Labor migration among elite sport coaches: An exploratory study

Abstract

Coaches are critical to elite sport achievements because they represent the link between sport policies and athletes. Yet, labor migration of elite sport coaches challenges the competitiveness of the sport system of the sending country and brain drain is a concern for policy-makers. Previous research on labor migration in sport has focused on athletes in professional team sports. Based on the push–pull framework, this study seeks to explore the factors affecting labor migration of elite sport coaches in less commercialized sports. Semi-structured interviews with nine elite sport coaches employed in Germany were conducted. The following migration factors emerged from the analysis: job-related factors (salary, workload, financial planning security, pressure, politics within the sport federation, and recognition of the coaching job in society); social factors (family support, and children’s education); competitive factors (training environment, and sport equipment); and seeking new experiences (new culture/language, and challenging task). Networks were found to be critical to the reception of job offers. A combination of various push and pull factors from several levels (i.e., individual, household, organizational, and national level) is at work when examining potential coach migration. Policy- makers should consider these factors when they strive to create a more attractive working environment for coaches.

Keywords

coach elite sport labor market migration sport policy

Introduction

In many Western countries, elite sport development is a key policy concern and governments allocate large public funds to the promotion of high performance sport and elite sport achievements (Green, 2007). This is not different in Germany where the Federal Government spends hundreds of millions of Euros on elite sport each year (German Parliament, 2014a). Inarguably, coaches play an important role in developing talents and forming successful athletes (De Bosscher et al., 2015). Specifically, elite sport coaches represent the link between government policies and national sporting success (Liston et al., 2013). Thus, the situation of elite sport coaches is of interest to policy-makers because they are critical to the competitiveness of the sport system.

This competitiveness is challenged when elite sport coaches migrate to another country and provide their know-how to athletes of other nations and potential competitors. It could be argued that losing the expertise of qualified coaches may be less problematic because foreign, equally qualified coaches could migrate to Germany and compensate for the emigration of German coaches. While this may be the case, there is another aspect that must be considered: the German Federal Government has provided funding for elite sport which has also been used to develop the human capital of coaches through, for example, training and skill development. The phenomenon in which highly skilled workers leave the country is referred to as brain drain (Mahroum, 2000). It has been documented both in sport (Elliott and Maguire, 2008) and other sectors including management, medicine, engineering, and science (Mahroum, 2000). While transfer fees (when the player still has an ongoing contract) are paid to the sending club to compensate for the investment in the player’s human capital existing in professional team sports, they are not common in less commercialized sports. Brain drain may even be a greater policy concern when public funds were invested in the human capital of the leaving workers.

In recent years, Germany lost elite sport coaches in several sports (e.g., luge, bobsleigh, track and field, and rowing) to other countries. Given this migration trend, emigration of skilled coaches is perceived as a problem by sport officials (Gienger, 2008), athletes (Tagesspiegel, 2006), and coaches (Focus, 2012). Consequently, German policy-makers are concerned about coach emigration and such concern is expressed in policy documents: in 2014, several members of the German Parliament submitted a request to the Federal Government to get information about the employment situation of elite sport coaches with regard to full-time positions, salary levels, social security, and whether the profession of a coach is sufficiently recognized (German Parliament, 2014b). Policy makers need to know whether and how the coaches’ employment situation is related to coach migration in order to make informed decisions such as providing more funds for elite sport.

The purpose of this study is to explore potential drivers of labor migration among elite sport coaches in less commercialized sports. The research context for this study is Germany, where coach migration seems to be a trend which is of concern to various stakeholders of the sport system. Given the scarcity of research on coach migration in sport, a qualitative, more exploratory approach was chosen. This study contributes to the developing body of research on labor migration in sport.

Theoretical framework and literature review

Push–pull framework

Several theories explain labor migration taking various perspectives (for an overview see Massey et al., 1993). This research uses the push–pull framework which is based on the dual labor market theory (Piore, 1979). This theory assumes that migration is caused by push factors like the working conditions in the sending country and pull factors such as a need for foreign workers in the receiving country. The core aspects of this theory (push and pull factors) have been transferred into a separate framework, the push–pull framework, which is not limited to macroeconomic factors (Daugeliene, 2007). Migration factors from different levels – global, national, organizational, and individual level – can be considered within this framework; yet, the likelihood of confusing different levels increases too.

The push–pull framework has further shortcomings (De Haas, 2011). First, it neither considers structural constraints, that is, people have unequal access to resources (e.g., not all coaches get attractive job offers abroad), nor does it consider that individual actions are affected by their institutional, social, and cultural environment. Second, it does not consider the heterogeneity and internal stratification of societies; the same circumstance may encourage some people to leave and others to stay. Having said this, the framework can neither explain emigration and immigration to the same area nor return migration. Third, given its static nature, it neither allows analyzing the impacts of migration nor situating migration within broader transformation processes (De Haas, 2011).

Nevertheless, the push–pull framework has been applied in previous research outside of the sporting context (e.g., Xu et al., 2015) and in sport (Elliott, 2012, 2014), and is part of the labor migration discussion in sport (e.g., Carter, 2007; Elliott and Maguire, 2008). This study uses the push–pull framework because it allows a holistic examination of potential drivers of migration which is important for an exploratory study on coach migration. Second, it allows exploring individual factors, while also considering higher-level factors (e.g., regulations, politics) which are essential to understanding labor migration in sport (Carter, 2011).

Labor migration research in sport

The reviewed literature in the next paragraphs focuses on studies examining drivers of migration rather than studies looking at the consequences of migration such as the migrants’ experiences (Agergaard, 2008) which are beyond the topic of this research. The majority of research examining labor migration in sport analyzed athletes in several professional team sports including soccer, handball, rugby, baseball, cricket, basketball, and ice hockey (for an overview see Maguire and Falcous, 2011).

Schroeder and Janssen (2013) conceptualized that athlete migration is determined by economic, political, geographic and cultural, competitive, and technological factors. When examining the actual migration decision of athletes, research shows that multiple processes are at work, that the local context of each athlete is important, and that the migration decision is affected by various push and pull factors rather than one single factor (Elliott, 2012, 2014). Among the push factors were the perceived lack of opportunities in the home country and no real incentive to stay which led – combined with the ambition of athletes – to migration (Elliott, 2012, 2014). Pull factors included financial incentives, the opportunity to play in a better league as a stepping stone towards a top league, ease of communication and relocation, socio-cultural similarities, and geographic proximity (Elliott, 2012, 2014).

Closely linked to push and pull factors is the examination of migration motives. In addition to sport ambition, Agergaard (2008) documented the importance of space-related aspects such as playing in large arenas, and social factors such as family, personal acquaintances, and networks. While space can be clearly assigned to the pull factors, social factors can represent pull factors, but can also be responsible for moving back to the home country.

Only a few studies analyzed labor migration of elite sport coaches. Taylor (2010), taking a historical perspective, looked at migratory patterns and networks of British football coaches as well as the transfer of sport-specific knowledge. More closely related to our study is the one by Borges et al. (2015) who examined the recruitment, motivation, and perceptions about their experiences abroad of migrated elite sport coaches. The interviewed coaches confirmed the importance of networks for obtaining positions abroad. Based on the coaches’ motivation to migrate they were categorized as ambitionist, cosmopolitan, and pioneer – concepts stemming from a typology of athlete migrants originally developed by Magee and Sugden (2002) and Maguire (1996). However, a detailed examination of migration factors has not been conducted. While previous research on coaching migration has provided valuable insights, there remains a scarcity of research on the drivers of migration.

The situation of elite sport coaches

Within the push–pull framework, the situation of elite sport coaches relates to push factors and may give some indications about potential reasons to migrate although it has not yet been linked to migration. Since the role of context (specifically local conditions and personal circumstances) in migration decisions was noted in previous research (Carter, 2007; Elliott, 2014), the situation of elite sport coaches is discussed in this section – first more broadly and then specific to the German context.

During the last decades, an increasing globalization and commercialization of sports could be observed which has led to an increased pressure to perform and entertain spectators (Westerbeek and Hahn, 2013). Major sport events are of global interest and financial rewards from broadcasting and sponsorship play an increasingly important role; yet, some sports benefit less from commercialization and globalization (Gratton et al., 2012). These typically include many Olympic sports which get attention during the Olympic Games, but are broadcast rarely during the period between two Games.

These developments also affect the situation of coaches in less commercialized sports, although differences between countries can be observed. For example, Great Britain and China have increased their spending on elite sport in preparation of hosting Olympic Games which also benefits the labor market situation of coaches. On the contrary, the working conditions of elite sport coaches in Germany are shaped by relatively high weekly workloads, low salaries, and short-term contracts compared to the average population and labor markets for coaches in other countries (De Bosscher et al., 2015; Digel et al., 2006, 2010). Consequently, elite sport coaches in Germany express dissatisfaction with their salary and contractual situation (Digel et al., 2010).

In addition to financial aspects, other factors including the social recognition of coaches in the population are important for the evaluation of a labor market (De Bosscher et al., 2015). According to Digel et al. (2010), German elite sport coaches perceive the social recognition of their position as relatively low. One way to improve recognition is performance-based pay which is already installed in other countries including France, Italy, Russia, and China (Digel et al., 2006). Overall, these findings indicate that the relative attractiveness of the German labor market for elite sport coaches has decreased during the last years which may push coaches to migrate to other countries. In turn, better working conditions abroad may represent a pull factor.

Another aspect is culture, which is a core component of elite sport: every country and sport has a specific culture that is mirrored in sport policies and the way things are done (Sotiriadou et al., 2014). Inarguably, culture also affects the situation of elite sport coaches in their home country and their migration decisions – similar to athletes, cultural similarities may facilitate migration and represent a pull factor (Elliott, 2012, 2014), while cultural differences may hinder it. Importantly, elite sport culture is nothing that can be changed or adapted immediately because it has grown over a longer period (Digel et al., 2006).

While several studies have described the situation of elite sport coaches, their situation has not yet been related to coach migration. The question about critical factors potentially affecting coach migration remains. The answer to this question would be particularly informative for policy-makers given the important role of coaches to elite sport achievements and related policy goals. The present study attempts to address this research gap by exploring potential migration factors among elite sport coaches.

Method

The present study is part of a larger research project looking at location factors and labor migration of elite sport coaches in Germany. Since the financial support of elite sport is taken care of at the national level in Germany (German Parliament, 2014a), elite sport coaches employed in Germany are at least partly financed by the Federal Government. These include, for example, national coaches, state coaches, and coaches at Olympic training bases. Importantly, coaches in more commercialized sports like professional soccer and tennis are excluded from this study because they are not financed by the Federal Government and not referred to in national sport policies. Importantly, the focus of this research is on the German labor market, that is, coaches currently employed in Germany who are more relevant to the German sport system and policy-makers, respectively, than coaches who have already migrated to another country.

In preparation of the interviews, the Coaching Academy Cologne of the German Olympic Sports Confederation, the biggest higher education institution for elite sport coaches in Germany, provided us with a list of twelve elite sport coaches who were willing to participate in this research. The total number of interviews was chosen non-arbitrarily. In order to determine the theoretical level of saturation, the interviews were conducted seriatim. If no new themes came up during an interview one further interview was held and in case no further themes came up the number of interviews was considered sufficient. Applying these criteria, nine coaches were interviewed (denoted C1–C9). Given the high weekly workloads and the relatively low pay of elite sport coaches (Digel et al., 2010) a reimbursement of €50 was considered adequate.

The interviewed coaches represented nine different Olympic sports, namely archery, bobsleigh, canoe racing, diving, field hockey, speed skating, table tennis, track cycling, and volleyball. Eight interviewees were male and one was female, reflecting the typical under-representation of female coaches in elite sport. Among the interviewed coaches were three junior national coaches, three state-level coaches, one national coach, one assistant national coach, and one club coach. Thus, the interviewed coaches covered a variety of sports and coaching positions. Further details about the interviewed coaches or combinations of gender, sport, and position cannot be provided because this would compromise their anonymity. The working conditions (e.g., contractual situation) and sporting success of coaches were not assessed in the interviews.

Data were collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The face-to-face interviews were held between October and December 2014. Each interview lasted between 45 minutes and one hour. Interviewees were informed about the topic of the research project and agreed to the tape-recording of the interviews. Afterwards, they were asked about the current and future relevance of coach migration within their sport. Then, the interviewees were asked to elaborate on possible factors influencing migration to another country. Thus, each interview started with a broad question and depending on the coach’s answers, the interviewer asked follow-up questions to clarify certain aspects, gain in-depth information, and draw the attention to other possible factors uncovered in previous research (Agergaard, 2008; Elliott, 2012, 2014) when coaches only elaborated on one type of factor. All interviews were transcribed verbatim and put into a standard format in order to guarantee anonymity for the interviewees. Overall, the nine interviews resulted in 72 pages of 12-point, single-spaced transcribed text. Similar to previous research (Elliott, 2012, 2014) a thematic analysis was conducted to identify the various themes emerging for the interviews.

All interviews with the exception of one were held in German by native speakers meaning that translation may not be an issue in the research design or data collection process. However, the results needed to be translated into English for the purpose of this article. According to Temple and Young (2004) results in qualitative research can be translated by the researcher or a professional translator without causing translation issues. Using a professional translator was considered inadequate because he would be less familiar with the topic and the field. To minimize translation issues, results were translated by all authors independently and cross-checked for discrepancies after individual translation.

Results and discussion

Five themes emerged in the analysis, that is, job-related factors, social factors, competitive factors, seeking new experiences, and networks. The responses of the interviewed coaches will be explored and discussed below.

Job-related factors

All coaches stated that job-related factors would play a role in the decision to migrate to another country. Specifically, the contractual situation in terms of salary, contract length, and associated planning security was mentioned. One interviewee put it as follows: “I think looking for a job abroad with the same sporting situation depends on the opportunity to optimize the finances, […] what profit can I make when I leave my current situation and move to a foreign country” (C7). Coaches also reported that salaries are higher in other countries and, therefore, represent an incentive to migrate. One coach provided a concrete example: “[…] in the Netherlands, for example, every Sunday live games on television, more money is paid” (C1).

Another interviewee elaborated in more detail on contractual aspects and acknowledged that not only the salary plays a role, but also the contract length and associated planning security:

I think it is both the amount of salary, but also the planning security. There are so many coaches who only have these short term contracts. The national coaches get new contracts every four years. I am employed by the German military, I have planning security until 2016, and these are all aspects that play a role here. (C4)

Moreover, the high workloads were mentioned by many coaches. One interviewee provided some details about the job requirements and the associated workloads:

When you are a coach and you have a high position in elite sport, female A squad, male A squad, you have 120 days of further training per year, sometimes only 90, sometimes 130, then there are world championships in Argentina and another competition in Chile […] and at some stage nobody wants to do this anymore. (C1)

Many of the interviewees noted that coaching salaries have to be seen in relation to the high workloads. One coach said that “the salaries of coaches are not very high, although much time is spent” (C9). Another interviewee stated: “what we invest as coaches is not in relation [to the salary]” (C2).

The complaints about salary levels – also in relation to workload – and contract length reflect the working conditions of coaches in Germany (De Bosscher et al., 2015; Digel et al., 2010). These factors would represent push factors, while financial rewards in other countries act as pull factors. The findings also show the potential confusion of levels within the push–pull framework: for example, salary can be seen as an individual-level factor because salaries are individually negotiated, but it can also be regarded as an organizational-level or national-level factor, that is, when looking at general salary levels in a specific sport federation or country.

The finding that many coaches elaborated on job-related factors and stated that their current employment situation would make them think about migration should be a concern for policy-makers and sport officials. Although policy-makers only provide general funding, it was noted that funding levels have been relatively stable in Germany despite an increasing number of Olympic competitions and other countries increasing their spending on elite sport (Gienger, 2008). People in charge at sport governing bodies who negotiate contracts with elite sport coaches should be aware that those factors are associated with potential coach migration.

Another factor of the work environment is the pressure associated with the job of a coach. One interviewee stated that coaches have “very high workloads […], are faced with very high pressure […] but on the other hand the status of a coach in Germany is not as it should be in terms of finances and independence in decisions” (C2). Another interviewee confirmed the pressure in saying the following: “[coaches have] many responsibilities and the intensity paired with the responsibility, this is something that only a few can handle over the years without being negatively affected by this” (C1). The same interviewee also talked about performance-based pay: “This nonsensical association that you earn less when you achieve less actually makes you work in a wrong manner, that is to say towards short-term success” (C1). While the pressure associated with the coaching job could be expected by prospective coaches, the effectiveness of performance-based pay – particularly with regard to long-term planning and development – may be subject to discussion and may be reconsidered by sport officials.

Another job-related factor is the politics within the sport and the sport governing bodies, respectively, that negatively affect the coaches’ working conditions and would be a reason for them to migrate to another country. One interviewee stated the following:

The political factor is a big factor at the end of the day, because oftentimes you are stopped by these committees be it through economic factors of the committees or through their systems […] these are important factors, so I like to try another country and I would say that only under these circumstances the migration to another country will take place. (C3)

Another interviewee also stated that it is important that coaches get along well with people in their clubs and federations. He elaborated on these points as follows:

The environment in the club always plays a role, how you get along with your coaching colleagues, how you get along with the leaders of the sport federation, so there are many factors that make you think about whether you should move within your sport or to another training base within Germany or in the worst case I would say, when you have really lost confidence in the German sport system, go to a foreign country. (C8)

The importance of support within the sport federation has already been noted in previous research (De Bosscher et al., 2015; Digel et al., 2010). This study indicates that politics within the sport and sport governing bodies, respectively, are not only a reason for dissatisfaction with the job, but may also be an organizational-level push factor for coach migration.

Several coaches complained about the relatively low level of recognition of the coaching job in Germany. One coach stated the following:

Sometimes I have the feeling that we are seen as, how should I say this, a little bit as entertainers and we take care of the children and keep them busy. Of course we also keep the children busy, but at the end of the day we are still in the high performance sport sector and we have to deliver performance, and there is a lack of recognition for our work. (C8).

Recognition is not limited to the coaching job, but also includes the recognition of the type of sport itself. One interviewee stated that he would only migrate to another country because he knows that “the recognition of the sport is higher in another country” (C3). Another coach stated that “the importance of sport in society and the recognition decreases more and more, if you are not employed in soccer or alpine skiing […] this is also one of the major points of the coaching job – the non-recognition. So this is definitely a point which is better abroad, because essentially coaches are accepted and honored over there” (C4).

The finding that elite sport coaches in Germany complain about low levels of recognition is not new (Digel et al., 2010). To address this issue, the so called Coaching Offensive was established in 2005 by the German Olympic Sports Confederation. This project is concerned with increasing the social recognition and attractiveness of the coaching job, motivating prospective coaches, expanding coaching structures, and improving the working conditions of elite sport coaches (German Olympic Sports Confederation, 2016). Despite this initiative, perceived low levels of recognition in Germany still represent a push factor at the national level in this study, while the prospect of higher recognition abroad acts as a pull factor.

Social factors

Social factors including family and friends were also mentioned by many of the interviewed coaches. Given the high level of stress associated with the coaching job, the support of the family and the social background were considered important (C5). One coach elaborated on social relationships in more detail and how they would affect migration:

For me this is a decisive factor, because being a lone warrior is nice, but you do not do that always and in the long term, you must have some connections somewhere or it is at least desirable to have some from my viewpoint so that you think about leaving your friends, starting with zero, making new contacts in a country where you are not so familiar with the language and the culture. […] As a young coach I could imagine this because you are more on the loose. (C7)

This coach touched another aspect; migrants have to put forth effort to make new friends and contacts in the new country which takes some time: social networks are assumed to be higher, the longer a person has lived in a specific region (Fischer et al., 1998). Emigration does not only include monetary costs (e.g., relocation costs) and benefits (e.g., higher salary), but also transaction costs in the sense that adjustment costs are higher; it is more difficult to adapt to new living conditions, find new friends, and form social ties that are as strong as in the previous place of residence.

Some interviewees specified that the family situation plays a role in the likelihood of migrating to another country. One coach said that “it matters if you have family commitments or not” (C2). Another coach highlighted that planning security does not only apply to financial aspects, but also to the family. He said that coaches have to work “on so many weekends, Sundays and public holidays, so with regard to planning during the year it is very difficult to have planning security, also with regard to planning a holiday with your partner” (C8).

Furthermore, one interviewee stressed the importance of children’s education and medical care. He explained that “[…] most of the coaches when they sign the contract, they will insist that their future employer provides schooling for the kids, medical care, and the kind of living conditions that would help the family to cope with the new environment” (C6).

The general importance of the support of family and friends to labor migration is in line with previous research (Agergaard, 2008). From a conceptual perspective, different levels of analysis are involved here: family and friends can relate to the individual or household level – depending on the living circumstances of the coach. In the case that family and friends support coach migration, they act as a push factor. However, the push–pull framework reaches its explanatory limits when family and friends hinder migration and act as a restriction.

Competitive factors

Several coaches mentioned that competitive factors play a role for migration. These include not only the performance level and success of athletes, but also technology, training facilities, and how the coaching environment as a whole facilitates the development of competitive athletes. Beginning with the competitiveness of the athletes, one interviewee stated the following:

Of course we want to be successful in our country, but when we realize that this is not achievable anymore, then I think that in the future more and more coaches are willing to go somewhere else, either within Germany or to a foreign country. (C8)

Another coach highlighted that the likelihood of migration also depends on the type of sport and the current level of competitiveness, respectively: “In my sport […] Germany is the leading nation in Europe and, therefore, it does not make sense to leave the country as a coach” (C2). Moreover, in some sports technology is important to the quality of sporting equipment and sporting success, respectively. One interviewee elaborated on how this would affect migration:

If we took steps with regard to the development of [EQUIPMENT] and so on where it is predetermined in Germany which institute we are allowed to collaborate with and if this stands in the way of success someday so that success is not possible anymore, then this would definitely be a factor that plays a role if you go somewhere else. (C5)

Some coaches specified that the training environment and the general coaching environment are relevant for the development of competitive athletes and that they would migrate if this was better in another country (C5, and C6). One interviewee elaborated on this aspect as follows:

… how I can work professionally, meaning how I can live out and design my working area, maybe also advantages in terms of logistics compared with the situation here, maybe training centers that have already been built abroad and that are not even planned here. (C7)

Competitive factors were only named by a few coaches, which can be considered surprising because competition is at the core of elite sport. Interestingly, it seems that the competitiveness of the training environment was perceived as more relevant than the performance level and success of their athletes.

Seeking new experiences

Several coaches elaborated on the fact that they would migrate to seek new experiences which relate to a new coaching challenge or a new cultural experience. Regarding the first, one coach stated that “in another country, it is about reputation and about a challenge and in another area there is the idealism and you believe that you can be successful there […]” (C3). Similarly, another interviewee highlighted that one reason to migrate would be “to seek a new challenge which is reflected in the task itself” (C2). With regard to experiencing a new culture, one coach stated the following:

I am very interested in other cultures and probably in other languages. I enjoy working with other people who may have different opinions and where one hour takes one and a half hours. I would like to experience this one day and not only the narrow-minded that we have here in Germany; yet, I would have to massively adjust myself, but this would be an important factor to go into another country. (C3)

Another interviewee also highlighted that he would “look for another job in a foreign country, because I do somehow like it because it is new or because I want to learn a new language […]” (C1). According to these statements, the prospect of new experiences can represent a pull factor. However, research on athlete migration shows that cultural similarity facilitates migration (Elliott, 2014), indicating that the interviewed coaches may not have fully considered different coaching cultures in other countries (Sotiriadou et al., 2014).

Notably, emigration and relocation are not always necessary. Some of the sports under investigation (bob sleigh, speed skating, canoe racing, and track cycling) may facilitate migration because they are organized as a tour where athletes and coaches from all countries meet at several World Cup events and international championships. Thus, the travel destinations are the same independent of whether the coach is responsible for the German team or another nation. This is different in sports that are typically organized as leagues (table tennis, volleyball, and field hockey).

Networks

Many coaches talked about the importance of networks in general, for working purposes, and consequently also for migration. For example, one coach concluded that “nowadays sports don’t work without a good network” (C8). Another interviewee stressed the importance of networks: “I would say networks are essential for survival. Particularly when you work in minor sports, networks are the meat and potatoes” (C9). One coach explained the establishment of own networks and how he would use them for his purposes:

You establish networks automatically […] through your first jobs, your first teammates, your first sponsorship contracts, but also through other coaches, through education, through various clubs where you play as an away team, through the state governing bodies or the governing bodies in foreign countries when you are on the road nationally. (C3)

Another coach elaborated on the importance of local networks for building an effective working environment and that migration would be an option in the case of a lack of networks:

For example, there is the school network, how do I get the children out of school; the city network, how do I get to the training session in the pool, in the gym, how can I organize the strength training. For all this you need networks in sport. How do I get a sponsor that drives me to the next training camp. If I do not have these networks and cannot make a difference at the training base, this would be a reason for me to say that I cannot be of any help here anymore and I cannot work here anymore […] and then this is a reason to go somewhere else. (C9)

Moreover, one interviewee visualized how networks facilitate the reception of job offers:

I consider networks very important because through them you can put your name forward or your name is put forward; this is the nice aspect in these sorts of stories. Personally I believe that you first use the network within your sport federation or within Germany […] before you tap into the foreign networks which definitely make sense. At international competitions you get to know the colleagues of another nation and I think this is definitely an aspect that you would use this network when you are on the move. (C7)

Another coach confirmed that contacts are critical to the endorsement of colleagues: “They are recommended by someone or they are approached by somebody who already has this contact” (C6). The importance of networks for going somewhere else and starting a new job was also stressed by another interviewee:

[…] when you want to or have to change your professional orientation, then it is a decisive factor if you have a network, if you have contacts over there, if there are people who know that you have already done a good job somewhere else. (C2)

While the importance of networks to the reception of job offers is not new (Taylor, 2010), this study stresses the necessity of networks for building an effective coaching and training environment.

Relative importance of factors

Some coaches elaborated on the relative importance of factors, that is, whether some factors are more or less important than others. Most interviewees used job-related factors (specifically salary) as a reference point and came to the conclusion that these would be less relevant when compared with other factors. For example, one coach expressed the following: “I am still a very young coach. For me it is not so decisive how much I earn. Of course I would like to be adequately rewarded financially, but for me it is now more important to work successfully and to have optimal conditions” (C10). Similarly, another coach sets job-related factors in relation to other factors: “I think that the economic factors are not the decisive ones […] I think the most decisive factor is leisure time, the individual stress level, and the so-called work-life-balance” (C1). One interviewee stressed that the family would be more important than financial aspects:

For me personally there are two points; the first is that in my job I spend half of the year travelling which is certainly not easy when you have a family, no small child, but my daughter is eight years old. I would even rank this higher than the monetary aspect. (C4)

Conclusion

This study explored migration factors of elite sport coaches in less commercialized sports who are currently employed in Germany. It provided some initial insights into a topic that has the potential to gain momentum in the next years given the widespread coach migration trends and associated brain drain. This study contributes to the body of research on labor migration in sport by taking a holistic approach and exploring a wide range of factors potentially affecting coach migration through the lens of the push–pull framework. Unlike previous studies, it not only describes location factors and working conditions of elite sport coaches, but it also sets them in relation to potential labor migration. Given the scarcity of research on coach migration, it seemed suitable to start with a qualitative approach to develop an understanding of the field and the range of relevant migration factors.

This research found that various factors are relevant to coach migration including job-related factors (salary, financial planning security, workload, pressure, politics within the sport governing body, and social recognition), social factors (family support, and children’s education), seeking new experiences (new culture, new language, and challenging task), and competitive factors (technology of the sport equipment, competitiveness of the training environment, but not the performance level of their athletes). Networks are more relevant to the reception of job offers rather than to the actual migration decision. To conclude, a combination of factors from different levels (individual, household, organizational, and national level) interacts when examining potential coach migration.

The findings of this study have implications for policy-makers and sport officials seeking to retain elite sport coaches in the country. The coaches’ working conditions including salary level, contract duration, and the usefulness of performance-based pay should be reconsidered. This would also allow pursuing long-term athlete development rather than focusing on short-term success. More efforts should be made to improve the social recognition of coaches and reduce internal politics. Since many coaches feel that strategic decisions are taken without them, but affect their daily work, coaches should be integrated into decision-making processes.

The limitations of this study suggest directions for future research. While the chosen qualitative approach can be considered adequate for an initial exploration of migration factors, it has its limitations regarding the generalizability of findings. Future research should use mixed methods or quantitative approaches to identify (statistically) significant drivers of labor migration. The evident migration factors should be integrated in future studies in other countries to challenge or support this study’s findings.

Footnotes

Funding

This research was funded by the German Federal Ministry of the Interior following a decision by the German Bundestag (grant number: IIA-071805/14-16).

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