Sharing gifts: The modus narrandi of athletes’ and former athletes’ interests in supporting sport for development and peace programmes in Brazil

Brazilian context of sport for development and peace programmes: The relevance of the sport social projects

The field of Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) has been progressively involved in global development and local and international aid policies, as well as actions and tools linked to it have been considered increasingly relevant in contexts that are especially important in relation to such policies (UNGA, 2015), such as the Global South (Graeff et al., 2024). Particularly regarding actions aimed at gender equity (Moura, 2021; Oxford and McLachlan, 2018), community building (Marshall and Barry, 2015), peace-making/keeping (Sugden and Tomlinson, 2017), disability/inclusion (Howe, 2018), child protection (Rhind et al., 2015), and involving refugees (Koopmans and Doidge, 2022; Spaaij and Oxford, 2018). Such a field is internationally understood as a highly disputed (Coalter, 2015) and contested sector (Giulianotti, 2012, 2018) of global civil society.

It is common for actions, initiatives, policies and news related to SDP to involve transnational actors, often far-reaching institutions linked to politics and economics (Darnell, 2010; Morgan et al., 2021; Schulenkorf et al., 2016). Nevertheless, no less common is the appearance of athletes in such environments, especially when these initiatives have a certain degree of media exposure, and given actors seek association with sports personalities. Yet, much more is known about the motivations and forms of engagement of global institutional actors than about the commitment of athletes and former athletes to SDP-related initiatives. Specifically, in relation to Brazil, the precise quantification of Sport Social Projects (SSPs) – how SDP initiatives are known in South America – and their operations within the country remain indeterminate. However, anecdotal and empirical evidence suggest a substantial and escalating occurrence. For instance, a comparative analysis of applications submitted under the Brazilian ‘Lei de Incentivo ao Esporte’ (Sports Incentive Law) reveals a marked augmentation of 219% in resource solicitations for projects categorised within this domain during the biennium 2022–2024. It is essential to acknowledge that, notwithstanding the prevalent ‘social’ discourse, a considerable proportion of these initiatives exhibit characteristics indicative of a pronounced orientation towards elite athletic performance. ¹ The number of SSPs associated with athletes is also unknown, although they appear to be numerous. ² Thus, in this study, we investigated the relationship between initiatives linked to SDP and athletes and former athletes in the Brazilian context, aiming to understand why and how athletes and former athletes invest time, material and symbolic resources in SSP, as SDP initiatives are referred to in Brazil. It is essential to mention that Brazil's historical legacy of colonialism, slavery and elitism has contributed to a significant socioeconomic disparity between a small elite and most of the population. This discrepancy is evident in several aspects of life, including access to education, healthcare, housing and employment opportunities (Graeff et al., 2019), making social sports projects, as initiatives linked to the SDP, a sector of great importance in many communities. In turn, in this introduction section, we present an approach to the referred field and peculiarities of the SSP/SDP sector in Brazil. Following, we display the methodology used in this study. Finally, we present the results and discussion.

Athletes and former athletes as key actors in SSP in Brazil

While certainly many stories can be told about the foundations of SDP initiatives globally and locally, this sector has gradually been associated with international aid and developmental policies (Giulianotti, 2011; Lindsey and Wiltshire, 2021). To such an extent that, in the most comprehensive developmental transnational policy in force, and perhaps the most structured in history, Agenda 2030 (UN, 2015a, 2015b), sport gains unrivalled prominence (Giulianotti, 2018; Giulianotti et al., 2019). For example, the influence of sport on that policy document is so significant that the United Nations Office on Sport for Development and Peace released an explanation in 2016 on how the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are articulated with sport. ³ As well as other actors have pointed out the prominence of sport concerning the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs (Burnett, 2017; Dudfield et al., 2016; Fund, 2018; Lindsey and Chapman, 2017; Schreiner et al., 2024). In such a way that even the United Nations Assembly recognised in 2015, sport as an ‘important enabler of sustainable development’ (UN, 2015a, para 37). Thus, gradually, SDP has been conceptualised not only as sports initiatives associated with social, educational, developmental and peace-building spheres, or to ease the experience of people in refugee situations, for example, but also as a sector of activities that involve sport in the pursuit of improving indicators linked to the SDGs.

Another characteristic of this field, both in terms of its practice and in academic terms, is that according to Schulenkorf et al. (2016), ‘although the majority of SFD [Sport for Development] projects are carried out in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, 90% of SFD authors are based in North America, Europe, and Australia’ (p. 1). The North–South division is evident in all aspects related to the SDP sector (Graeff et al., 2024). In a certain way, traditionally, the North thinks and the South executes, the North finances and the South ‘provides service’. However, academic production in places not associated with the Global North seems to point to an increased interest in the subject, as evidenced by Freitas et al. (2022), which displays that academic production on the subject in Brazil has doubled in the recent period, as well as by works published from places such as Venezuela (Guette et al., 2019), Guatemala (Mejía Restrepo and Núñez, 2024), Mexico (González, 2021), Colombia (Londoño, 2016), and the Global South in general (Graeff et al., 2024). Furthermore, in Brazil and Latin America, the increasingly frequent participation of athletes and former athletes in this field has been remarkable, in the most different roles, but almost always as ‘poster boys/girls’, and as one of the main identifying characteristics of the initiatives (Graeff et al., 2021; Guedes et al., 2006; Guedes, 2018).

Following the works of Martines (2009) and Trindade (2017), Almeida et al. (2021) noted ‘the growing number of sporting social projects in urban centres in the country [Brazil] as resulting from an existing grey space in which the public, private and third sector interact in both cooperative and competitive ways’ (p. 18). Perhaps one of the most striking characteristics of the sector in Brazil is that the field is relatively undefined, and actors of diverse origins, magnitudes, objectives and methodologies work within it (Brasil, 2019, 2021). Possibly for this reason, a feature often reported in relationships established between different entities in this sphere – the ‘top-down approach’ (Black, 2017) – is not commonly described, not even as a nuisance, by local actors in Brazil (Graeff et al., 2021). Initiatives in this area tend to be referred to as ‘sports social projects – projetos sociais esportivos’ (SSP), and have agents from the state, the market, civil society and individuals as ‘sponsors’ and engines (Freitas et al., 2022). Among such individuals are people who, for various reasons, initiate sports activities in their communities and seek to link them to developmental aspects (e.g. education) (Freitas et al., 2022, 2023; Graeff et al., 2021). Many of them are athletes and former athletes. There are countless possible arrangements for the association of athletes and former athletes with such an SSP. Thus, although it was not the focus of our search for references, we believe that the current academic theories and frameworks that seek to explain the sector would hardly succeed in explaining the Brazilian field.

Nonetheless, Brazilian academics have recently made efforts to map the field. One notable point is the increase in the number of published works. Kravchychyn and de Oliveira (2015), for example, found 28 articles published between 2004 and 2013 in their research. Caron et al. (2018) identified 29 articles, 9 master's dissertations and 2 doctoral theses on the subject between 2003 and 2016. Freitas et al. (2022, 2023) extended their search from 2000 to 2020 and identified 57 complete articles published in Portuguese-language academic journals. Thus, based on these works, it is possible to say that the field of study in Brazil begins a path of understanding the functioning of the local SDP sector. However, again, the figure of the athlete and the former athlete is still modestly addressed.

‘Returning gifts’ to communities through SSP: The study's aims and rationale

This study aims to analyse the relationship that athletes and former athletes establish with SDP initiatives in Brazil. One approach to the subject is through the lens of career transitions. This area includes research that focuses on transitions between careers, particularly interesting for this study, career transitions involving athletes and former athletes (Debois et al., 2015; Ryba et al., 2015; Stambulova and Wylleman, 2015; Tshube and Feltz, 2015).

Notably, this article refers to a phenomenon observed by Guedes and others years ago, where it has become commonplace in Brazil for athletes nearing the end of their careers to invest in the creation of sports social projects (Guedes et al., 2006; Guedes, 2018). These projects have different organisational forms, objectives, methodologies, approaches and populations. However, it is observed that more and more athletes and former athletes find themselves ‘absolutely compelled to act in this direction’ (Guedes et al., 2006: 9). The literature suggests that one of the drivers of this trend comes from ‘… the impression that ending a sports career was negative, a devastating event’ (Alfermann and Stambulova, 2007: 712), and thus social projects may offer a potentially meaningful post-career space-time in sports.

Sports social projects can also serve as a means for famous athletes to avoid ostracism (De Vasconcelos Ribeiro, 2005, 2010) and to justify a narrative of ‘socialisation of gifts’ or ‘returning gifts’ (Bourdieu, 1996) to their communities (De Vasconcelos Ribeiro, 2005). As we will see ahead, this is one of the most important reasons given by athletes and former athletes for their approach to the SDP field. Additionally, this field involves the commitment of celebrity athletes (Chung, 2003; Smart, 2005) in lending their image to such projects, investing their economic and social capital, and the dedication of not-so-famous athletes and former athletes who see in the possibility of ‘having’ a socially recognised project crowning a career that by itself would not guarantee the status of notoriety (Guedes, 2018; Guedes et al., 2006; Jahnecka, 2018). Thus, within this universe of possibilities, we set out to engage in dialogue with athletes and former athletes, as well as with individuals connected to sports social projects in Brazil, as described in the next section.

Theme 1: The unquestionable belief: Why to get involved, why sport and the narrative of social value

When asked about the effectiveness of sport as a tool for social development, respondents tended to manifest an unquestionable belief, as if they were responding to a truism, a formality, an evangelism. Thus, sport is seen by the agents interviewed, in general, as ‘a great tool for social inclusion’ (A2). This belief is presented not merely as a motivation, but as a universal justification for all practices and significances in the studied context, as exemplified by the quote below:

I certainly see the sport as a very potent weapon in the education of young people and children as citizens, even when it comes to rescuing moral values. I believe that it is a way to prevent drugs, crime… (P2)

This quote illustrates the declared reason for the agents’ involvement: the perceived omnipotence of sport to solve social problems. An additional, associated aspect is the narrative of reciprocity, or ‘giving back’. According to O1, ‘the majority’ of athletes and former athletes who look for funding, ‘are trying to return what they won – “Ah, I want to return everything I received from sport, I want to teach what I learned…”’. However, O1 also identifies that financial gain is an obvious underlying motivation, particularly because many athletes in Brazil lack stable post-career remuneration, making project resources relevant to them (O1). Although this potential economic interest was raised, it was consistently obscured by the dominant narrative of social value and reciprocity.

…the athlete does not have a guarantee of remuneration… this profession is not remunerated like the others, so that moment of them as an athlete is over, I imagine they don't have other career prospects than trying to work with what they've had experience over a long time period. So… I'm almost sure that this resource is relevant for this athlete, and because they have this visibility, it's easier for them to raise funds that way… (O1)

Although we attempted to discuss with the athletes interviewed how social projects could be integrated into their careers, the modus narrandi, which we will see ahead, somehow prevented the debate. We only discovered that among those interviewed, no one had any specific training to work in this field.

There was a dissenting voice regarding the discourse on the omnipotence of sport. For A1, attributing to sport, and therefore to athletes, the power to resolve a myriad of social issues is…

…a considerable responsibility and [they] find it very problematic for us to see sport as such a beneficial and powerful expression. I think it can, it has that ability, but not necessarily and not obligatorily, given that the greatest strength of sports as an expression is the competitive one, becoming a little incompatible with these benefits and these values, because it is extremely exclusionary, it is not healthy, in short, it has all these problems… more prone to abuse. (A1)

Therefore, the involvement of athletes and former athletes with SSPs is primarily motivated by the unquestionable belief in the power of sport to resolve social issues and the discourse of reciprocity as an essential explanatory structure for their actions.

Theme 2: The practice-discourse gap: How the belief translates into action and the deepening of the narrative

If theme 1 establishes why athletes get involved (the belief), theme 2 explores how they translate this belief into practice and whether the practical commitment matches the discourse.

When asked about the project's activities and specific methodologies, interviewees’ responses revealed a deepening of the belief in sport as a value in itself, but a discrepancy between stated intent and actual practice. While the athletes unanimously denied seeking financial gain, reinforcing the ‘returning gifts’ discourse (e.g. A3: ‘I'm the only investor in the project… I'm not using resources from my city government or politics or anything…’), the structure of the projects themselves failed to substantiate the promised social depth.

For example, when asked about methods to develop character formation and values beyond football (A3 mentioned working on ‘the character of the children, young people, teenagers, trying to form them psychologically…’), the interviewee later revealed a significant practice-discourse gap: when asked about these specific methodologies, A3 confirmed that there was no activity other than the training sessions.

We started to develop methodologies where we worked on the character of the children, young people, teenagers, trying to form them psychologically, to teach values to them through football that… it would be difficult for us to achieve it in any other way but since football is something that involves many people, we started to develop methodologies for work and meetings for these children, adolescents and young people, which would help them understand that football is not related to just chasing a ball, scoring a goal in a crowded stadium, earning money and things like that… that it is a vast range that can benefit other people. (A3)

Similarly, project 2 described a routine in which children attended to instructions, teachings or lectures from external speakers – including social workers and psychologists – before each training session (P2).

Before each training session, which lasts about 15 to 20 minutes […], there is always a teaching that prompts them to reflect and recover their values before training. And eventually, on commemorative dates, we also promote events for them and the community … Or the coordinators, teachers or any person from civil society who wants to work, that is, a social worker, a psychologist or even those linked to religion, whether a pastor or a priest, anyone who wants to come and contribute with a word is welcome. (P2)

Yet, when pressed, the interviewee revealed the inactivity of this mechanism: ‘This year we haven't had anyone’ (P2), despite the interview being conducted nine months after the activities began.

This theme highlights a deep-seated belief in the transferability of social dispositions acquired through the purely sporting practice, suggesting that the sport itself is sufficient to deliver social development.

…when you take the behavioural issue as one of the determining factors for you to have a sequence if you want to achieve high performance, you realise that you have to adapt to a functioning system, and this is also the case in society. So… what do we do? We take a boy and a girl and put them to work in a group. They immediately start to learn in their space, respecting the virtues or perhaps the lack of certain attributes in their colleague. Still, they are part of a team, and this simulates situations they will experience later in school or at work…So, often without the need for you to go through prolonged and exaggerated moments of sadness, you learn to overcome obstacles, and setbacks are part of life. When you are part of a team, you feel welcomed and have a sense of belonging, as if you say, ‘I am part of this team.’ When the team loses, you feel sad, but you must quickly move on to the realisation that you will face a new challenge, and this often simulates a situation that life imposes on you (P1).

These quotes illustrate the unexamined assumption that the competitive, team-based nature of sport naturally translates into positive social values. Thus, while the commitment is visible, the manner of involvement is characterised by the absence of dedicated, nonsporting activities, suggesting that the discourse outweighs the concrete development of social methodologies.

SDP modus narrandi: An inconclusive conclusion

Thus, although we understand that our research has produced satisfactory results that contribute to a better understanding of the themes it addressed, we also recognise that we have encountered a barrier that needs to be explored: the modus narrandi. When exploring academic search engines, we found a few examples of the term modus narrandi (Gysen et al., 2006; Lalomia, 2012), but none with the meaning we had coined in our good-natured conversation. Subsequently, we feel obliged to explain that what we mean by modus narrandi in the context of the SDP in Brazil is a narrative resource that field agents use to justify certain actions or positions, using unquestionable ‘true facts’ or ‘maxims’ and thus avoiding or failing to address diverse, additional or complementary issues.

Hence, one of the most critical limitations of the paper to be highlighted here is that this research commenced during the COVID-19 pandemic, which led to the suspension of several SSP practical activities. Thus, we planned only interviews and focus groups as our research methods. Observations could even have provided us with elements to deepen or contradict our understanding of modus narrandi, for example. We also recognise that the range of athletes and former athletes involved in SDP initiatives needs to be expanded to build a broader, more diverse knowledge base.

While we acknowledge that the limitations imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic restricted the use of ethnographic observation – the intended modus operandi – forcing us to rely primarily on participant narratives, this methodological constraint has paradoxically become our core analytical contribution. The barrier to accessing the modus operandi compelled us to focus on the site of ‘blurring’ between what is said and what is done, thereby elevating the modus narrandi from a mere rhetorical device to a central analytical category. This distinction, therefore, is not merely a limitation to be overcome; it is a revealing site where meaning is constructed. It is in this ‘blurred’ space that the moral practices and social expectations of the SDP field are negotiated and validated, enabling economic and career interests to manifest only in a censored manner, under the guise of the return of gifts and an unquestionable belief in sport. Thus, our analysis illuminates the critical importance of investigating the power of narrative in constructing the reality of SDP in Brazil.

The implications of our study for future research start from the idea that more academic effort is needed to compare and collate discourses and practices in the context of SDP initiatives. This can also cause some discomfort to field agents, which we must address in terms of research ethics. In practice, our work reinforces the idea that long-term research, with investment and structure that allow for extended periods of observation, is necessary for significant advances to occur. This is also an important implication for research funding agencies.