Abstract
Background
Concepts of health have been widely discussed in the philosophy and ethics of medicine. Parallel to these theoretical debates, numerous empirical research projects have focused on subjective concepts of health and shown their significance for individuals and society at various levels. Only a few studies have so far investigated the concepts of health of non-professionals and professionals involved in long-term home care and discussed these empirical perspectives regarding moral responsibilities.
Objectives
To identify the subjective concepts of the health of non-professionals (care recipients, informal caregivers) and professionals (registered nurses) involved in long-term home care and to discuss them against the background of existing normative guidelines addressing non-professionals and professionals’ responsibilities and rights concerning health.
Research design
A qualitative design was chosen to explore subjective concepts of health. Data were collected by semi-structured interviews; content analysis was applied according to Mayring.
Participants and research context
Twenty-eight interviews were conducted with non-professionals and professionals in long-term home care arrangements in Northern Germany.
Ethical considerations
Ethics approval was obtained from the Institutional Review Board at the University Medicine Greifswald (BB123/16).
Findings
Non-professionals and professionals consider health as a capability that enables them to participate in social activities and live their own lives according to their preferences. The former regard health particularly as a feeling and an attitude, the latter as the absence of disease with a focus on mental and emotional well-being. Both groups highlight the unsurpassable value of health and the personal responsibility for it.
Discussion
Normative guidelines applicable to practice in long-term home care discuss responsibilities and rights unevenly and raise several problems regarding non-professionals and professionals’ subjective concepts of health.
Conclusion
Individuals’ concepts of health are relevant for the subsequent interpretation of rights and responsibilities and should, thus, be reflected upon to address health-related needs effectively.
Introduction
The preservation and recovery of health are socially and politically recognised goals worldwide. How health is conceptualised, therefore, is ‘not an abstract exercise but a way of shaping the world metaphysically and structuring the world politically’ (p. 78). 1 The concrete understanding of health has significant consequences for individuals and society at various levels. It defines, for example, the goals of care, 2 impacts which services are financed by solidarity-based healthcare systems (e.g. health-screening) and affects people’s help-seeking behaviour.
Long-term home care (LTHC) constitutes a setting in which divergent concepts of health are particularly important for everyday practice. Diverging concepts of health in LTHC can affect the relationship between the parties involved, for example, with regard to cooperation concerning health promotion. Indicators for health and consequently the subjective state of health and (health-related) quality of life assessed 3 by oneself and by others can show great differences. 4 Thus, personal goals to be achieved, preferences for counselling and assistance, and the corresponding health-related behaviour can be very disparate depending on the underlying health concept. While limited mobility due to chronic disease may damage one’s own overall feeling of health, this is not necessarily the case for someone else. In addition, certain attitudes stemming from subjective concepts of health make a difference regarding what is health-relevant. These attitudes also impact whether topics, for example, sexuality, 5 are raised in caring relationships or not. Furthermore, the awareness of different health concepts makes us more sensitive towards health inequalities that are present in the delivery of LTHC.
In Germany, LTHC is of growing interest as most individuals in need of care live at home, receiving informal care solely or complemented with formal home care services. 6 Hence, subjective concepts of health of at least two groups must be considered here: non-professionals (care recipients and informal caregivers) and professionals (nurses). Although non-professionals have not acquired health-related knowledge systematically, they still have a very specific knowledge about health from various sources. care recipients are often affected by multiple chronic diseases and have a long-standing experience with health-related problems that might influence their concept of health. The health of informal caregivers is threatened by the takeover of LTHC to a considerable extent, which also affects their perception of health. 7 Professional caregivers might deviate in their understanding of health from the perspective of the non-professionals because they undergo specialised vocational training and are experienced in healthcare.
Various academic disciplines (e.g. sociology, psychology) conduct research on concepts of health. At least three fields investigating meanings of health that are relevant for this study can be delineated: medico-theoretical debates, socio-empirical research and medico-ethical discourses.
Medico-theoretical debates put the focus on elaborated definitions of what health is and in-depth analyses of the corresponding normative underpinnings and implications. The attempts to develop and classify approaches towards the concept of health are countless. 8 Boorse’s ‘Biostatistical Theory of Health’ – a ‘naturalist approach’, 9 –11 for example, aims at capturing health independent of evaluative aspects as ‘the absence of disease’ (p. 8), 10 whereas ‘normativist’ definitions are striving for a more comprehensive way to determine health. Nordenfelt’s ‘Holistic Theory’, 12,13 for example, defines health as ‘the ability, given standard circumstances, to reach all […] vital goals’. 14 These two renowned theories have been criticised in lively discourses both in medical theory and in ethics and have inspired numerous authors to improve them 15,16 or develop new theories. 17 New and important definitions of health have also been developed by clinicians in response to the World Health Organization’s (WHO) definition of health and its weaknesses. 18
Within the second major branch of health-related inquiry, the field of socio-empirical research, the main emphasis is on subjective concepts of health in specific social groups, such as the older people 19 or children. 20 Subjective concepts of health are personal ‘understandings and representations’ 21 (translation by authors) that include ‘all health-related cognitions’ 22 (translation by authors). They can deviate from ‘formal’ ways to define these concepts 23,24 but have an enormous impact on individuals’ actions as a component of complex subjective health-related theories. Empirical studies indicate a broad variety of negative (e.g. absence of disease symptoms) and positive (e.g. performance, well-being) aspects attributed to health. 25,26
Within the medico-ethical discourse, finally, the main interest is on the rights, responsibilities and choices related to health. 27 Fair access to healthcare resources and reduced health disparities are areas of concern. Sridhar Venkatapuram, 28 for example, conceptualises health as ‘a person’s ability to achieve or exercise a cluster of basic capabilities and functionings, and each at a level that constitutes a life worthy of equal human dignity’ (p. 143). As such, ‘protecting, promoting or restoring the CH [author’s note: capability of being healthy] of individuals to adequate levels’ (p. 156) 28 is the normative claim to which every human being is entitled. Furthermore, the moral and legal responsibility of one’s own health is of great interest to the researchers. Can individuals be held morally responsible for the maintenance or loss of their health, and if yes, to what extent? Given the knowledge that a lifestyle leads to a loss of health, causes diseases or a worsening of a disease, health-conscious behaviour could be seen as each individual’s duty. 29
Moral responsibilities and boundaries concerning health in the triangle of LTHC are complex but have scarcely been researched so far. Insights into the subjective perspectives of those involved, their interplay and the recognition of each perception are important not only because health is a crucial element of quality of life 30 but also because it is essential for the maintenance of LTHC arrangements. This study, thus, investigates non-professionals and professionals’ subjective concepts of health in LTHC and applies the questions of a responsibility for health and a right to health to the empirical results in order to depict mutual moral obligations within this setting.
Objectives
This study empirically elicits concepts of and experiences with health of those who are immediately affected and involved in LTHC arrangements. In a second step, a joint analysis examines how the empirical results can illuminate the situation in LTHC from an ethical point of view when evaluating non-professionals’ (care recipients and informal caregivers) and professionals’ views.
Research design
A qualitative approach was chosen to gain detailed insights into the views of those who are involved in LTHC in order to explore health as a subjective concept. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews (Table 1) with particular emphases on biographical and narrative elements. The biographical contextualisation of health concepts is important not least because they depend on ‘general and concrete circumstances’. 31
Interview guide.
Audio-recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim, and qualitative content analysis according to Mayring 32 was applied using MAXQDA 12 software. All transcripts were coded line by line by two researchers to ensure quality and transparency. After developing codes and subcategories from each interview inductively, the two researchers met to compare and discuss their coding and refine the structure of the coding system. A joint coding system was created as a basis for coding of the next interview and so forth. If discrepancies on code application occurred, coders discussed the matter until consensus was obtained. Unclear passages were discussed by the entire research group until agreement was reached.
Participants and research context
The criteria for study participation are shown in Table 2. The convenience sample was recruited via three home care services in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (north-east Germany). None of the people who were approached declined to participate. Eight informal caregivers, 10 professional caregivers and 10 care recipients were interviewed between October and December 2016 (Table 3). All interviews were conducted at the participants’ chosen location by AHS and two graduate students trained and supervised by the research team. The interviews lasted between 16 and 134 min, with an average length of 48 min each.
Inclusion criteria for study participation (reprint from Seidlein et al. 33 ).
Sample characteristics (reprint from Seidlein et al. 33 ).
Ethical considerations
Each participant received detailed oral and written information about the goal, purpose and procedure of the study and gave written informed consent. The Institutional Review Board at the University Medicine Greifswald gave approval (BB123/16).
Findings
The results are presented as a comparison between the non-professionals and professionals. This contrast emphasises the two perspectives that play an important role in everyday life in the LTHC setting but are grounded in different sources of knowledge. Furthermore, it emerged from the interviews that most of the informal caregivers were themselves affected by one or more chronic diseases. This explains the fact that the responses are remarkably similar and makes a joint consideration of the groups even more reasonable.
Content analysis identified 10 categories (Figure 1) that refer to essential dimensions of health reflected in the interviews. Some categories occurred only in one of the groups: either in the groups of the non-professionals or in the group of the professionals, others occurred in both of them.

Concepts of health.
Non-professionals
Health as an attitude
According to most of the care recipients and informal caregivers, health is a matter of attitude. It is constituted by an optimistic attitude, not only towards life in general but also towards disease and impairment. As such, health is closely linked with satisfaction. They stress that feeling healthy is independent of suffering from multiple chronic diseases because he or she does not complain but, instead, accepts the disease to make the best out of his or her situation to live a good life: ‘Should I stand up now and say, oh God, now I am ill, yes, then I would soon be ill. Then I would sit there and have depression’ (CR2).
One family caregiver describes, ‘What doesn’t kill me makes me stronger. That’s why when I sometimes wake up in the morning and think, ah, nothing works today, I deliberately ignore it. And that’s just a nice feeling. And then in the evening, my stomach hurts or maybe it does not hurt at all, yes. If you’re satisfied somehow and, yes, you still feel really good and have done something nice all day long’. (IC4) ‘And at some point, I came to the conclusion that if I can’t change the disease, I simply have to change my attitude to it, yes, get a different perspective on it. And from then on, I felt better. Yes, that you somehow think, well, it belongs to you. And in the meantime, I had also noticed that I can also live with it’. (IC4)
Health as a feeling
Non-professionals regard themselves as healthy when they are feeling healthy: therefore, ‘If you are not feeling ill, then you are healthy’ (CR2). Health does not refer to a certain condition that can be diagnosed with biomedical parameters but, instead, to an individual’s experience of health, for example, through the ‘absence of pathological symptoms’ (IC2).
Health as normal functioning
Health in this way is perceived as the presence of ‘performance capability’ (CR6). It is to function ‘normally’ regarding physical, mental and social (role) aspects. One is healthy if he or she ‘is not handicapped by one’s own body’ (IC4).
Health as destiny
With one exception, all care recipients perceive health as an unpredictable destiny beyond their control. Religious beliefs also played a role in the perception of and attitude towards health. Thus, health is a God-given task because ‘I firmly believe that everything that happens is God’s will […]. Everything has its time. If God wants me to be healthy, I stay healthy, if not, then not, then I cannot change it’ (IC2).
Professionals
Health as well-being
Seven professionals see health as a state where their physical and mental condition is in harmony with their social environment: ‘Health is for me, well-being’ (PC3). Health is evident through ‘The general condition, no infections or anything else. So that you feel good. Work, social/interpersonal relationships, everything in harmony’ (PC7). The family and ‘that you have a harmonious family life at home’ (PC8) are of paramount importance for this equilibrium. Some interviewees even add happiness to this state of well-being and conclude that ‘If you feel happy, then you are healthy’ (PC10).
Health as implicitness
Professionals describe that they do not think a lot about health as they are usually in good health. As they ‘feel healthy each and every day’ (PC5), they consider health a natural matter which is simply there: ‘Well, I’m actually less concerned about my own health. I’m feeling good’ (PC6). They express a sense of serenity and confidence in their own health.
Health as the absence of disease
The professionals link health primarily to the fact that they do not suffer currently from any diagnosed disease: ‘I am healthy because I do not have any disease’ (PC3). The interviewees also outline conditions under which they describe themselves as neither healthy nor ill. This includes states of dissatisfaction and discomfort, and feelings of stress and overload accompanied by the presence of symptoms such as tiredness, headache, back pain and poor concentration. In these cases, the diagnosis of a physician clarifies their state of being healthy or not.
Non-professionals and professionals
Health as potential
All interviewees highlight that they understand health as a potential. It is a capability that enables them to do the things they want to do. Thus, health is ‘If you can participate in everything. If you don’t need to relinquish anything’ (CR8). Health is not predominantly the absence of disease but, instead, a condition that is good enough to meet the demands of daily life. With such health, they can ‘Live just a normal life like others’ (IC3). It is also a resource for coping with challenges and adapting to changing circumstances. Health allows them to get through the day and meet daily demands. It, furthermore, enables them to live their own lives independently: ‘Health is for me […] when I can do everything independently, that is already health’ (PC3). As self-reliance is an important goal in life for the interviewees, they wish ‘That I’ll stay fit to death, that I won’t need any care. That I can do everything to the end alone’ (PC3). Health is the prerequisite for employment and well-being and, as such, has an instrumental function (self-fulfilment) in their lives.
Health as personal responsibility
According to the interviewees, health is a goal that can be achieved through one’s own actions. Professionals and most of the informal caregivers perceive health as a result of a (health-)conscious lifestyle. They are convinced that health lies in the responsibility of the individuals. They emphasise health promotion, for example, through nutrition and sports, no alcohol and no smoking. Some of them limited the extent to which control over health can be gained, while others did not. One CR, who has been practicing as a physician her whole life, even describes it as her duty to encourage her social environment to live a healthy and proper lifestyle. The notion of health as a destiny is, thus, replaced by the idea of power over health preservation. They therefore want to do things better than they see it in their environment in order to avoid, for example, work-related burnout or diseases caused by alcohol consumption.
Health as the highest good
Health is described as ‘the highest good’ (CR6), as ‘everything’ (CR13, CR9), ‘the most important thing’ (PP1) and something ‘that stands first and foremost’ (IC10). What makes health the highest good is that ‘we cannot buy it and because without health nothing works’ (IC2) and ‘money can’t make up for health’ (CR6). It is simply ‘irreplaceable’ (IC10). Moreover, the professionals described impressively how nursing practice transformed the way in which they look not only at health but also at life in general. Due to their professional practice, they appreciate their own and others’ health to an even greater extent: ‘You just learn to appreciate your life more […] that you should simply be satisfied with what you have and really enjoy each and every day, because you often see that it can be over from one day to the next’. (PC9)
Synopsis
The concepts of health revealed in the interviews cover a broad range of dimensions, and all participants were convinced that other individuals would not define health the same way they do. In some cases, more than one definition was found in one and the same interview. They complement each other and are, thus, not always mutually exclusive.
Although physical and mental aspects and the social situation play an important role in determining health, ethical concepts such as autonomy (being self-determined) and independence (not being dependent on the assistance of others) – which are closely linked to mobility and social participation – are also emphasised as being elements of health. Furthermore, positive and negative concepts of health can be identified. There are different explanations for the presence of health, that is, how health is or can be maintained. Health and disease are also described either as dichotomy or as gradually co-existing in a continuum.
Non-professionals and professionals consider health as a capability that enables them to participate in social activities and live their own lives according to their preferences. Both groups highlighted personal responsibility for health and the value of health as the highest good.
Discussion
The empirical findings are closely related to normative issues that arise out of the health concepts regarding moral obligations on an intra- and interpersonal level and at the macro level (e.g. allocation in LTHC). Given that health is the major goal of medical and nursing care and that autonomy is a prominent good in this context, the normative meaning of health and subjective concepts of individuals have to be considered equally for ethical analyses in the context of LTHC.
So far, ethical discussions surrounding the concept of health have focused mainly on ‘rights’ for one’s own health or ‘responsibilities’ towards one’s own health independently of each other. Bringing these two lines of the ethical discussion together can broaden the perspective on LTHC regarding mutual duties, rights and expectations.
Responsibility for health
Responsibility discriminates between cases ‘where health and disease are considered indicative of moral value/disvalue’ (p. 1003) 34 and allows judgements about the praise- or blameworthiness of certain behaviour. The raising of health to the highest value and the prominence of responsibility for it in both groups can be critically discussed, as this might promote (further) moralising of health and ‘Healthism’. Failure to comply turns individuals into the target of criticism, which itself might result in adverse effects for those who suffer from a loss of health. On the contrary, the effect of lifestyle on health is proven by several studies, and this feeling of responsibility towards health is exactly what public health interventions target at.
Non-professionals’ responsibility for their health
There is an extensive discussion about the moral obligations to maintain one’s own health and the impact this could or should have on healthcare policy 35,36 and individuals’ decisions regarding diagnostics and therapy. 37 Only a few documents, however, address the – quantitatively significant – field of LTHC. Nevertheless, individuals in need of LTHC also have certain moral duties to fulfil in their role as care recipients. Some ethicists discuss such duties particularly concerning the boundaries of care. This could mean refusing care if they notice that the relatives providing care themselves are harmed as a result of the overloading burden due to taking care. 38 The European Charter of rights and responsibilities of older people in need of long-term care and assistance – as one relevant ethical guideline – declares the obligations to think about and plan one’s future and take responsibility for the impact of one’s acts and omissions on the caregivers (p. 24f). 39 It does not, however, refer to a responsibility concerning the care recipients’ engagement to actively participate in their own health preservation. The Charter, instead, encourages them to ‘Respect the rights and needs of other people living and working within your environment’ (p. 24). 39 This can be understood as an appeal to care recipients to contribute to the preservation of the others’ health. However, there is no direct reference to a responsibility for maintaining one’s own health in order to support caregivers’ work.
Against the background of our empirical results, the question arises whether there can or should be a responsibility to contribute to one’s own health, as understood by the non-professionals, and what such a responsibility would mean concretely for healthcare practice. In the light of our findings on the non-professionals’ concepts of health as destiny, for example, a responsibility for health could be problematic, since one can only be held morally responsible for those things over which one has control. 40 To interpret health as fate and, thus, the health-related status as being susceptible does not allow such a responsibility for at least two reasons: from a normative standpoint, we must respect subjective concepts to prevent epistemic injustice (‘forms of unfair treatment that relate to issues of knowledge, understanding, and participation in communicative practices’). 41 From a pragmatic perspective, it can be concluded that if people think they cannot influence their health, they will do nothing in that direction, which is a serious problem for secondary and tertiary prevention.
On the one hand, emphasising responsibility and power over one’s own health can foster empowerment and support health behaviour. On the other hand, it might provoke feelings of stigma and induce anger and frustration, as not all diseases can be explained by health-related behaviour. Considering the situation in LTHC, it does not seem very fruitful to blame the care recipients for past behaviour that might have contributed to the development of their restrictions. 42 This would also be contrary to nurses’ professional code of ethics. Instead, the concepts of ‘prudential responsibility’ or ‘prospective responsibility’ might be helpful. ‘Prudential responsibility’ (p. 4) 43 acknowledges the efforts made to change behaviour in favour of health regardless of its success and, thus, should always be facilitated and appreciated. ‘Prospective responsibility’, which means ‘enabling individuals to take responsibility for their behaviour under controlled conditions’ (p. 60), 44 stresses that those affected should get ‘the golden opportunity’ (p. 60), 44 which is the fair chance to act responsibly. If they decide not to act in a manner that complies with this, they might be held responsible for the (negative) results.
Professionals’ responsibility to maintain their own health
The ethical obligations of professionals can typically be found in professional codes of ethics. These codes often particularly address the duty to maintain one’s own health as a professional and ethical obligation. 45 The Code of Ethics for Nurses by the International Council of Nurses (ICN) represents the internationally accepted consensus concerning moral guidance for nurses. It formulates four responsibilities which must be met by any nurse: ‘to promote health, to prevent illness, to restore health and to alleviate suffering’. 46 The German Nursing Council (umbrella organisation of all German nursing associations) refers to the ICN Code of Ethics. Unlike other countries (e.g. Poland, Ireland), 47 German nurses do not have a national code of ethics.
The ICN Code prompts nurses to take care of their own health in order to remain able to work: ‘The nurse maintains a standard of personal health such that the ability to provide care is not compromised’ (p. 3). 46 The obligation to ensure one’s own health is, thus, placed on nurses regarding their professional role. The concern over their health, therefore, seems to have an instrumental rather than an intrinsic value, as it is linked directly to the ability to provide care.
Concerning the empirical results of our study, it seems especially interesting that professionals perceive health as a key value in life which is gaining even more importance throughout life due to their professional practice. In addition, they see health as a result of a (health-)conscious lifestyle. Thus, health for them is more than just an instrumental good which they must preserve for their professional practice. The tremendous importance of health for personal and professional life probably results in the nurses’ motivation to maintain their own health beyond the nursing context. Against this backdrop, the ICN Code reflects a more restricted representation of professionals’ health that does not completely fit with the nurses’ concepts. Furthermore, it also seems to reduce nurses to professional agents. It could be an objection that the code only refers to the professional context and, thus, does not address carers as private persons. However, it is difficult to make a distinction between professional and private life regarding one’s own health, since it plays a key role both in enabling the one and in realising the other. Such an instrumentalisation that treats nurses as agents serving certain purposes runs the danger of undermining their rights as autonomous individuals. The recognition of professionals’ right to personal health should also be reflected in their code of ethics. Other national codes set a good example here and (recently again) emphasise the nurses’ ‘duties to self’. 48
Right to health
In addition to the responsibility to maintain one’s health, the latter can be described as a right in the professional and non-professional context. It is a subject of ethical controversies whether the right to health has an inherent duty to health, 49 but it is uncontested that rights are intended to protect certain moral values. In Germany, to improve, maintain (German Code of Social Law 5, §20) and regain (German Code of Social Law 5, §27) health are also assured by law. Nevertheless, the question remains whether the right to health remains unfulfilled because of an inadequate consideration of subjective concepts of health.
Non-professionals’ right to health
The moral rights of non-professionals in LTHC are documented in charters which, for example, address the right to the best possible health and high-quality healthcare services. The European Network of National Human Rights Institutions highlights that ‘The Right to the Highest Attainable Standard of Health’ 50 for care recipients should be protected and promoted. The European Charter of rights and responsibilities of older people in need of long-term care and assistance also claims the right to ‘respect for and protection of your physical well-being’ (p. 6). 39 There are no guidelines in Germany that address the rights of informal carers; instead, there are numerous petitions directed towards politicians and society in which they are struggling to make their rights heard.
The non-professionals represented in our empirical sample hold a very comprehensive concept of health that prioritises social participation. As a result, for them, the right to health includes social inclusion above all. Consequently, health promotion must consider the specific conditions in LTHC – particularly older people’s needs for mobility and social participation. While awareness of health promotion in institutions is increasing, the home setting is still primarily concerned with the compensation of impairments leading to ‘disuse of existing skills, and loss of function and autonomy’ (p. 780). 51 Nevertheless, everyday decisions about ‘necessary’ and ‘additional’ aids are made in LTHC that are based on (implicit) presuppositions about what is beneficial for each individual’s health. The knowledge about the value of social inclusion for health provides hints for actions: the improvement of participation opportunities can, in turn, contribute to an increased subjective feeling of health. However, social participation – in our and other studies – is proven to be a remarkably underserved area, with loneliness being a serious problem.
Professionals’ right to health
Nurses’ subjective concepts of health are usually considered regarding the extent to which their ideas influence their professional actions in relation to the patient. There has been little ethical discussion so far regarding professionals’ right to health in LTHC. As described above, the ICN Code of Ethics does not mention a personal right to health for nurses beyond their professional role. In view of the nurses’ concepts emerging from our interviews (e.g. health as well-being), such a right to personal health which exceeds the boundaries of professional work could be formulated as an individual support to flourish. This would mean that a right to health could entail supporting nurses’ self-fulfilment, for example, with interventions to balance work and private life. Workplace health promotion should, therefore, represent an approach that can be understood as an instrument to realise the professionals’ right to health as an individual. Regarding ethical codes, this would mean including categorically that nurses have the right to work under conditions that do not cause them permanent harm.
Conclusion
The results of this study reflect the diversity of health concepts already described in the literature and support the difficulty to arrive at a standardised and coherent definition. The individual’s life situation must be considered for a comprehensive understanding of health and health-related needs, because belonging to one or the other group alone does not fully explain the differences in subjective concepts. Different concepts should be recognised to provide all individuals involved in LTHC with interventions that are tailored to their needs. The question of the compatibility of different health concepts against the background of corresponding rights and obligations remains. The findings are, however, to be interpreted against the background of the small sample within a qualitative study design and the corresponding limitations. This particularly plays a role with respect to the comparisons between the two groups of professionals versus non-professionals, which are not generalisable.
Future (ethics) research is needed to address the issues and questions raised in more detail. Such research could, for example, deal with the moral status of professional codes of ethics. Power relations (e.g. Whose voice is included? What issues are excluded?) behind professional guidelines are rarely discussed and could thus be interesting with regard to the question what ethically matters in terms of healthcare. Another aspect worth investigating could be whether such documents should also be developed for non-professionals involved in the ‘triangle of care’. Furthermore, the question arises whether codes should be setting-specific, rather than role-specific, to be applicable in practice. Another normative and socially highly relevant question would be to what extent individual concepts of health can and must be taken into account and where the boundaries for their consideration lie. Further empirical as well as normative investigations are thus required to fully appreciate the impact and ethical relevance of subjective conceptions of health in LTHC.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We wish to acknowledge Nadja Jock and Carolin Korth for their support in data collection.
Conflict of interest
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
