Abstract
Comparative legal research aims at identifying modern trends in, and searching for convergences and divergences between more than one legal system. Any meaningful implementation of elements of foreign legal systems at the national level and the smooth realization of the objectives of international and supranational justice presuppose a reciprocal understanding between legal orders that adhere to different traditions in terms of their normative foundations. This study focuses on the methodological questions of basic comparative research in the field of criminal justice. The article first briefly addresses the general problem of defining the aims and methods of a (comparative) research project (Section 1). Subsequently, the article explores the research method of functional comparison. The application of the functional method to the analysis of judgments rendered by supranational and international courts is also examined using the example of a recent case decided by the Court of Justice of the European Union on limitation periods (Section 2). The article concludes with an introduction to the construction and application of ideal types for the purposes of analysis and comparison, using the examples of criminal prosecution and procedure, with a special focus on modern evidentiary and plea-bargaining proceedings (Section 3).
Keywords
1. Prolegomena: Defining the aims and methods of research projects
Most scientific studies in the field of criminal law, even those that do not involve a detailed analysis of different justice systems in juxtaposition, may at some point require the comparison of legal norms, institutions and structures as applied and implemented in more than one legal order. 1 This is especially the case regarding projects that explore questions of European, international or transnational law. In this context, the importance of basic research that explains the particularities of national criminal justice systems and provides background knowledge on overarching methodological principles is particularly self-evident. In view of this, the present article addresses pertinent methodological questions on how to make the comparison of complex legal systems and problems less complicated and more conclusive by using the examples of substantive criminal law and criminal procedure.
Generally, the imperative first step for any kind of research, dissertation or multilateral and large-scale comparative project is to properly define the aims/questions and methods of research. The precise definition of the ‘correct’ research questions is particularly decisive for the determination of the scope, size and scientific output of any project. After all, ‘if one does not know to which port one is sailing, no wind is favourable’. 2 The first obvious step is to specify the factual issues that will be addressed and, especially, to choose a topic that suits the scientist’s particular interest and that is of importance, not only from a socio-legal perspective, but also in terms of bridging any existing (theoretical or practical) knowledge gaps. However, having the title (or at least a provisional title) for the thesis and possessing an abstract knowledge of the object of research are still not sufficient for designing a structural framework specific to the project and for defining sound hypotheses.
This is why it is very important for the scientist, in the initial phase of organizing the research material, reviewing the literature and identifying potential main problems, to specify the aims of the research project, especially the respective research hypotheses (propositions referring to the object of research that can be proven true or false, simply put: questions that can be answered with ‘yes’ or ‘no’). In general, the aims may be of a normative, historical, empirical or socio-political nature, but not all of them need to be high-profile aims. But they do need to be logically defined and systematically connected.
For example, in a project on the impact of European Union (EU) law on national criminal law systems, one of the aims may be to examine the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU): more specifically, whether its preliminary rulings concerning the interpretation of EU Treaties are immediately binding on national criminal courts. Thus, one relevant research hypothesis could be: the CJEU is a quasi-constitutional court in criminal matters – true or false? Or, in the form of a question: does the CJEU have quasi-constitutional powers with respect to pending criminal cases? 3 A related goal in the same project would be to explore the possibilities and merits of harmonization of national criminal laws through the adoption of European legislation.
Let us take another example: a project on the role of the parties and participants in the criminal process in common law and civil law systems of procedure could aim at producing new comparative knowledge regarding role allocation and the structural elements of evidentiary proceedings in Western legal systems. At the same time, this project could aim at analysing the structural particularities of Western procedure and evidence from the perspective of international and supranational law. Most importantly, the purpose of a comparative study like this should also be to draw valuable legal policy conclusions regarding the effectiveness of the various types of procedure in terms of a fair and truthful dispute resolution. In this context, the merits of a common law (adversarial/party-centred) versus a civil law (inquisitorial/judge-driven) model of criminal procedure could be examined, for example regarding the question of which procedural system is ‘better’, their positive and negative aspects, or possible best practices and factors for re-balancing shared shortcomings. The presumption in this regard is the use of proper, generally recognized evaluation standards, for example, the standards of truth and fairness as the only outcomes of the criminal trial that still enjoy universal legitimacy. 4
What is equally as important as the specific and clear definition of the research aims and hypotheses is the determination of the research methods. The validity of the outcome of any research project depends on the methods chosen to approach the object of research and to meet the research aims. The researcher must answer, from the outset, a series of methodological questions before he or she may commence with the realization of any study. These questions may address issues such as: the research design, which could either lean towards a normative-theoretical or a more empirical path – for example, the scientist may opt for a quantitative ‘statistical’ approach or a qualitative approach, or he/she may confine his/her research to the analysis of case law and doctrine; the often-observed gap between law in the books and law in action – to overcome this hurdle, the scientist may choose, for example, to conduct interviews with practitioners and experts in order to gain insight into the relevant practice; the meaningful and conclusive selection of the countries and legal systems under study – right from the start, the scientist must be in a position to justify the particular legal systems that he/she has selected for purposes of comparison or for use as points of reference (for example, it would be insufficient in most cases to justify the selection of the English and French rules on self-defence simply because these are the only languages the author speaks); a scientist must also answer questions relating to the resources for the research, the form and the platform for communicating the project results, as well as other technical matters.
For scientists active in the fields of legal and criminal law research, many different types of methods are available. There are general empirical (quantitative and qualitative) techniques as well as the system-theoretical approaches of the social sciences, along with the classic logical-normative argumentation tools of legal doctrine. Moreover, in the context of comparative studies there is also the choice between the functional, structural and systematic comparison, the universal comparison, the case-based comparison, the evaluative comparison and the computer-based comparison. 5 In the following sections, the focus will be on the so-called functional comparison, a method of great significance for comparative projects or projects that use comparative references.
2.The research method of functional comparison
A. General methodological principles
The most basic methodological principle in the comparative sciences, and a key element of the method 6 of functional legal comparison (funktionale Rechtsvergleichung), is that of functionality: ‘Incomparable things cannot usefully be compared, and in law the only things that are comparable are those that fulfil the same function’. 7 This means that research projects that adopt this method of functional comparison should not start out with specific legal problems, norms or concepts in concrete national or international legal systems. Instead, the main point of reference should be an overarching factual problem or social issue such as: the various types of responsibility in cases of self-defence, the criteria for the penalization and investigation of misconduct or the evidentiary search for the truth as a basic social problem in the ambit of criminal procedure. 8 Moreover, research questions in the context of functional comparisons should be stated without specific reference to the concepts and terminology of one’s own legal system. 9
Accordingly, by way of example, the analysis of Article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) on the preliminary rulings of the CJEU would be a less than ideal choice as the main topic for a research project in the field of European criminal law. Instead, this project should focus on exploring, in general, the new and evolving competences of the CJEU in criminal matters. Another (simplified) example may involve comparing particular aspects of national criminal justice systems: in line with the above thoughts, it would be inconclusive, in most cases, to structure the outline of a research project focusing on the basic principles of criminal responsibility in German and North American substantive criminal law exclusively around a comparative presentation of Section 15 of the German Penal Code (Strafprozessordnung) and Section 2 of the US Model Penal Code, both of which cover intent and negligence as requirements for criminal liability. This approach might risk overlooking the fact that although, unlike the Model Penal Code, the German Penal Code fails to provide any substantial definition of the terms intent and negligence, as these concepts have been defined by German case law and legal doctrine. Moreover, the Model Penal Code also defines the concept of recklessness, whereas the German legal system does not recognize this type of culpability. In any case, the German Penal Code is the main source of substantive criminal law in Germany; by way of contrast, the Model Penal Code has been a useful but legally non-binding tool for updating and standardizing the criminal laws of the individual states of the U.S. Hence, an approach that focuses on a direct comparison of such specific legal norms would undermine the coherent definition of the research aims, might lead to overlooking significant material differentiations or to misinterpret similarities between the legal traditions and systems, and could deprive the entire research project of much needed added value. Instead, in the above example, the starting point of research might involve the definition, elements, and, most importantly, the limits of culpability in different legal orders belonging to the Western legal tradition.
In sum, comparatists should design their studies with the objective of acquiring new knowledge, and, in order to do so, the object of comparison should primarily refer to the various solutions applied by different legal systems in order to tackle the factual problems under consideration.
10
The practical purposes of the functional comparison served by this approach are as follows: to enable the use of uniform, value-free concepts and terms as a research compass; to secure, if possible, the epistemologically neutral consideration of the particularities of each legal system; to minimize systemic misunderstandings and oversights as well as to facilitate the identification and evaluative analysis of the various, functionally equal, solutions for the same factual problems.
B. Universal, functional and computer-based comparison: The Max Planck Information System for Comparative Criminal Law
In the field of criminal law in particular, the research method of functional comparison has been elaborated and implemented by several studies carried out by the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law 11 in Freiburg (Germany), and, most importantly, by the Max Planck Institute’s flagship comparative project in operation since 2004: the International Max Planck Information System for Comparative Criminal Law. 12 This project focuses, for the time being, on the general principles and rules of substantive criminal law in a vast number of national legal systems, with many of them traditionally classified as belonging to different legal families. The idea behind this large-scale comparative project is to create a system for the study of national criminal laws and provide wide access to basic knowledge in a methodologically sound way. As the creators of the Max Planck Information System noted, ‘in order to take account of the changes to criminal law around the world, develop general legal principles, and shape criminal policy, there is a growing need for a comprehensive, systematic comparison of criminal law that encompasses numerous legal systems’. 13 As for the goals for such a ‘universal comparison of criminal law’ involving a multitude of highly diverse legal systems, they will be elaborated upon in the following paragraphs. 14
The first goal was to develop a universal meta-structure of criminal law, accommodated by a single research outline uniformly applied to all legal systems, while taking into account the diversity of criminal law traditions and legal concepts. A detailed outline such as this provides country reporters with a solid foundation for the organization and analysis of the research material. Moreover, it facilitates the direct and systematic study of the research outcome in line with the method of functional comparison, especially in terms of identifying the general principles of the national laws, along with the various approaches taken around the globe to shared legal problems, drafting international model codes and furthering, in general, the development of an international criminal law doctrine. This is why it was an important feature of the project’s structure to consider the distinctive national characteristics and frequently encountered scenarios in the field of criminal justice and, at the same time, overcome country-specific limits and possibly avoid the horizontal adoption of concepts and terms typically used in individual legal systems.
This explains why, in the course of its work, the competent research group of the Max Planck Institute for Criminal Law established a new design that is separate, detached and independent from domestic criminal law doctrine and the constraints of particular national systems. A prominent example is the analysis of the concept and the abstract definition of the criminal offence. In the Max Planck Information System, relevant discussions are not organized in terms of a tripartite offence system (objective and subjective constitutive elements of the crime, wrongfulness and blameworthiness) as is found in the German legal system, for example. Instead, the outline is based on a ‘common denominator’, in this case the almost ‘universal’ differentiation between the objective and subjective side of the criminal offence. Further, since in many systems the doctrine does not distinguish between justification and excuse, in order to facilitate comparability in the project’s outline, the respective scenarios are approached broadly and pragmatically from the perspective of the possible grounds for excluding criminal liability (for example, self-defence, state of emergency, coercion, and so on).
The second goal of the Max Planck Information System project was to provide access to the data gained from participating legal systems in the form of country reports authored by selected national experts and scientists on the basis of the aforementioned universal meta-structure and to publish the conclusions internationally in an open series format. 15 As such, the research outcome serves as a compendium of criminal law. Finally, the third goal involved creating an online platform to provide additional and free access to the basic information on criminal law referenced above. In the end, an internet-based information system was established that provides online access to the entire data set in a manner that enables direct comparisons and analysis of the various participating legal systems on every issue addressed in the project in accordance with the meta-structure and the common outline developed in the course of the project. 16
C. Application: The functional approach in the analysis of the CJEU’s Taricco judgment
The country reports prepared and published to date within the Max Planck Information System project share different structural levels. One of them involves an analysis of the grounds for excluding punishability, such as the limitation periods for the prosecution of criminal offences. The following analysis explores the example of limitation periods more specifically and describes, inter alia, the experience of using the online platform and the information provided in the database of the Max Planck Information System project for the purposes of a functional comparison, even in seemingly non-comparative studies.
The starting point is the judgment of the CJEU in the case of Taricco and Others. 17 Without going into too much detail, in its judgment of 8 September 2015, the CJEU delivered a preliminary ruling that for all intents and purposes goes beyond the interpretation of EU law and beyond ensuring a uniform application of the law in the legal systems of the Member States. The question that the CJEU was called upon to consider was whether EU law requires the courts of the Member States to refrain from applying certain provisions of their national law on the limitation periods applicable to the prosecution of criminal offences in order to guarantee the effective punishment of tax offences that affect the financial interests of the Union. 18
Specifically, the judgment under consideration was issued by the Grand Chamber of the CJEU upon a request for a preliminary ruling under Article 267 TFEU, submitted by the District Court of Cuneo in Italy (Tribunale di Cuneo) with respect to criminal proceedings brought by the Italian authorities against Mr Taricco and six other individuals. The (in 2017 still) pending national criminal proceedings involve value added tax (VAT) related offences committed between 2005 and 2009, specifically, VAT evasion amounting to several million euros. The referring Italian court estimated that, due to the complexity and duration of investigations and proceedings of this kind, the limitation period under Italian criminal law for the prosecution of the particular offences will expire in 2018, that is, before a final judgment can be delivered. According to the Italian court, the accused persons may therefore enjoy de facto impunity, a scenario that is the rule rather than the exception in Italy in these types of economic crime cases. The Italian court, by emphasizing the existence of a link between the charged tax evasion offences and the infringement of the EU’s financial interests, assumed in its request for a preliminary ruling that the provisions of the national law on short limitation periods – especially the fairly short extension of the limitation periods allowed in case they are interrupted due to the commencement of prosecution – may violate EU law, in particular the EU provisions regarding unfair competition (Article 101 TFEU), the prohibition of state aid in the form of favourable tax treatment of certain undertakings (Article 107 TFEU), the lawful VAT exemptions laid down in Article 158 of Directive 2006/112/EC 19 and the guiding principle that the EU Member States must ensure that their public finances are sound (Article 119 TFEU).
In answering such preliminary questions submitted by national courts, the CJEU has a very specific competence, namely to rule on the interpretation of the EU Treaties, as well as on the validity and interpretation of acts of the institutions, bodies, offices or agencies of the Union. Nevertheless, in the case at hand, the Grand Chamber of the CJEU strengthened the protection of the financial interests of the EU by emphasizing the immediate effect and precedence of primary EU law in criminal matters; at the same time, the CJEU (indirectly) adopted the role of a quasi-constitutional court in an area that was for years the exclusive focus of national regulation and doctrine. It did so by providing an explicit ruling on the manner in which a national court has to directly disapply national criminal law provisions – here: specific rules of the Italian legal system that provide for short limitation periods – in a specific pending case. This judgment raises many questions, some of which even touch on the evolution of a ‘constitutional’ connection between the EU judiciary and national criminal courts. 20 Specific questions relating to dangers arising from the CJEU’s judgment concerning legality and legal certainty are also important. This is because the CJEU, in its Taricco judgment, considered limitation periods, and short limitation periods in particular, as obstacles to an effective prosecution of domestic crimes which affect the financial interests of the EU. In that respect, the CJEU requires that any national court immediately disapplies any national provision that is contrary to EU law; a prior legislative repeal of the provisions or domestic constitutional procedures at issue are not required in this regard, according to the CJEU. 21
That is why, when analysing the judgment of the CJEU in light of the guarantees of legality and legal certainty, it is important to carefully explore, among other things, the legal institution of limitation periods in different EU countries in order to establish whether they are commonly considered part of the substantive or procedural criminal law. This is important with regard to the question of whether, in a pending case, it is allowed to retroactively disapply provisions on limitation periods in malam partem, that is, a disapplication with an immediate negative impact on the result of the criminal trial concerning the status of the accused. As implied in the Taricco judgment, the principle of legality and the prohibition of retroactive (dis-)application of criminal law provisions in malam partem refer primarily to substantive criminal law (definition of crimes and punishments), and not to procedural law. 22
A search of the online database of the Max Planck Information System using its comparison features quickly reveals that in some European legal systems, at least in Spain and Greece, limitation periods are considered an institution of substantive criminal law or, at least, to be of a mixed nature. Hence, the application of limitation periods falls within the scope of the principle of legality and of the prohibition of retroactive legislation in malam partem. 23 In terms of Italian law, which was of particular importance in the case at hand, questions regarding the extent to which the retroactive annulment of limitation period provisions in malam partem could be considered a constitutional violation of the principle of legality have not yet been definitively answered by the Italian courts and doctrine – at present, proceedings on these matters are pending before the Italian Constitutional Court. Imperative for the purposes of the present study is the fact that although limitation periods and the principle of legality are fundamental elements of the criminal law traditions of the EU Member States, the judges of the CJEU did not trouble themselves with a detailed comparative analysis.
Instead, the CJEU chose only to make brief reference to the quasi-relevant judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) that has the power of autonomously interpreting Article 7 (principle of legality) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). 24 Indeed, in the case law mentioned in the judgment of the CJEU, the ECtHR regards limitation periods as primarily an institution of procedural law and excludes them from the protective scope of the principle of legality and from the prohibition of retroactivity. However, there is a flaw, in particular a functionality flaw, in the CJEU’s approach of specifying judgments of the ECtHR in order to justify its own judgment in the Taricco case: on the one hand, there is the CJEU, which is of the opinion that the judicial disapplication of short limitation periods in pending criminal proceedings does not infringe the principle of legality as laid down in Article 49 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU or Article 7 of the ECHR.
On the other hand, there is the case law of the ECtHR, which refers only to the problem of retroactive application of ex post facto statutes of limitation – not of judicial decisions – and, generally, of procedural provisions to the detriment of the accused in pending proceedings. The rulings of the ECtHR are in large part based on the notion that legal certainty as well as accessibility and foreseeability regarding substantive criminal law are not jeopardized in case of the retroactivity of such (procedural) laws. At the same time, the ECtHR, even in the judgments cited by the CJEU, 25 also sets strict limits on the (retroactive) interpretation of legislation by the courts regarding limitation periods. The ECtHR expressly rejects, for that matter, legally unfounded and unforeseeable judicial decisions. Indeed, such unfounded and unforeseeable decisions are exactly those that are possible to be produced if complying with the demands of the Taricco judgment for judicially annulling limitation period provisions in pending criminal cases without a prior legislative repeal and, thus, without providing a concrete answer regarding the issue of the law of limitation periods to be subsequently applied. Gaps in the law, legal uncertainty, or even the possibility of not applying any limitation periods at all in order to protect the financial interests of the EU is definitely not what the cited ECtHR case law was aiming at when it considered limitation periods as an institution of procedural law that are to be excluded from the protective scope of the prohibition of retroactive legislation.
3. Ideal types and their application in comparative criminal law research
The objective of the above examples was to help understand the importance of a correct application of the research method of functional comparison, even in projects that do not engage in a direct and comprehensive comparison of legal systems. The third part of this article deals with an important cognitive tool for facilitating functional comparisons and, in general, for depicting complex realities in a simple and abstract way: the theoretical construction of ideal types.
A. The theory of ideal types
Ideal types may serve as a supporting tool in designing the initial framework for functional comparisons such as in the field of criminal procedure. The implementation of ideal types in modern scientific studies has its origins in the socio-philosophical teachings of Max Weber. With respect to the criminal law sciences, the theory has continued to evolve, particularly through the works of Mirjan Damaška on procedural and criminal justice models. Significant examples of familiar dichotomies, particularly models of procedure and justice administration, which constitute classic prototypes in this context, are: 26 the ‘hierarchical v. the coordinate model’ (Mirjan Damaška), 27 the ‘conflict-solving v. the policy-implementing model’ (Mirjan Damaška), 28 the ‘family v. the battle model’ (John Griffiths), 29 as well as the ‘parental v. the arm’s-length model’ (Karl Llewellyn), 30 the ‘crime control v. the due process model’ (Herbert Packer) 31 and, of course, the ‘adversarial v. the inquisitorial model’. 32
According to Max Weber, an ideal type is a construct, which in itself is like a utopia which has been arrived at by the analytical accentuation of certain elements of reality. Its relationship to the empirical data consists solely in the fact that where (…) relationships of the type referred to by the abstract construct are discovered or suspected to exist in reality to some extent, we can make the characteristic features of this relationship pragmatically clear and understandable by reference to an ideal-type. This procedure can be indispensable for heuristic as well as expository purposes. The ideal typical concept will help to develop our skill in imputation in research: it is no ‘hypothesis’ but it offers guidance to the construction of hypotheses. It is not a description of reality but it aims to give unambiguous means of expression to such a description. (…) An ideal type is formed by the one-sided accentuation of one or more points of view and by the synthesis of a great many diffuse, discrete, more or less present and occasionally absent concrete individual phenomena, which are arranged according to those one-sidedly emphasized viewpoints into a unified analytical construct (Gedankenbild). In its conceptual purity, this mental construct (Gedankenbild) cannot be found empirically anywhere in reality. It is a utopia. Historical research faces the task of determining in each individual case, the extent to which this ideal-construct approximates to or diverges from reality (…). When carefully applied, those concepts are particularly useful in research and exposition.
33
In order to gain the most from this complicated definition in terms of a correct application of the methodology of ideal types to concrete scientific studies, the first step is to assume the position of an observer and investigator of reality, for example a social scientist. The scientist observes certain elements of reality and uncovers a consistent explanation for their significant characteristics, in other words: the essential tendencies of diverse elements and their ‘meaningful interrelationships’ 34 as defined by the problem at hand. The identification of a central idea expressed in these essential tendencies enables the scientist to emphasize the interconnection of these specific elements and phenomena in a consistent manner and to organize them in the form of a unified analytical construct according to their logical compatibility. Ultimately, the outcome should be a coherent whole. This process of selection and systematization occurs on the basis of the investigator’s own points of view. Only those aspects that are essential in terms of specific (theoretical) goals and interests may be selected for the construct. 35
Max Weber uses, inter alia, the example of the city-economy. 36 Let us just say that the elements selected for the ideal type of city-economy are the principles of the exchange economy, free competition and rigorously rational conduct. In itself, this construct is like a utopia. This abstract mental construct is conceptually pure, it cannot be found anywhere in reality. In general, according to Max Weber, no scientific system and mental construct is ever capable of reproducing concrete reality in its entirety due to the infinite diversity of particular phenomena. 37 Hence, the city-economy that consists exclusively of the elements preselected by the social scientist in order to build its pure form does not really exist. Any relationship to empirical data exists only to the extent market-conditioned relationships of the type referred to by the abstract construct are discovered or suspected to exist in reality to some extent. As Max Weber suggests, ‘we can then make the characteristic elements of this relationship better understandable by reference to an ideal-type’. 38 As a result, ideal types generate a standard against which real similarities and differences between phenomena can be measured. The purpose of an ideal type is to provide a clear and simple means of expression for the description of real phenomena and a means of comparison with concrete reality in order to reveal the significance of that reality. In terms of Max Weber’s example, it is ultimately for scientific research to determine the extent to which the economic structure of a certain city should be classified as a city-economy. Overall, according to Max Weber, ideal types are a technical aid – a tool – to facilitate clarity and terminology. 39
Elaborating on Max Weber’s teachings, Mirjan Damaška has provided an alternative approach to procedural models. This approach involves a search for ideas capable of linking procedural arrangements into recognizable patterns. Once obtained from the observation of real-life systems, these ideas are used as vehicles for organizing a whole range of procedural issues. The sum total of these issues, appearing now as entailed in the animating ideas, constitutes a procedural model in its “pure” or “ideal” form. Models so conceived, although fictitious creatures, seldom if ever encountered in reality, can be employed for a variety of purposes. Insights derived from them can be of help in spotting unsuspected connections among procedural forms. A debate about a procedural rule or institution can turn into a debate about the relative merits of ideas that animate pure models to which this rule or institution is related. Most clearly, however, pure models are useful for taxonomic purposes. Just as works of art can be recognized in terms of a particular style, so an existing procedure can be assigned to a particular model. And just as to classify a work of art as pertaining to a particular style, it is considered sufficient that the work encompass some, though not all, elements of a stylistic idea, so a particular procedure need not display all elements of a model to be assigned to it. Of course, a procedure can also be recognized as a combination of elements taken from pure models.
40
B. Application: The ideal type in the examination of the role of the judge in adversarial and inquisitorial evidentiary proceedings
The methodological guidelines and principles presented above may indeed be helpful, for example in terms of designing pure extreme models 41 as the theoretical foundation for a systematic and comparative examination of traditional forms of (national and international) criminal procedure and, subsequently, for developing new conflict resolution mechanisms. To this end, it is necessary to compile models based on general observations and to uncover central ideas behind the structure and normative organization of various real procedural systems – especially of those that traditionally have considerable impact on other legal orders, such as the German, the French, the English and the North American systems. In line with the above analysis, these ideal types, which should include known (easily identifiable) procedural elements and goals, however, do not need to correspond to actual legal systems in all aspects. Rather, they should establish a purely theoretical framework of independent standards and hypotheses regarding the potential forms of procedure as well as the positions along a spectrum of procedural extremes that actual legal systems may adopt.
1. Constructing pure dichotomies and distinguishing between their essential and non-essential elements
The introductory definition of the concept and purposes of ideal types clearly does not address the issue of how to actually implement this theoretical knowledge in a research project on criminal procedure that applies the method of functional comparison. The following analysis offers an insight into a comparative project that examines the role of the judge, prosecution and defence in evidentiary proceedings under common law and civil law with the help of an outline designed on the basis of the ideal-typical distinction between adversarial and inquisitorial criminal procedure. The results of this project are included in the monography entitled ‘Die Rolle des Richters im adversatorischen und im inquisitorischen Beweisverfahren: Modelltheoretische Ansätze, englisches und deutsches Beweisführungssystem, internationalrechtliche Dimensionen’, which was published by the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law in 2015. 42
The objective for the first, abstract-theoretical part of this project was, inter alia, to look for a practical solution on how to facilitate a simple and analytically sound description of complex (Western) systems of criminal procedure and evidence. For the reasons stated in Section 2 of the present article, it was important to achieve this based on a uniform outline for all the legal orders under study, in accordance with the principles of functional comparison. The evaluative comparison (search for trends, convergences, divergences, systemic shortcomings and effective solutions) and the taxonomic 43 classification of the legal orders were important as well, since it was the ultimate goal of the project to contribute to the epistemic foundations for further theoretical or empirical studies and for legal policy programmes in the field of criminal procedure.
In order to achieve these objectives, the presumption was a clear und coherent (not arbitrarily expanded) formulation of general research propositions, factors of reference and thematic extremes. After studying the constitutive aspects of Western legal traditions and the basic principles of the theory on ideal types, 44 the first logical step was therefore to engage in an experiment to define the elements essential in pure opposite models of evidentiary structures. For these models, the widely known terms adversarial and inquisitorial were used throughout the project. 45 Thus, the logical-systematic identification of the essential elements of this dichotomy served as the starting point for drawing the outline and designing the internal structure of the second and third comparative parts of the project. These parts involve the examination in concreto – that is, description, analysis and comparative evaluation – of German and English evidentiary proceedings as well as respective aspects of the legal systems of the ECHR and the International Criminal Court. 46
The biggest challenge involved was to define the ideal types (‘adversarial’ and ‘inquisitorial’) in an abstract and comprehensive way and to distinguish essential from non-essential elements. The only logical starting point in this regard was to systematically identify the core aspects of adversarial and inquisitorial proceedings, as these aspects are axiomatically acknowledged in many legal and comparative studies of the 20th century, and sporadically in court decisions and legislation, both in the common law and the civil law world. Simply put, the central idea behind the dichotomy between adversarial and inquisitorial involves the allocation of roles in the process, particularly the role of the parties (participants in the proceedings) versus the role of the judge during the investigation and trial. Adversarial proceedings are commonly considered to include and be driven or controlled by active opposing parties, in particular, the prosecution and the defence, with the presiding judge assuming the passive role of an impartial referee. In the inquisitorial process, the official investigation of the case through state organs prevails, with the trial judge dominating the evidentiary proceedings by assuming not only the role of a rule enforcer but of an active investigator as well. 47
Having established the core aspects of the dichotomy, in order to determine the remaining elements of the extreme models in a way to facilitate, in the next step, a functional comparison of real procedural systems, it was then necessary to address the question of the goals of Western criminal proceedings. It is not the purpose of the present article to engage in a philosophical and/or socio-legal analysis of concepts such as truth and fairness. 48 Nevertheless, it should be noted that, once simplified and hurried assumptions were excluded, it was not very difficult to prove that the purpose of achieving accurate results, especially to acquit the innocent and to convict the guilty in a fair manner, is a purpose – definitely an ideal purpose – common to all those modern proceedings that employ judicial structures with judges and parties for publicly solving a criminal law conflict. 49 Simply put, there are no differences in terms of goals between these justice systems. Rather, there are two different methods of searching for the same ‘truth’ 50 in a humane and fair way, the adversarial method and the inquisitorial method, both with their respective pros and cons. 51 Hence, this is a dichotomy of procedural structures and not a dichotomy of procedural goals. This conclusion was also important in terms of a sound evaluation standard for the entire research project, the necessity of which was already briefly addressed in Section 1 above.
Once the similarity of the procedural goals was established, the project proceeded to identify both the typical structural components that complement or necessarily fit the contest of parties under the adversarial model and those that truly match the official investigations under the inquisitorial type of procedure and evidence. Any ‘neutral aspects’, in other words, elements that can naturally exist in all systems irrespective of the central idea behind their structural organization or elements that do not fit any of the basic structural choices, were excluded. 52 The respective search was based on the observation of different stages in Western criminal proceedings and the common problems and challenges that contemporary rule-of-law systems are facing. The following factors were found to be essential for the differentiation between adversarial and inquisitorial evidentiary proceedings: first, the competences of the actors responsible for preparing and producing the evidentiary material after charges have been brought; second, the knowledge on the part of the presiding judge about the materials and documents procured during pre-trial investigations, as well as, to some extent, the disclosure of evidence between the parties and third, the active or passive role of the judge, prosecution and defence in the presentation and examination of evidence during the trial. The non-essential elements of this particular dichotomy were: the existence of fair trial guarantees; the role allocation during police investigations before charges are brought; the structure of the proceedings for commencing prosecution; the public and oral nature of the criminal process; the procedural distinction between professional judges and jurors; as well as the existence of plea bargaining mechanisms. 53
2. Identifying the non-essential elements: the example of plea bargaining
In the context of exploring the methodological merits of determining the individual aspects of ideal types for the purposes of comparative studies in the field of criminal procedure, the following thoughts will briefly focus on the reason why plea bargaining and other consensual forms of conflict resolution must be excluded, as non-essential elements, from the definition of the dichotomy between adversarial and inquisitorial evidentiary proceedings. Even a simple survey of major contemporary criminal justice systems may result in a definite conclusion: the typical trial-centred systems of criminal procedure have reached their functional and logistical limits in most parts of the modern Western legal world. At the same time, plea bargaining mechanisms and other procedural arrangements that are used to shorten and ‘simplify’ the criminal process have emerged at unprecedented levels in legal orders affiliated both with the civil law and the common law tradition. The prevalence of consensual mechanisms within the criminal process has become a common, system-wide phenomenon. 54
However, the analysis of any ‘alternative’ procedural institution must be removed from standard notions concerning the structures of full-scale inquiring trials and about the role allocation in public evidentiary proceedings. It goes without saying that the legal, historical and cultural background of the justice systems examined as well as the relevant macro-considerations regarding large groups of legal orders and traditions should also be studied. 55 Nevertheless, the analysis and application of new forms of consensual procedure exclusively or largely through the use of traditional dichotomies such as ‘adversarial versus inquisitorial process’ can be, if nothing else, counterproductive. The belief that mechanisms for circumventing evidentiary hearings may be explained and properly justified and without inner contradictions through models originally designed in terms of full-scale trials is a contradiction in itself; the notion that existing models for analysis and legal policy are constants or legal dogmata rather than simple and flexible goal-oriented theoretical tools is highly short-sighted.
Examples such as the paradox of the Alford case in the USA, 56 or the recent questionable judgment by the German Constitutional Court on deals 57 and, obviously, the Newton hearings in England, 58 illustrate the Gordian knot encountered by all justice systems when it comes to the coexistence of traditional trial and plea-bargaining mechanisms, and, especially, the existing confusion in terms of the goals of the criminal process. On the one hand, in case of quid pro quo agreements in the field of criminal justice, there are times when it is necessary to accept serious ‘discounts’ on the search for the substantive truth and the principle of guilt, as well as the risk that indirect coercion will undermine the individual’s free will. 59 On the other hand, it is hardly difficult to note the real-life support expressed by prosecutorial and judicial authorities around the world for plea bargaining mechanisms and consensual agreements on the grounds of procedural economy and heavy workloads.
Also noteworthy are the different opinions sometimes expressed by legal scholars from the common law world on the relationship between plea bargaining and adversarial and inquisitorial types of procedure. According to one opinion, for example, ‘plea bargains seem to have their origin in a criminal procedure system understood as a dispute between parties’. 60 By way of contrast, another opinion maintains that ‘plea bargaining concentrates effective control of criminal procedure in the hands of a single officer’, as the historical tradition of the European inquisitorial procedure suggests. 61
Overall, the fact that there are such disparate notions provides yet another argument in favour of the premise that, rather than trying to answer the question of whether or not plea-bargaining mechanisms cause a shift between already existing procedural models, it would be preferable to analytically address these contemporary phenomena by designing new, exclusive ideal types aimed at facilitating a functional comparison.
4. Epilogue
The principal techniques of comparative research are the thorough observation of the various functions and the practical exchange of ideas on the organization and operation of different systems. Comparative legal research, in general, is an important tool for interpreting legal rules and institutions, for a meaningful implementation of the elements of foreign systems at the national level and for promoting the smooth realization of the objectives of international justice that require different legal systems to appreciate each other’s normative foundations and structural choices. Functional comparison in the fields of criminal law and procedure in particular is an epistemologically sound method to coherently analyse traditional forms of justice administration as well as to systematically study both basic and background knowledge in order to develop new mechanisms for solving social conflicts involving extreme violations of the core socio-ethical values. In this context, ideal types and theoretical extremes are useful tools for designing abstract working environments, defining proper hypotheses and maintaining functionality in comparative studies aimed at providing scholars and legal policy actors with the cognitive foundations for further empirical research and policy reform. In the era of quick, easy and online access to information, the ways and means of scientific research have changed and evolved at many levels. Yet, in order to set out in the right direction and catch the favourable winds to their destinations, legal scientists need to navigate, today more than ever, with a methodological compass that will enable them to deliver comprehensive and conclusive studies, and to sail safely and efficiently to the ports of their choice.
