alignments: cognitive awareness of inequality does not always translate into feminist identification when loyalty to conservative communities is at stake. This was especially pronounced in elite conservative circles, where antifeminism functioned as a class marker distinguishing respectable women from what was derided as radical feminism. On the other hand, this also revealed the deficiencies in existing educational systems in promoting gender equity, which include outdated curricula and conservative teachers who often perpetuate sexist values (Yu, 2007).
Across the studies examined, even when some women privately questioned gender hierarchies, they often perceived feminist engagement as ineffective or personally risky, reflecting a diminished sense of agency. Their defense of patriarchy can be explained by system justification theory (SJT), which suggests individuals view societal systems as fair and desirable, regardless of whether they are just (Yeung et al., 2014). It reflects a convergence of structural, cultural, and psychological forces shaped not only by denial but also by the emotional and social rewards of belonging, loyalty, and respectability. Future interventions must move beyond awareness-raising to engage with broader ecosystems of belief, community, and constraint that sustain antifeminist worldviews.
Conclusion and Implications
This review has demonstrated that female opposition to feminism is not merely a product of ignorance or internalized subjugation but emerges from a complex matrix of cultural conditioning, structural incentives, and strategic negotiation. Rather than treating antifeminism as an anomaly, it must be understood as an embedded response to intersecting systems of power that reward compliance and penalize dissent. The persistence of such attitudes, even among educated women, highlights the limitations of liberal feminist assumptions regarding agency and awareness. Effective interventions must therefore move beyond individual enlightenment and confront the broader ecosystems, including familial, religious, economic, and political ones, that sustain antifeminist worldviews. Feminist advocacy must engage with women's lived realities as shaped by intersecting structures of class, race, religion, sexuality, nationality, and institutional power, offering alternatives that not demand the forfeiture of belonging, respectability, or security. Such strategies are necessary to challenge the mechanisms that encourage women to reject feminist principles.
Footnotes
Ethical Approval
Ethical approval was not required because this study is a systematic review of published literature.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Use of AI Declaration
The authors used AI-assisted tools only for language refinement and editing, and all intellectual content, analysis, and final decisions remain the responsibility of the authors.
