Abstract
In today’s diverse and interconnected world, the relationship between well-being and universal human values requires thoughtful exploration. This study examines how values such as truth, compassion and dignity are interpreted and practised within various communities in Bihar, India. Using a qualitative, multiple-case study approach, it draws on interviews and group discussions emphasizing lived experience, context and ethical principles of respect, consent and confidentiality across religious and cultural contexts to understand how shared ethical ideals shape personal meaning and collective well-being. Grounded in sociological theory and informed by research in psychology and ethics, the study reveals that while core values are commonly upheld, their expression is shaped by local experiences, traditions and challenges. The analysis reflects on the tension between universalism and particularism, showing how values are both shared and culturally distinct. These insights contribute to a richer understanding of ethical living and offer practical relevance for intercultural dialogue, education and inclusive policymaking in pluralistic societies like Bihar and beyond.
Introduction
The quest for human well-being has been a timeless pursuit, deeply rooted in philosophical, religious and cultural traditions across the world. Universal values such as love, truthfulness, compassion, justice, fairness, freedom, unity, tolerance, responsibility, dignity and respect for life are guiding principles for personal fulfilment and social harmony. Hanel et al. (2018) found that while value preferences vary across cultures, many core human values like kindness and fairness are widely shared, supporting the idea of a common moral foundation. While these values have often been labelled ‘universal’ and remain central, their meanings and application often vary across contexts, have always been shaped by the cultural, historical and social contexts, raising critical questions about their universality and relevance. Human beings are one when they are right and are many when they are wrong (Nagraj, 1999). Across cultures, the language of values has long served as a moral anchor (Radhakrishnan, 1927). The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights aimed to affirm values like dignity, equality and freedom as universally human (United Nations, 1948). However, this moral consensus often clashes with cultural pluralism, with critics arguing that universalism can mask dominant worldviews (Appiah, 2006; Said, 1978). In contemporary social sciences, scholars have sought to identify shared moral patterns across cultures. Rajat Sharma (2021) introduced a new holistic values scale, derived from over 700 Indian respondents, which affirms that Indian dimensions like spiritual equanimity and community service significantly shape moral orientations. Schwartz’s value model, tested in over 80 countries, shows recurring themes like benevolence, fairness and respect, though interpreted differently (Schwartz et al., 2012). Similarly, the World Values Survey indicates that societal development shifts values from survival needs to self-expression and tolerance (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005).
The link between UHV and well-being is vital in understanding how shared moral principles contribute to personal and collective flourishing. Values like compassion, fairness and truth support psychological resilience and social harmony across cultures (Diener et al., 1999; Ryff & Singer, 2008; Schwartz, 1992). This study highlights how UHVs, though broadly shared, take diverse forms shaped by Bihar’s cultural and social realities. Their influence on personal and communal well-being underscores the need to view ethics as lived practice, not just theoretical ideals (Haidt, 2006; Kasser, 2002; Srivastava, 2022).
Review of Literature
The intersection of UHV and well-being has garnered increasing scholarly interest across disciplines such as sociology, psychology, moral philosophy, development studies and reviewed literatures are part of a scientific and qualitative database.
UHV and Well-being: A Multidimensional Construct
Schwartz’s (1992) influential cross-cultural model identified ten basic human value domains found consistently across societies. Schwartz and Bilsky (1990) emphasize that the expression and prioritization of these values are deeply influenced by cultural norms and institutional settings. Raj-Yoga meditation, as explored by Naragatti and Hiregoudar (2019), was found to enhance emotional balance and focus on key aspects aligned with UHV’s principles of self-regulation and inner harmony. Kumar et al. (2013) also underscore structural concerns like malnutrition in prisons, pointing to the institutional importance of justice and dignity. Well-being has evolved from a purely economic or biomedical concept to a multidimensional paradigm encompassing psychological, social and spiritual dimensions. Diener et al. (1999) introduced the concept of subjective well-being (SWB), and Ryff and Singer (2008) proposed the psychological well-being model.
Values, Ethics and Sociological Perspectives
From a sociological perspective, values are embedded in social institutions, cultural norms and everyday practices. Emile Durkheim underscored the cohesive role of shared moral values in social integration, while Max Weber illustrated how ethical orientations shape social action. Indian sociologists like Srinivas (1952) and Yogendra Singh (1973) explored how tradition, caste and modernization influence value systems. Mukerjee (1969) explained that values are those aims and ideals a society approves of, which individuals adopt through social learning to guide their behaviour. Importantly, Indian women sociologists such as Dube (1997) emphasized the role of kinship, gender and oral traditions in value transmission, while Uberoi (2006) examined family and cultural ideals as sites of moral negotiation. From a European perspective, Walby (2009) analysed structural inequalities and values tied to gender justice, and Beck-Gernsheim (2002) explored how individualization in modern societies reshapes value frameworks, particularly in the realms of care, responsibility and autonomy. In modern theory, Inglehart and Welzel (2005) argue that societal development encourages a shift from survival-based norms to self-expression values such as autonomy, dignity and tolerance that are increasingly linked to SWB.
Values and Well-being in Indian and Global Contexts
In the Indian context, UHVs are shaped by philosophical traditions, which prioritize inner growth, empathy and selfless service as foundations of well-being. Gaur, Sangal and Bagaria (2009) outline a structured UHV model for education, emphasizing the need for holistic human development. Building on this, Subramanian (2017) underscores that ethical awareness is essential not only for personal growth but also for professional integrity and social sustainability. Krishna (1989) and Ricoeur (1981) emphasize that values are mediated by language, history and context, especially relevant in Bihar, where cultural memory intersects with modern transformations.
Empirical Evidence from Cross-Cultural and Local Studies
Empirical research in value psychology indicates that societies prioritizing pro-social values like compassion and fairness tend to report higher levels of well-being (Haidt, 2006; Kasser, 2002). Indian field-based studies led by Srivastava (2022) highlight how spiritually grounded, value-based community practices foster resilience, social support and a deeper sense of purpose are key elements of well-being. Jones et al. (2016) and Kostina (2015) highlighted values like kindness, cooperation and ecological balance as shared across cultures and ecosystems, underscoring their universal relevance. Within education, Prasad (2017) advocates fostering generosity and self-control through open dialogue rather than enforcement, while Shanthini (2018) observes that value formation in adolescents tends to develop progressively with age. Schinkel and Ruyter (2017) linked moral growth with stable ethical reasoning, resonating with the UHV framework’s emphasis on conscious self-evolution. Pestka (2020) viewed value education as a means of rehabilitation, restoring personal identity and social responsibility. Extending this, Buettner et al. (2020) linked happiness with governance, education and relationships, reinforcing the idea that values are foundational to both personal well-being and society at large.
Contemporary Indian Model of Values for Well-being
Indian spiritual customs provide a strong foundation of comprehending the UHV and their connection to well-being. Sri Aurobindo (1947, 1949) presents the possibility of growing consciousness by means of inner perception and constructive action, whereas Swami Vivekananda (1896/1993) confirms godliness within and the significance of selfless service. Ramana Maharshi (1935/2000) propagates the value of self-enquiry to overcome ego, whereas modern times prefer to talk to Sadhguru (2016) and Sri Sri Ravi Shankar (2015) to discuss the importance of clarity and emotional imbalance. The Brahma Kumaris (2014) are concerned with soul-consciousness and ethical leadership, and Thich Nhat Hanh (1991) is concerned with the relationship between mindfulness and compassionate action. Culture-based spirituality is what Mansukhani (2015) considers to be a key ingredient of mental health and moral existence. All these viewpoints reflect the thought-world of UHV and, at the same time, offer viable pieces of advice on personal development and interpersonal relations.
Research Gap
Although values have been widely studied in philosophical and educational contexts, there is limited research on how it is practised and interpreted in everyday life, particularly in culturally complex regions like Bihar. Existing models tend to be normative or urban-centric, overlooking how values are shaped by local institutions, traditions and lived realities. Much of the existing literature focuses on prescriptive models, whether through curricular frameworks (Gaur et al., 2009) or spiritual philosophies (Aurobindo, 1949; Vivekananda, 1993), yet these accounts often overlook the sociocultural dynamics that shape value expression in specific local contexts. This study addresses that gap by exploring how UHVs are embedded in daily social life and contribute to well-being.
Theoretical Framework
This study adopts a sociocultural and decolonial framework to explore UHV as lived experiences shaped by local contexts in Bihar, India. The framework of Leela Dube, Shiv Visvanathan and Vandana Shiva emphasizes the role of cultural memory, community practices and indigenous ethics in shaping compassion, justice and dignity through Table 1. It also integrates Schwartz’s cross-cultural model to understand how UHVs gain diverse meanings. R. B. Perry’s general theory of value supports analysing values as human responses to needs and purposes, while Emmanuel Levinas emphasizes ethical responsibility towards others as foundational to value. The inclusion of Karl Popper’s critical rationalism encourages methodological openness, allowing assumptions about UHV to remain contestable and empirically examined. This approach situates UHV at the intersection of tradition, modernity and everyday well-being.
Themes/Key Insights Identified.
Methodology
This study employed a qualitative, multi-method design to explore how UHVs are interpreted and enacted within the sociocultural landscape of Bihar, India. Schwandt (2014) provides a comprehensive reference for qualitative research, offering clear definitions, methodological guidance and conceptual clarity for key terms and approaches in the field. Orb et al. (2001) discuss the ethical principles in qualitative research, emphasizing respect, consent, confidentiality and the researcher–participant relationship. Grounded in an interpretive-critical framework, the research emphasizes context, lived experience and meaning-making over abstract theorization (Denzin & Lincoln, 2018). The objectives for this study are (a) to explore how UHVs are understood and practised within diverse cultural and spiritual communities, (b) to study how institutions and daily practices influence the expression of UHV and their impact on well-being in Bihar. Creswell and Poth (2018) outline five major qualitative research approaches, that is, narrative, phenomenology, grounded theory, ethnography and case study providing a comprehensive guide to design, philosophical assumptions and data interpretation. Denzin (2012) redefines triangulation as a critical and interpretive practice rather than a mere validation tool, emphasizing reflexivity, methodological pluralism and the pursuit of social justice in mixed methods research.
Purposive sampling was used to ensure the inclusion of participants with meaningful engagement in moral, spiritual or community life. Respondent selection was guided by the principle of maximum variation (Patton, 2015), ensuring diversity across age, gender, caste, occupation, geography and education level. Fieldwork data collection was conducted gradually from January 2024 to June 2025 during holidays or weekly off days allowing for relationship-building, contextual sensitivity and sustained engagement. Gill et al. (2008) review qualitative data collection methods, highlighting interviews and focus groups as effective tools for eliciting rich, contextually grounded insights from participants.
Research included six focused group discussions (FGDs) with participants in Hindi language with local dialects, encouraging natural expression and collective reflection, each with 6–10 participants for approximately 60–90 minutes, involving youth and students (urban/semi-urban), rural farmers, homemakers, teachers, NGO workers and local leaders. Thematic prompts were used to explore concepts such as dignity, justice, compassion and responsibility across generations. FGDs are a qualitative method used to explore participants’ perceptions, beliefs and attitudes through group interaction (Krueger & Casey, 2015).
This was followed by 20 in-depth interviews from 72 respondents, including educators, spiritual mentors, grassroots activists, community organizers, self-employed individuals and individuals from underrepresented or marginalized social groups, particularly rural women, whose ethical reflections are often absent from formal discourse. Semi-structured interviews were carried out at a relaxed pace (1–2 per day) over 3–4 months; these interviews lasted 45–75 minutes each. Guest et al. (2006) examine sample size in qualitative research, suggesting that thematic saturation typically occurs around 12 interviews, though context and study goals can influence this threshold. The conversational format allowed themes to emerge organically. Most interviews were held in participants’ homes or community spaces, fostering comfort and openness. Semi-structured interviews combine predetermined questions with the flexibility to explore emerging topics, allowing for depth and comparability (Gill et al., 2008).
Case study of eight selected cases from community institutions like schools, local NGOs (Jeevika) and religious/spiritual associations/centres providing contextual insights into how values are practised and transmitted in everyday life (Yin, 2018). Case data include field notes, rhymes, site/stage performance observations and informal interviews with respondents and beneficiaries through participatory observation and narrative documentation of institutional contexts.
Rowley (2012) outlines guidelines for conducting qualitative study, design and analysis skills. Collected and organized data were analysed and transcribed manually using iterative reading, memo-writing, coding, contextual reading and thematic grouping. Interview transcripts were analysed with close attention to meaning-making and contextual nuance, consistent with established qualitative interview interpretation practices (Kvale, 2007; Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009). Thematic analysis followed independent open-coding by researchers, with code-book refinement and double-coding of a subset of transcripts to strengthen consistency and reduce interpretive bias (Campbell et al., 2013; Halpin, 2024). In FGDs across Bihar, interactional cues such as agreement, storytelling and collective meaning-making were also coded as data, reflecting established guidance on analysing group interaction patterns (Hermann et al., 2024). The study finds that by using specific commands, artificial intelligence can clean qualitative interview transcriptions in seconds with a word-error rate of <1% and near 0% syntactic-error rate, making it a viable efficiency aid for qualitative research (Taylor, 2024). This combined approach enhanced the credibility, transferability and sociocultural contextual grounding of the emerging themes and allowed for emergent insights while remaining close to participants’ lived realities. Reflective journaling and periodic peer feedback supported interpretation and reflexivity, while avoiding over-reliance on technical coding software.
Analysis and Findings
Braun and Clarke (2006) present thematic analysis as a flexible yet rigorous method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns of meaning (themes) in qualitative data, emphasizing its accessibility across epistemological positions. Nazirova and Borbala (2024) review how values influence attitudes and behaviour, highlighting the key role of context and situational factors. The frequently used verbatim in the data suggest that collective cooperation, dignity, solidarity, mutual respect and social harmony continue to be strongly embedded in Bihar’s cultural practices, even as modernization reshapes everyday life. Festivals like Chhath are increasingly gaining universal appeal rather than remaining parochial, further reinforcing these shared values across broader social boundaries.
FGD participant on collective cooperation and social harmony: Chhath ke samay toh sab ek ho jaate hain. Kaun jat, chhot-bur hai, ye sab bhool jaate hain. Ghat saaf karna ho ya saman uthana, sab milke karte hain [Everyone becomes one during the Chhath festival. People forget differences, whether cleaning the banks or carrying offerings, we do it together]. Such experiences reinforce UHVs like unity, responsibility and respect through everyday participation rather than abstract teaching. Chhath me mahilayein sabse zyada niyam nibhaati hain [Women observe the strictest rituals during Chhath]. Gender-based expectations remain visible in ritual participation, and both discipline and responsibility carry dignity.
College student on changing norms and youth aspirations Ab padhai-likhai se naukri ho jaaye, yahi sabka lakshya hai, par gaon ke rishte aur sanskaar ko bhi hum chhodna nahi chahte [Now education and jobs are the focus, yet we do not want to lose our relationships and values]. This highlights a dual negotiation between globalized ambition and rooted cultural continuity. Gopalakrishnan (2021) explores evolving social values in contemporary Tamil society through qualitative inquiry, highlighting shifts in family, community and moral norms amid modernization and cultural change.
Table 2 links the thematic prompts used in the FGDs to the specific research objectives, ensuring alignment between field inquiry and the study’s analytical framework.
Mapping Theme Prompts to Research Objectives.
Table 3 demonstrates how focused questions on festivals and social harmony are culturally grounded and systematically aligned with the research objectives.
Objective Alignment with Focused Questions.
Table 4 illustrates how universal human values (UHVs) are reflected in key Indian nationalist thought, linking foundational quotes to core value principles.
UHV Embedded from Indian Nationalist Perception.
UHV is dynamic and continuously reinterpreted through cultural memory, social positioning and personal experience focused on six core themes emerged:
Cultural Anchoring of Values
Chakraborty et al. (2023) highlight the significance of integrating human values into institutional and organizational practices to foster ethical decision-making and sustainable growth. Across field work, participants consistently invoked values such as truthfulness, respect for elders, hospitality and collective responsibility. Malaviya’s Sampoorna Vangamaya (2023) upholds UHV by urging education that unites truth, compassion and selfless service for social harmony. Elder participants often expressed the view that ‘values are inherited, not taught’, reinforcing the idea that ethical dispositions are embedded in socialization processes rather than formal instruction. This supports Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) framework, which emphasizes that cultural patterns and historical contexts shape enduring value orientations.
Intergenerational Value Shifts
Clear generational contrasts emerged during the interviews. Participants above 45 years highlighted values such as obedience, sacrifice and collective responsibility, whereas younger respondents placed greater weight on autonomy, self-respect and the freedom to choose. Urban youth described the tension between meeting family expectations and pursuing personal ambitions. This shift aligns with Inglehart and Welzel’s (2005) view that modernization fosters emancipative values.
Dignity Through Self-reliance
Women from rural and marginalized castes spoke of dignity, recognition and financial independence as basic needs, not ideals. A Dalit homemaker said that respect begins only when we can speak without fear. This goes according to the Gnana (2022) finding that excluded community values are determined by resistance, and they are based on lived struggle.
Truth as Everyday Practice
A case school showed how institutions mediate ethical learning through storytelling, rituals and experiential activities that build empathy, civic duty and cooperation. Results showed that its dependency on leadership, teachers’ dedication and resources, echoing Hanel et al. (2018), that universal value are applied differently across contexts.
Spirituality and Inner Moral Life
At a spiritual centre in Bodh Gaya, value formation took a contemplative form, emphasizing ahimsa [non-violence], satya [truth] and seva [selfless service] as personal disciplines rather than imposed rules. Practices such as meditation, silence and reflective dialogue were treated as moral exercises. This approach reflects yogic traditions (Radhakrishnan, 1927) and supports Appiah’s (2006) view of ethics grounded in introspection and pluralism over rigid universalism.
Value-based Agency and Transformative Praxis
Participants from education, activism and grassroots work described a strong connection between personal ethics and social change. Justice, equality and compassion were viewed as both guiding ideals and drivers of action. One young educator noted that value education empowered her to challenge local gender norms. This aligns with Prakash’s (2021) view that moral agency in India often draws on reformist traditions, merging individual ethics with collective liberation.
Judicial Precedents as Reflections of Core Values
In Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997), the Supreme Court of India (1985) issued guidelines to prevent workplace harassment, reinforcing dignity, justice and gender equality (Supreme Court of India, 1997). South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (1998), under Nelson Mandela, advanced healing through truth-telling and forgiveness, prioritizing reconciliation over punishment (TRC, 1998). In Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation (1985), the Court recognized the right to livelihood as part of the right to life, affirming dignity and social justice (Indian Kanoon, 1985). In the United States, Brown v. Board of Education (1954) struck down racial segregation in schools, upholding equality and the universal right to education (Justia, 1954).
Summarizing Analysis and Findings
Findings show that in Bihar, UHVs are grounded in daily life, shaped by tradition, generational change and socio-economic context. Older FGD participants stressed respect, duty and truthfulness rooted in family and religious teachings, while younger ones favoured independence and choice, reflecting modern aspirations. Women from disadvantaged backgrounds linked dignity and respect to struggles for rights and visibility. Case studies revealed that schools and spiritual centres nurture moral learning through formal pedagogy or inner practices like meditation. Grassroots educators and activists viewed justice and compassion as tools for challenging inequality and driving social change. Overall, values here are lived, negotiated and redefined in response to shifting circumstances, emerging as dynamic and context-specific rather than fixed universals.
Discussion
This study explored UHVs as lived experiences in Bihar through sociocultural and de-colonial perspectives, drawing on symbolic interactionism and feminist sociology. Values were approached as negotiated and context-bound rather than fixed ideals, shaped by cultural memory, community practices and indigenous ethics, following thinkers such as Leela Dube, Shiv Visvanathan and Vandana Shiva. Findings show that UHVs are mediated by local histories, participants as parents stressed respect, duty and religious ethics, echoing Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) view of culturally patterned values, while younger respondents favoured autonomy and choice, reflecting Inglehart and Welzel’s (2005) ‘emancipative values’. Caste and gender shaped values significantly, with marginalized women linking dignity and freedom to lived struggles, echoing Gnana’s (2022) view that subaltern ethics grow out of resistance. Institutional case studies revealed that schools promoted civic values with mixed results, while the spiritual centre emphasized inner disciplines such as non-violence and truth, resonating with Radhakrishnan’s (1927) ethics of inward realization. Consistent with Schwartz’s (1992) theory, value types appeared cross-cultural but locally interpreted. Overall, UHV emerged as evolving moral frameworks shaped by tradition, modernity and everyday life. Kar et al. (2023) synthesize Professor S. K. Chakraborty’s work on human value-oriented management, highlighting the integration of ethical principles, social responsibility and organizational practices in fostering human-centred leadership.
Perry’s interest theory of value argues that ‘value’ is not inherent in objects but arises when something becomes the object of a subject’s interest or desire (Perry, 1954). By combining Perry’s account of how values arise with the normative force of UHV, one can argue that modern well-being depends not only on satisfying interests but also on orienting those interests towards values that promote collective flourishing, sustainability and human dignity. In other words, Perry helps us understand why we value and simultaneously, UHV helps us understand what we should value. Lijadi (2019) argues that universally accepted human values are rooted in shared human needs and historical evolution. Levinas locates the basis of ethics in responsibility towards the other, arising from real human encounters rather than abstract rules (Levinas, 1969). For a study on UHV and well-being in Bihar, this insight supports analysing how values like dignity, care and mutual respect become meaningful when people recognize and respond to the needs of others in their everyday relationships. The study’s design aligns with Popper’s (2002/1959) call for testable and challengeable knowledge claims, helping ensure transparency and protection against confirmation bias. Popper argues that research claims must remain open to being challenged by evidence (Popper, 2002/1959). Applied to this study in Bihar, it means not only assuming that UHVs always improve well-being but also examining where they might fail. This strengthens rigour by avoiding one-sided conclusions and ensuring findings reflect real community experiences.
Conclusion
This study has illuminated how UHVs are lived, shaped and redefined within Bihar’s diverse sociocultural landscape. Drawing on qualitative insights from FGDs, interviews and case studies, it reveals that values such as dignity, compassion and justice are not abstract or universal in application, but contextual, gendered and embedded in everyday practices. While traditional moral frameworks remain influential, especially among older and rural populations, new value orientations driven by education, urbanization and spiritual re-engagement are emerging, particularly among youth and marginalized voices. These findings affirm the importance of studying values as dynamic and locally negotiated, rather than fixed or imported categories.
Limitation and Future Direction
While this study provides rich, contextually grounded insights into UHVs in Bihar, several limitations warrant consideration. The geographic scope was confined to selected districts within the state, which may limit the generalizability of findings to other regions or national contexts. Although fieldwork spanned 18 months, the evolving nature of values, especially in response to shifting socio-political dynamics, suggests that long-term observation could yield further insights. As with all qualitative research, the interpretation of data is influenced by the researcher’s own sociocultural position, despite efforts to maintain reflexivity and rigour. Future research could build on this work by adopting longitudinal designs, engaging in cross-regional comparisons or employing participatory action research to further explore how values are lived, negotiated and transformed over time.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors thank the central library of NIT Patna and all its participants in the study.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
