The Role of Islamic Piety Movements in the Lives of Malaysian Female Muslim Students in the United Kingdom

Transnational Migration and International Students

The various definitions of transnational migration include the displacement of a person from one geographic location to another (Demuth, 2000), and the multiple and circular migration across transnational spaces of migrants who maintain close contact with their countries of origin (Guo, 2010). Other views of transnationalism are systems of ties, interactions, exchanges, and mobilities that spread across the world (Cohen & Kennedy, 2013). The concept used in this paper follows the widely regarded term for transnational migration, which refers to regular and repeated movements across national boundaries, in which individuals maintain continuous contact with events and other individuals in more than one place (Levitt, 2003).

Transnationalism has led to an emergence of migrant communities referred to as transmigrants (Dunn, 2010; Levitt, 2003). The fact that international students leave their home countries to study and live in a foreign country, forming and maintaining links made during the course of their overseas education, meets the basic definition of transnational migration, making them transmigrants by virtue of their belonging to more than one society simultaneously (Larsen, 2016). Although the use of transnationalism within education studies is limited, research on transnationalism of international students has drawn attention to the significance of social class, the multi-faceted nature of student identities, the complex relationship between contexts of origin and education locales abroad, and transmigrant practices (DeJaeghere & Vu, 2012).

Transmigrant practices are often conceptualized as being carried out “across spaces” (Faist, 2000, 2006). Space differs from place in that it encompasses or spans various territorial locations including positions in networks and organizations that reach across the borders of multiple states. Transnational spaces also incorporate the symbolic and imaginary geographies through which migrants attempt to make sense of their world (Collyer & King, 2014). The reality of transnational spaces for international students indicates that migration may be temporary and that their transnational lives may in fact become a strategy of survival and betterment (Brooks & Waters, 2011). The transnational links that international students form can be of a more informal nature, such as intra-household or kinship ties (Bilecen, 2014), social networks (Beech, 2015), or they can be institutionalized, political or religious organizations (Faist, 2006). Despite the significant body of literature on international students’ intercultural practices, the core issue of how they see their own experiences and responsibilities in transnational intercultural and gendered spaces has been largely neglected (Baxter, 2019; Bilecen, 2014; Holloway et al., 2012).

Transnationalism, Religion and Gendered Dimensions of International Students

Research on global religion has focused on specific religious traditions in a single setting rather than on the cross-border connections that communities share (Levitt & Jaworsky, 2007). More recent work reveals the ways in which religion creates international connections that engender universal identities. Religion and, in particular, religious organizations operating in broad geographic contexts, engage in increasingly homogenized forms of worship and organization that give rise to global communities (Levitt, 2003). Transnational migration research has discovered that migrants tend to stay connected to their sending communities through transnational religious practices reinforced by religious organizations that, in turn, assume transnational properties of their own (Levitt, 2003). Levitt and Jaworsky (2007) asserted that a lacuna exists in transnational migration studies within the context of religion in the everyday lives of migrants. They suggested two areas for exploration: one, by considering the ways in which a migrant practises his or her religious activities in the destination country; and two, by analyzing how these activities affect his or her connection with the two nations. They further highlighted the importance of religion as playing a key role in transnational networks.

While various studies have highlighted the importance of religion in transnational networks, relatively few have directly examined the role of transnational migration and Islam (Cole & Ahmadi, 2010). Drawing on the fundamentalist model of Muslim identity and practice, Kibria (2008) concluded that revivalist Islam offers a way of managing the challenges of living in a new society, especially for Muslims who find themselves in the minority. Apart from identifying as “Muslim,” a person living in the West can choose to define his or her own identity using citizenship and original nationalities, such as ethnic identities and gender (Roy, 2004). Marsden (2008) pointed out that Muslims move between their region’s different spaces as they identify with very different values and traditions, some of which stand in contrast to one another. This causes Muslims to objectify their religion and to engage in self-examination or a critique of Islam and its meanings (Marsden, 2008). Levitt and Jaworsky (2007) claimed that to understand the role of religion in transnational migration, work on transnational religious practices must go beyond the observable dimensions of religious life to also examine religion’s subjective dimensions, including its role in identity construction, meaning-making, value formation, and in creating alternative allegiances and places of belonging.

Research on international students who are practising Muslims in the US has shown that religious coping (e.g., getting support from religious institutions, and engaging in Islamic gatherings and prayers) might be a means of addressing the challenges of cultural adjustment (Abu-Ras & Abu-Bader, 2009; Ribeiro & Saleem, 2010). Similarly, religious movements have played a significant role in the United Kingdom as initiators of social change in Muslim students’ lives (Olivier, 2016). However, research focusing on female Muslim international students is perplexingly limited despite the heightened focus on gendered Islamophobia and the increase in the number of international female students from predominantly Muslim nations (McDermott-Levy, 2011; Ozyurt, 2013). Evidence suggests that many female Muslim students have to deal with issues related to gender, such as negative stereotypes about being oppressed Muslim women (Nasir & Al-Amin 2006), wearing the hijab (Seggie & Sanford, 2010), social expectations that conflict with Islamic values and behavior, feelings of isolation and discrimination on campus (Cole & Ahmadi, 2010), and identity concerns (Abbas, 2003). These challenges that female Muslim students encounter may negatively affect their academic progress, achievement, and overall experiences. Limited studies have also found that female Muslim students experience difficulties observing their religious practices at their universities, especially among those brought up in countries where religion is tightly embedded within the social fabric of their culture and daily living (Seggie & Sanford, 2010).

Furthermore, some female Muslim students have reported that maintaining their Islamic faith enabled them to overcome obstacles of discrimination and stress related to their international experience (Ahmad, 2007; McDermott-Levy, 2011). During periods of transition, having greater amounts of social support and stronger social ties with the host country’s community and co-nationals appear to contribute to their positive psychological adjustment and well-being (Kuo et al., 2014). Muslim women also seem to retain and continue to engage in Islamic religious practices as a means of displaying pride in their faith and retaining cultural patterns from home. (McDermott-Levy, 2011). Research has also found that female Muslim international students’ experiences are influenced by their religious traditions and the MSAs (McDermott-Levy, 2011; Ribeiro & Saleem, 2010).

Hospitality Received on Arrival to the United Kingdom

Most of the respondents shared similar experiences of receiving generous hospitality when they first arrived from Malaysia. They knew about the piety organization activities such as usrah (religious circle discussion) through the senior female Muslim students who had helped them during their first few days in the United Kingdom. In addition to welcoming them at the airport, the senior students offered their lodgings as temporary accommodation (until the new students found their own), and took them on a tour of the city. The seniors were part of the Manchester Malaysian Community and members of the MSA. One of the informants, 21-year-old Aini, shared how she became involved in usrah within a few days of her arrival:

These kakak (meaning “big sisters,” a form of address/referring to senior female students) picked me up from the airport, and they hosted us in their house for a few days, and they took us to the city. They were so nice, and that is how I know about usrah from them.

The new students were quickly put at ease on their arrival because there was an active community to help them. This is part of the Malaysian students’ community’s activities to help new students by providing hospitality such as airport pick-ups, temporary accommodation, and introducing them to the Islamic organizations. Consequently, students started to attend usrah sessions and became interested in the piety movement. Their participation in such activities was of their own accord as none reported having felt compelled to join due to pressure from the organizers.

Pre-Departure Programme on Preparation to Study Abroad

Before the prospective United Kingdom students left Malaysia, they had been invited to a pre-departure program, jointly organized by IKRAM and Education Malaysia (International Students’ Affairs Department under the Ministry of Education). The program aims to provide useful information about the United Kingdom and to serve as a platform for connecting and networking with members of IKRAM and Education Malaysia staff based in London. It also provides guidance for establishing brotherhood and sisterhood ties, and for learning how to survive as a Muslim in the United Kingdom. During the orientation program, students were also encouraged to ask the seniors about student life so as to be mentally and physically prepared.

Anisa, 22, reported that she had attended a pre-departure 3-day camp organized by IKRAM. The theme was the Journey of Muslims. The new students were given guidance by the senior students on survival skills as Muslims in the United Kingdom, including ways to offer prayers when traveling. The event also helped to build networks among new students and with the seniors from the same university. Students were given contact details of senior students at the universities where they would be studying. This finding shows how co-national friendships (with those who were already residing in the country of education) serve as a medium for interaction, and by providing emotional and spiritual support, are hence considered the most important type of network (Bilecen, 2014).

Influence From Family Members

Five students disclosed that they had learned about the piety organization and the usrah from their family members and friends who had studied abroad. Three of the respondents, Afia, Jasmine, and Nat, said their involvement in usrah was influenced by family members. Afia was encouraged by her mother, an engineer, who had studied in the US years earlier, and had been involved in Islamic piety movements as a discussion leader in usrah:

My mum was a discussion leader when she studied at the University of Wisconsin. She told me to join usrah because it shares Islamic values and teachings, which would help boost my faith when studying abroad.

As the oldest daughter, Afia wanted to be an example to her siblings by being a good daughter and Muslim. She took her mother’s advice and registered with the usrah group through another Malaysian student who introduced her to the piety organization.

For Jasmine and Nat, the influence to join the piety movement came from their siblings, who had also studied abroad. Jasmine shared her first experience in usrah when she visited her twin sister in Australia. She thoroughly enjoyed the discussion and became determined to participate in the usrah once she started her studies in the United Kingdom. Like Jasmine, Nat’s participation in usrah was influenced by her brother, who was studying in the United Kingdom too:

My most significant influence is my brother. Oh my God, he is such a nice guy; he is not like me (laughing). He said to me, “Sister, try to join usrah and see what it is like.” At first, I was reluctant, and then I said “Fine.”

Nat is from a Chinese Muslim family. Her parents had converted to Islam before they got married. Though she did not wear a hijab (headscarf), it did not prevent her from trying out the usrah upon her brother’s persuasion. She also described her brother as a good and religious person because of his active involvement in the piety movement.

The above examples show how joining the piety movements was initiated through the relationships of the students with their families and the Malaysian transmigrant community, and that the close emotional connection with their own immediate family effectively ties them to the defined gendered expectations of the “good daughter” in Malaysian society (Hirschman, 2016).

Sisterhood Relationships

According to the respondents, a few weeks after the new students’ arrival in the United Kingdom, the Islamic organizations would hold “meet and greet” sessions. Through these gatherings, new students are introduced to the piety movements, particularly the usrahs. Usrahs were reported as central to the ways in which the female students cultivate pious dispositions, and in which students offer support to one another. A further important aspect of such gatherings was that they led to the forms of socialization among female students. The findings concur with views on religious social activities as a source of social capital and an important variable determining the path of assimilation within a segmented social structure of migrants (Kibria, 2008). In the context of transnational migration, spiritual capital has been posited to yield tangible benefits in the form of assistance as well as intangible benefits in the form of faith and forbearance (Hagan, 2008; Levitt, 2001).

Other social gatherings, called Trip-n-Treat (TnT) and Quranic circles, provided more social spaces for respondents to learn about Islam and to share problems they faced in the host country. TnT is conducted twice a month, separately for men and women. In the sessions observed, between 10 and 30 students attended the events held at Malaysian Muslim students’ homes. The event began with a Quran recital, followed by knowledge sharing activities. Then, a selected person discussed the experiences and challenges confronting Muslim students in the West, and shared advice based on the Hadith (a collection of the Prophet’s verses). The discussion was then open to the participants to share experiences or to offer advice on the problems faced by others.

From the three TnT programs observed, it can be concluded that the activity offered a number of benefits for the students. First, it served as a meeting point for many Malaysian Muslim students in Manchester. Second, the TnT can be considered as providing spiritual nourishment for those students far away from family and a Muslim environment, and feeling the need for Islamic reminders and advice.

What can be concluded from the field notes is that the TnT and the Quran reading sessions served as reference points for students facing problems in their daily lives as Muslim migrants. Attending the events enabled students to expand their sisterhood through a sense of belonging, and to build a social support network (Robertson, 2016). The Islamic discussions and lessons with the seniors, especially in aspects related to adapting to a Muslim lifestyle in the host country, were seen as a point of reference for sustaining their faith. Evidently, the bond among the female students remained strong throughout these events, owing to the continuity and regularity of the activities.

Mahmood (2005) demonstrates that Islamic lessons and activities have shaped women’s piousness and their subjective morality as daughters, wives, and mothers. Both the TnT and Quranic circles can be considered spaces for the students to discuss personal matters with the seniors, and get advice to solve their problems, guided by the appropriate Islamic teachings. In Manchester, besides the mosque, various personal and public spaces were used for conducting activities by the piety organizations. The above findings concur with those of studies discussing the role of religious associations among migrants in other settings, showing how they created spaces representing belonging, inclusion and familiarity (Ozkul, 2012).

From observations, senior students played a critical role in ensuring the stable and durable nature of the impact that the piety movements had on these female Muslim students. This finding is important as it indicates that the trend of transnational piety movements among early Malaysian students on British campuses—which started about 50 years ago (Mamat, 2016) has continued to this day. Hence, transnational social ties among Malaysian students in the host country are considered important in shaping the experience of piousness. However, while the sense of support created an ethnic enclave of Malaysian Muslim students, connecting students with others from the same backgrounds, it made it less likely for them to socialize with students of other ethnicities nor with local host students.

The Importance of Piety Movements in Students’ Lives

In the participants’ responses to how piety movements or religion helped them in their migration experience, two main themes emerged: leading a well-rounded Muslim life and overcoming stress and loneliness.

Leading a Virtuous Well-Rounded Muslim Life—Usrah as a Reminder

The most frequently cited important factor for the respondents’ involvement in piety movements was related to leading a virtuous, balanced Muslim life. Most of the participants claimed that their involvement in the piety organization reminded them of their duty and purpose in life as Muslims. They wanted to be successful in both their studies and in their attempts to lead virtuous lives. Yasmin, 23, explained how usrah helped in her migrant experience:

I find it very helpful in connecting things. It is spiritual but you also get to see your friends. We are like a family, because we love each other for the sake of Allah, it is something reliable, to keep reminding you what you have to do every week.

During the observations, the students were seen to be struggling in managing their academic work. The tension increased when they heard about a case involving a Malay male student who lost his scholarship due to his poor academic results. Being scholarship recipients, the respondents were expected to perform well in their studies, hence the importance of ensuring getting good results every term, which they found very challenging.

It was observed during usrah meetings that the students organized a board game called the Hadith Challenge game. Each player, after throwing the dice, would have to pick a card with a question and provide an answer. An example of a question would be: “The key to Paradise is Prayers. What is the key to Prayers?” Playing the board game not only tested their knowledge of the hadith, but also provided new Islamic knowledge. These young women believed that their attempts at becoming better informed and educated in their Islamic beliefs would improve their academic self-concept.

Overcoming Stress and Loneliness

As much as they enjoyed other aspects of their life in the United Kingdom, such as going to car-boot sales or watching football matches at the stadiums, the respondents reported undergoing stressful and lonely experiences too. A 22-year-old shared how the reminder of usrah helped her to overcome stress in her studies:

Most of the things they taught me are like—things you should already know but I did not realise before, but I am certain of it now. When you are stressed, you should not forget that Allah already plans for everything. No matter if you are facing hardship in life, whatever happens, happens for a reason—put your trust in Allah to solve the problem. I love this little reminder.

This student perceived stress as one of the hardships in her life as a student. Taking part in usrah helped her to think like a Muslim who should see such afflictions and adversities as tests and a necessary component of life. Undesirable situations (illness, financial difficulty, etc.) are to be accepted as opportunities to actualise a Muslim’s inner potential and move her forward in her spiritual journey, becoming stronger and more resilient. The above reminder from usrah comforted her and increased her spiritual awareness. The present findings support previous claims that engagement in religious discussion is an important way of overcoming depression and tension among students (Ribeiro & Saleem, 2010).

Another student, Halina, shared the importance of spirituality in overcoming loneliness when living far away from family:

Living in the UK a thousand miles (sic) away from family made me become more religious. Study abroad provided me an opportunity to develop my dakwah skills and piety, especially through usrah.

The dakwah skills and the process of developing piety among female students while studying abroad have been an aspiration for the Malaysian Muslim piety movement organization in the United Kingdom. During the winter of 2016, one of the researchers had the opportunity to observe an Islamic forum organized by the IKRAM in Scotland. The speaker of the forum and members of the organization emphasized their aspiration to have more dakwah speakers among Malay women, their aim being to mold more future female leaders.

A senior student shared the importance for Muslim women to be brave about expressing certain needs and requirements:

As a Muslim female student, we have to be honest and tell them (lecturers and friends) the truth if you want to pray during the class. I know that many of us struggled with tight class schedules and finding time to pray on campus. Also, why we can’t have direct physical contact with the male students, such as hugging or shaking hands. I am sure they will understand once you explain to them nicely.

Zalila reported that many students confessed their concern about the lack of understanding among non-Muslims regarding physical contact with Muslim women, thus, they did not want to embarrass them by rejecting the handshake. The problems and struggles these students faced recall Mahmood’s (2005) work on female ethical formation, in which she argued that the main challenge Muslim women faced in their attempts to maintain a pious lifestyle was their internal struggle dealing with what they perceived as insensitive expectations of society for them to behave in ways considered by Muslims to be impious. The respondents in the present study found that by attending usrah, they were able to share and discuss what they should do to resolve the problems related to Islamic practices and their identity as Muslim women.

Various studies have shown a relationship between religion and psychological wellbeing, especially in the way international students in a foreign country rely on religion to adopt appropriate coping behaviors (Kuo et al., 2014; Seggie & Sanford, 2010). Accordingly, when people facing problems in a new culture are empowered, they often feel stronger and can manage more effectively (Chung et al., 2011). Consequently, religious organizations have a role in encouraging and empowering migrants in adapting to new social and cultural environments (Ozkul, 2012). Religion would also enable international students to adapt more easily and not be so seriously affected by stress. In this context, pious organizations play an important role in reaching out to female Malaysian Muslim students who feel lost and lonely, and helping them prepare for the challenges of living in a foreign environment.