Abstract
A new form of social media influencer is the patient influencer, or patients who share “lived experiences” of chronic disease online and who build communities of patients. Trust in the healthcare system is a challenge for people of color due to the systemic racism and other barriers encountered. This article explores the intersection of health communication, patient influencers, and cultural inclusivity. Using the Theory of Planned Behavior’s theoretical constructs (subjective norms, personal attitudes, and perceived behavioral control), thematic analysis was used to understand culturally inclusive health communication strategies used by patient influencers of color. In-depth interviews (N = 18) were conducted. Findings suggest that patient influencers of color have the capacity to promote inclusivity and trust within their social networking communities. Patient influencers want to empower others through their authentic content about living with and managing chronic disease. Theoretical and practical applications are addressed.
Ethnic and racial groups experience higher rates of disease across numerous health conditions, for example, diabetes, obesity, and heart disease, when compared to white patients (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2022); they also have long experienced systemic health and social inequities which increase the likelihood of poor health. According to the CDC (2022), improving participation in health promotion interventions has the potential to reduce the burden of chronic disease and health inequities. Health equity is “achieved when every person has the opportunity to attain [their] full health potential and no one is disadvantaged from achieving this potential because of social position or other socially determined circumstances” (CDC, 2022). It is important when communicating with people of color (POC) health promotion messages, to be sensitive to culture, including consideration of cultural norms, beliefs, and behaviors. Researchers point out, because “current health communication tactics have not adequately addressed diverse populations or health disparities, many Americans do not understand health information well enough to make informed decisions or to act on it …” (Kreuter et al., 2007, p. 222). Health promotion is still needed that addresses gaps in patients’ health status, and accounts for the complexity of the psychological, socio-cultural, and structural factors among ethnic and racial groups (Briant et al., 2016; Leader et al., 2022). Much research highlights the importance of cultural values and traditions in health promotion (e.g., Walters et al., 2020), and the effectiveness of narratives and storytelling among POC who already have traditions of storytelling (Lohr et al., 2022).
The Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) suggests that patients’ health behavior is determined by their intention to perform the behavior (Ajzen, 1985, 1991). Health behavior includes actions taken by patients which affect their health and improve their quality of life. Behavior is an outcome of personal beliefs about the behavior which then determine the attitude toward the behavior, and subsequently the intention to perform that behavior (Ajzen & Fisbbein, 1974). The TPB suggests that beliefs about behavior in combination with evaluations of behavioral outcomes shape patients’ attitudes, which then leads to intention (French et al., 2005). Affective attitudes are stronger predictors of intentions than are cognitive attitudes (Sheeran et al., 2017). Affective attitudes refer to the emotion or significance attached to behaviors or situations.
Social media influencers (SMIs) have become ubiquitous in travel, fashion and beauty, and consumer packaged goods due (in part) to their ability to reach marketing objectives and yield high rates of return (Hudders et al., 2021). The development of emotional connections by followers with SMIs has been found to be effective in persuasion (Ladhari et al., 2020). Emotional connections by followers are often developed from a sense of credibility (Sokolova & Kefi, 2020), formed from affective bonds with the influencer (Reinikainen et al., 2020). Social media enables users to connect with trusted sources of information and social support (Majerczak & Strzelecki, 2022). Information is perceived to be more credible when it is shared by members of one’s social network. Recently, patient influencers have emerged in the literature as a new type of SMI, and are an advertising strategy used by medical device and/or pharmaceutical manufacturers to engage patients in health messaging (Willis & Delbaere, 2022; Willis et al., 2023). Researchers define patient influencers as those who curate and share their “lived experience” about disease with followers to create an emotional bond and, at times, monetize their following by partnering with pharmaceutical brands (Willis & Delbaere, 2022). Due to the high rates of return on investment and the popularity of SMIs (Vrontis et al., 2021), health promotion interventions have flirted with the use of patient influencers to reach target audiences with key messages (Lutkenhaus et al., 2019). However, little empirical research is published about patient influencers. The current study seeks to better understand the role of patient influencers in communicating about health; specifically, we apply the TPB to explore patient influencers’ cultural inclusivity practices.
Literature Review
Trust, Health Promotion, and Patient Influencers
Trust is important for POC, after long histories of experiencing systemic racism and its effects. Mistrust of the healthcare system is a main cause of racial and ethnic health inequities (Jaiswal & Halkitis, 2019). The trustworthiness of the information source and the accuracy of the content relates to the perceived credibility of online health information (Wang et al., 2021). Research shows that communities made up of POC may be distrustful of health messages that come from government and traditional media sources (Feinberg et al., 2021), even health information from their physician, causing many POC to rely on other sources of information (Nguyen et al., 2020). Further, people are more likely to seek out information from those who have similar physical attributes or with whom they perceive cultural similarity (Saef et al., 2019). Health communication is related to cultural competence, meaning that an intervention should reflect the culture of the target community so as to foster self-efficacy (Alizadeh & Chavan, 2016; Nguyen et al., 2021). Health communication often neglects the socio-cultural context and the unique experiences of racial and ethnic groups (Dutta, 2016).
The incidence of chronic disease is increasing across the United States, especially among POC (CDC, 2022). The CDC (2020) reports that 60% of adults have at least one chronic disease, and more than 40% have multiple chronic diseases. Self-management interventions seek to engage patients in ways that enable them to learn how to manage their chronic disease (Hardiman et al., 2020), for example, nutrition and exercise strategies for patients with diabetes, medication adherence tips, or how to communicate with family and friends about the condition. Self-management behaviors are affected by patient characteristics such as health literacy, depression and anxiety, and self-efficacy (Marciano et al., 2019). Very simply, self-efficacy is a patient’s belief in her ability to successfully perform a behavior (Bandura, 1982). In addition, factors such as social support (Mohebi et al., 2018), experience with the healthcare system (Schulman-Green et al., 2016), and patient–provider communication (Misra et al., 2022) impact self-management. Self-management interventions are a strategy to combat chronic disease; however, ethnic and racial groups often experience individual and societal barriers to enacting these behaviors (Shulman-Green et al., 2016). Culturally responsive interventions are a way to improve the capacity of POC to engage in self-management. Much has been written about the ways in which self-management interventions should be modified to promote cultural appropriateness (Ehrlich et al., 2016), but little research examines patient influencers’ role in health communication and cultural inclusivity.
Patient influencers are a type of SMI. Lou and Yuan (2019) define an SMI as “…a content generator: one who has a status of expertise in a specific area, who has cultivated a sizable number of captive followers – who are of marketing value to brands – by regularly producing valuable content via social media” (p. 70). More specifically, patient influencers curate and share their lived disease experience with communities of patient followers on social media, including prosocial behaviors. When followers perceive influencers as experts, they tend to trust the information and their related opinions (Lou & Yuan, 2019). Patient influencers advocate for and encourage health as patients who experience the disease, but also strategically communicate the disease experience to (potentially) monetize their communication content, for example, medical device or pharmaceutical sponsorships. A number of articles (e.g., Gabarron et al., 2020; Klassen et al., 2018) examine social media platforms for their potential in public health initiatives, specifically health promotion; however, this is a developing area of research and little is known on the effectiveness of social media in influencing health behaviors, especially among POC.
Theory of Planned Behavior
Theory of planned behavior proposes that patients’ decisions to perform specific behaviors can be predicted by their intentions to perform those behaviors (Ajzen, 1985). It is documented that attitudes are related to behavioral intention, and that behavioral intention is related to behavior (Ajzen & Fisbbein, 1974). Intentions represent a patient’s motivation, or how much effort she expects to exert to perform the behavior. However, behavioral intention does not always lead to the performance of a specific behavior (Ajzen & Fisbbein, 1974). According to the TPB, intentions are determined by three factors: personal attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control (Ajzen, 1985). Here, personal attitudes refer to a patient’s evaluation of the behavior. Subjective norms refer to how others would feel if the patient engaged in a particular behavior. Perceived behavioral control is a patient’s expectancy that performing the behavior is within her control. These three factors are determined by patients’ underlying beliefs. According to the TPB, patients are likely to perform a behavior if they believe that the behavior will lead to a valuable outcome (Ajzen & Fisbbein, 1974).
Health behaviors are shaped (in part) by the information received (Dutta-Bergman, 2013), and social media have become a main source for health information. In fact, research shows that more than 40% of patients report being influenced by health information found on social media (Auxier & Anderson, 2021), and 57% of patients with chronic disease report using social media to obtain health information (Pew Research Center, 2010). A review by Yang (2017) found that online users’ attitudes and self-efficacy toward specific health behaviors could be influenced by information on social media, including encouraging behavior change, and ultimately improving positive health outcomes.
Previous research employing the TPB is quantitative and is used to predict intentions and subsequent behavior change (Ajzen, 1991). The current study adopts a different approach and instead of employing the theory to predict intentions, we use the theory to help us understand why and how patients engage in a particular behavior. The elements of the TPB were used as a framework to explain the adoption of culturally inclusive health communication by patient influencers of color. The behavioral change had already occurred, and the researchers here were seeking to explain why and how.
Method
This study conducted interviews with patient influencers of color (n = 18). Interviews were the appropriate method to explore these practices since little is published about patient influencers. This study was approved by the leading university’s institutional review board (#21-0472). Informed consent was obtained verbally before the interview, and permission to record was granted.
To help identify an initial sample of patient influencers, researchers contacted Health Union, a digital health company with the mission to build communities by connecting patients and healthcare partners, for example, serving as an intermediary between pharmaceutical brands and SMIs. Health Union provided an initial list of patient influencers to interview. The criteria for participation were being 18 years or older, being diagnosed with a disease, using social media platforms to discuss health, had 1000 or more followers, and collaborated with health brands. Next, the researchers invited ethnic and racially diverse patient influencers to participate in the study through email. Snowball sampling was then used to recruit more patient influencers to participate in the study. Snowball sampling is when study participants refer future participants for research (Parker et al., 2019). Participants were gifted $50 for their time and asked to refer another patient influencer.
This study is part of a larger project using an interview guide that included a range of topics such as influencer practices (e.g., use of various platforms), social media logistics (e.g., decisions about sharing content and tracking analytics), brand partnerships, and perspectives on patient influence. Ultimately, the purpose here was to understand how patient influencers of color approach cultural inclusivity. In total, 18 interviews were conducted via Zoom or phone: 12 females and 6 males. Eighteen interviews were deemed sufficient because of the saturation of data (Guest et al., 2006). The participants had been diagnosed with various conditions, including lupus, fibromyalgia, Parkinson disease, asthma, and HIV. Interviews were conducted during October through December of 2022 and January to June of 2023. The interviews ranged from 35 to 91 minutes, and averaged 48 minutes; interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim.
Analysis of Data
Transcripts of the interviews were analyzed using a thematic approach (Braun & Clarke, 2014). First, each researcher read all the transcripts to gain familiarity with the data. Based on this initial reading, the researchers independently open-coded the transcripts using the TPB constructs as guide. Each researcher recorded notes related to the theoretical constructs. Emphasis was given to “patterns of meaning” within the data (Clarke & Braun, 2017, p. 297), which was conceptualized as similarities as well as differences. During analysis, the initial notes were discussed and, when combined, their representation of the TPB’s theoretical constructs: personal attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. We applied Ajzen’s (1985) definition to the coding and theme generation. Personal attitudes refer to beliefs about a behavior, or the extent to which a patient has a favorable or unfavorable evaluation of the health behavior. Subjective norms refer to beliefs about others’ attitudes toward a health behavior, whether most people approve or disapprove of the behavior. Lastly, perceived behavioral control is the belief about one’s own ability to perform a behavior, or the ease or difficulty of performing the behavior. The researchers agreed on most of the coding (around 90%) and discussed to consensus when there were disagreements. Codes were generated from the researchers’ notes and discussion, and then were organized for each theoretical construct. Finally, themes were identified and named within the constructs. While an original set of themes was identified, the researchers continued to refine them. We identified the central idea in each theme and named accordingly. A report then was written using exemplar quotes for support.
Findings
This study examined the cultural inclusivity practices of patient influencers through the lens of the TPB. This theoretical framework offers insight into the attitudes and behaviors of patient influencers related to sharing health communication and “lived experience” (see Figure 1). The following section describes themes organized according to the constructs of the TPB: personal attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. Each exemplar quote is labeled with identifiers that the participants approved. Themes identified according to the constructs of the Theory of Planned Behavior.
Personal Attitudes
Advocating for Good Health, Not Influencing for Payment
In the TPB, personal attitudes refer to beliefs about potential outcomes of a behavior. This includes beliefs participants expressed regarding positive or negative outcomes of being a culturally inclusive patient influencer. For most participants interviewed (N = 15), there was strong dislike for the term “influencer” because of the social currency attached to the term and the aspect of paid promotion. Rather than influencing for the benefit of business, participants felt as if they were practicing advocacy by sharing their “lived experience” with others, hoping to raise awareness, reduce stigma, or help other patients improve their lives with the disease. … I don’t see myself as an influencer, I see social media as a place where we can create change. If I’m able to reach one person, and that one person can share that message with two people and so forth, and so forth … and if that’s considered an influencer, then you know I would definitely say yes, because if I can provide a platform, and like thousands of people can see and amplify that same message, yes, then I can be an influencer and create change. (Participant #4)
Several of the participants did not equate sharing their “lived experience” with influencing because there was no paid promotion in their messaging; they simply were sharing their experiences of living with chronic disease in hopes of helping other patients do the same.
The paid partnerships that are typical of SMIs clouded some of the participants’ views of the term influencer, and they did not want their own followers to perceive them as being inauthentic because of this type of paid partnership. While some participants (N = 7) did work in paid partnerships with pharmaceutical companies and/or other health brands, they still reported this type of work as advocacy due to their belonging to a marginalized group and being diagnosed with specific illness. Participants (N = 5) said that sharing online helped to raise awareness and decrease the stigma associated with either the disease/condition or race/ethnicity—or both. Being honest about the experience was important to the patient influencers, even if that meant sharing negative content that reflected “my truth.” So, I share a lot of the really nitty-gritty stuff, and I share a lot of the stuff that breaks my heart, and I share a lot of the stuff that’s on my heart. And I feel there’s an expectation from the following that I’ve built to be real; they expect realness from me, they expect me to not sugarcoat stuff, and I think that’s just part of my voice and the brand voice that I’ve created. (Participant #2)
By sharing on social media, the participants noted that their experiences caused other patients to engage with them, for example, asking questions or sharing their own experiences. The participants (N = 18) understood their role as patient influencers in that they felt others expected them to be honest in sharing, and have answers because they’ve encountered similar health problems as part of a racial or ethnic group.
Subjective Norms
Creating Space for Patients of Color by Challenging Stigma
Subjective norms, in the TPB, express social norms that could interfere with a behavior. Here, we examine the social pressure from individuals and groups that could challenge culturally inclusive health communication. Due to the lack of information upon their disease diagnosis, the participants (N = 18) wanted to share for the benefit of other POC with the same disease. It was important to them that other patients of color did not share their experience with the healthcare system; instead, they reported wanting to create a safe space for other patients of color who might need information or social support from “others who look like me.” … For me, it was the lack of knowledge that was out there about the various types of diabetes, the lack of education and information provided to people that look like me. The misconception, the stereotypes of Black people, and people of color. But you know, while I’d like to think that I fight for every person with diabetes and every person of color, my heart is really with Black and Brown people, because I am a Black and Brown person. (Participant #3)
Participants (N = 4) said that they created content for others with the disease but also noted that there still were not many patient influencers of color, and so users often gravitated toward them because of their shared ethnicity or race. While the participants (N = 18) acknowledged the lack of health information available that specifically targets POC, they felt as if social media was a tool that could connect patients and be used to share relevant information. All the participants (N = 18) discussed their “health journey” and noted that disease is a challenge daily, and those collective experiences allow them to be experts in navigating the disease.
Whether related to race or ethnicity and/or disease, the participants (N = 10) said that they wanted to raise awareness among traditionally underrepresented groups. All participants (N = 18) referred to stigma, shame, or social norms as reasons others might not discuss their disease openly, but said that sharing on social media “breaks down those barriers” and normalizes these experiences. Latinos, we don’t talk about HIV and AIDS. Latinos, we don’t talk about anal cancer or anything having to do with the butt. And especially when men have to go get checked, screened—they’re not going to do it. (Participant #9)
Participants (N = 4) reported that sharing their experience was not always comfortable for them, but felt as if their content might help another person of color in a way that they themselves once needed help and/or support. Participants (N = 7) wanted to be vulnerable in spaces where it traditionally was taboo to share openly. In doing so, they hoped to challenge current expectations and/or experiences of other patients and how their disease is discussed in social spaces. The participants wanted to challenge the subjective norms related to their disease, gender, or race/ethnicity. As a member of an ethnic or racial group, the participants understood the complexities of culture and could navigate communicating about their disease in a way that was effective.
Perceived Behavioral Control
Empowering Others by Sharing Self-Management Practices
In TPB, perceived behavioral control refers to beliefs about factors that may facilitate or impede a behavior, in our study, the adoption of culturally inclusive health communication. The participants (N = 18) reported practicing self-management behaviors in a way that they felt others could mimic and achieve better outcomes. The patient influencers interviewed discussed sharing content about self-management, for example, talking to their doctor, deciding on a medication treatment, medication adherence, and changing their exercise routine or diet. It’s a new way, or a new form for some people who don’t want to do support groups and where they can just go online and see the story, the picture, or watch the video. They can read a little caption … I encourage people to stay positive, try to live your best life … (Participant #7)
Self-management is not often discussed with patients by their doctors and is something that is critical to living with chronic disease. For participants (N = 5), learning how to manage their own disease was “trial and error,” and so sharing what they’ve learned is motivated by helping other patients of color avoid similar negative experiences. The participants reported not wanting to influence others, but instead, being an example of one way to live with disease and encouraging others to advocate for their needs.
Participants (N = 18) wanted to share their experiences to document their own behavior changes, self-management protocols, and overall disease experience in the hopes that it will educate and encourage others to share their experiences. Participants (N = 6) said they received feedback from their followers in regard to their content being somehow influential, for instance, seeking out second opinions or new healthcare professionals. I am really weirded out by the fact that people take my opinions so far, but people will straight up ditch their doctors for a new doctor if I think their doctor sucks. But I’m not in your shoes, but from my outside perspective, it seems like you probably need a second opinion. And people will go get a second opinion, and that’s big, I think that’s huge … And I’m surprised by how much impact my posts make, and I get messages—no exaggeration—I probably get two or three a day where someone has said, “You have inspired me to keep going.” … I didn’t realize how impactful it was going to be. The content that I make is surprisingly impactful. (Participant #2)
Participants (N = 14) said they wanted their own experience to inform others so they might take control of their care. Several participants (N = 5) also mentioned that their experience could be especially meaningful to communities of color; participants reported that stories shared on social media help others to connect with them and engage in the community.
Behavioral Intentions
In the TPB, intention is a key concept which explains how behaviors are influenced by personal attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. Intention refers to a patient’s readiness to perform a behavior and how much effort she will exert in performing a behavior (Ajzen, 1985). Our sample of patient influencers were actively performing culturally inclusive strategies in communicating health information to followers. The following theme then describes their intentions in culturally inclusive health communication.
Sharing to Fill a Gap in Healthcare Communication by Building Intentional Patient Communities
For many of the participants (N = 11) interviewed, they felt “compelled” or “called” to share their disease experience with others. Something about their initial experience with the healthcare system, for example, finding a diagnosis, choosing a medication treatment, and feeling lost and alone, motivated them to begin talking about their experience and sharing it with others online. Their diagnosis was life-changing and for many, it was challenging to find information relevant to them, a patient of color. Participants (N = 6) also noted they did not have a strong support network upon diagnosis, and they experienced feelings of loneliness. The uncertainty and loneliness many reported was the motivation to share with others on social media, to seek and share others’ experiences for connection and/or validation. For many, it was an obvious choice to share their “lived experience” so that another patient of color could have more information and perspective than the patient influencer reported initially.
The participants (N = 18) felt as if their experience was necessary to share so that other patients could see what living with the disease was really like, “the good, bad, and ugly,” and the patient influencers wanted to share the “reality of living with the disease.” Sharing with others became a natural part of living with the disease. Participants (N = 18) discussed the lack of relevant and culturally appropriate health information when they were diagnosed. Many (N = 14) reported the absence of health education or promotion to marginalized groups. I spent a lot of time looking for diabetes information that related to me as an African American woman from the South. You know, how to eat, how to manage diabetes … and I didn’t find much. So, in 2012, I created the website …, because I wanted to see an African American with diabetes who was smiling … I did not see what I needed, so I created it. (Participant #15)
Other participants (N = 9) noted the lack of racial- or ethnic-specific information, or information that was culturally appropriate. Because of stigma related to some diseases or conditions, information in these communities might be even more scarce, and so that motivated patient influencers to be more vocal on social media. Participants reported using online communication platforms to share their experience and to connect with other patients of color with their same disease. All the participants (N = 18) reported seeing a gap in healthcare and felt as if their experience contributed to cultural inclusivity.
The participants interviewed (N = 18) reported being intentional in the content they shared with their communities. They wanted to share their experiences with the disease and offer marginalized patients a voice. Several of the participants (N = 4) interviewed reported using hashtags to build community and connect with other patients diagnosed with the same disease. The social media platform allowed participants to be found by others who might be in need. It was important for them to fill a gap in healthcare communication.
Discussion
This article sought to gain qualitative insight into the attitudes and behaviors of patient influencers of color through the lens of the TPB to better understand cultural inclusivity practices (see Figure 1). The current study is the first to examine patient influencers of color and adds to our understanding of how the TPB can help better understand cultural inclusivity in health communication.
This study identified themes related to the TPB constructs which give insight into cultural inclusivity practices. First, personal attitudes were investigated, that is, a patient’s overall evaluation of the behavior (Ajzen, 1985, 1991), which in our study was sharing inclusive health information/serving as a patient influencer for POC. One theme was identified pertaining to the personal attitudes construct: advocating for good health, not influencing for payment. Here, the patient influencers wanted to differentiate between influencer and advocate. Many felt as if sharing their “lived experience” and disease journey was for the purpose of advocating, not influencing others. The vulnerability and authenticity, for example, “my truth,” was important in building trust with followers. When the information source is perceived as credible and trustworthy, the content is then thought to be more valuable (Wang et al., 2021). Information, including health education and promotion, was considered advocacy by these patient influencers because it was part of raising awareness about a particular disease or condition. Despite some of the patient influencers working in paid partnerships with pharmaceutical companies, they felt as if those business relationships could potentially cause followers to perceive their content differently, perhaps less authentic or credible. This was a tension seen in the data. However, several mentioned these paid partnerships as opportunities to introduce their followers to different treatment options, and to be able to contribute honestly to the conversation of prescription medications. Being part of pharmaceutical marketing campaigns was seen as advocacy, raising awareness for other minority patients, and offering their “lived experience” with the medication. The patient influencers felt as if the paid promotion with pharmaceutical companies was part of being authentic since they took the medication. It’s important to recognize the potential risks associated with using patient influencers in pharmaceutical advertising. This form of direct-to-consumer marketing operates under ambiguous guidelines from the Food and Drug Administration, which can result in sponsored content that may be misleading or deceptive. The financial compensation for such promotional material can create a gray area, raising concerns about the authenticity and accuracy of information regarding prescription medications (Willis & Delbaere, 2022). It was important to the patient influencers that other patients of color see that they can live a high quality life despite being diagnosed with chronic disease. This attitude to illness affected their behavioral intentions, as patient influencers. For many ethnic and racial groups, there may be an absence of tailored health information that is culturally sensitive (Dutta, 2016), and that accounts for the psychological, socio-cultural, and structural factors (Briant et al., 2016; Leader et al., 2022) that influence attitudes and behaviors. Patient influencers wanted to share with others to help mediate shortcomings they experienced in the healthcare system. Inherently, these influencers speak from their own values and traditions, which is important among minority groups (Walters et al., 2020).
The next construct of the TPB examined was subjective norms. Subjective norms refer to how others would feel if we engaged in a particular behavior. One theme was identified: creating space for patients of color by challenging stigma. Here, patient influencers recognized that patients of color needed a space to connect with others and share culturally relevant information. The patient influencers interviewed wanted to facilitate a community for patients of color because of their experience with the healthcare system. This meant sharing their experiences, even when it was uncomfortable or made them feel vulnerable. It was through this vulnerability that their experience resonated with others and encouraged them to also share. This is culturally inclusive health communication (Alizadeh & Chavan, 2016). Many recognized the limitations of culturally appropriate health information and wanted to share their experiences to fill that gap for other patients experiencing the disease, specifically patients of color. It may not be that the “lived experience” is profoundly different, but the storytelling from patients of color who (presumably) speak from a position of marginalization resonates with followers who encounter similar challenges. The source here—a patient influencer of color—has the potential to influence followers’ attitudes related to chronic disease self-management; representation is critical in health communication (Dutta, 2016). Whereas the prevailing norms within a particular ethnic or racial community might suggest people do not openly share health information (Lohr et al., 2022), especially about certain diseases, the patient influencers in our sample took on these norms as a challenge to overcome; rather than limitations to their behavior, it spurred them to action. Showing success among patients of color was a primary intention among influencers interviewed.
The third construct, perceived behavioral control, is a patient’s expectancy that performing the behavior is within his or her control. One theme was identified pertaining to perceived behavioral control: empowering others by practicing self-management. The patient influencers in this study reported sharing day-to-day activities that showcased to others what it was like to be a patient diagnosed with a particular disease. Much of their content is related to self-management behaviors, for example, diet and exercise, medication adherence, and doctor–patient communication. This sometimes included chronic disease treatments like prescription medication. Sharing self-management practices allowed the patient influencers to exert some degree of control over their disease experience and their own disease narrative. The experience of living with chronic disease is often emotional in nature, and thus, it makes sense that followers develop affective attitudes toward the patient influencer, and make an investment in the influencer’s health journey. Affective attitudes are often more important than cognitive attitudes (Sheeran et al., 2017). The influencers want to share what they had learned along their disease journey and communicate that to others for the purpose of helping others in their community. The day-to-day storytelling of “lived experience” provides visual content for followers, showcasing how patient influencers manage their symptoms and daily activities; this serves as a “live demonstration” of self-management behaviors. Patient influencers try to communicate outcome expectations, and both the challenges to behavior and successes in managing symptoms. This type of vulnerability may influence followers’ affective attitudes, which are important in behavior change (Sheeran et al., 2017). Followers may create emotional connections with patient influencers due to the credibility of their disease journey and the content that is shared about managing the disease.
The patient influencers wanted to empower others by sharing authentic content about their disease. While not all the content shared related to the disease, patient influencers understood their relationship with their communities and subsequently their communities’ needs. The way patient influencers practice cultural inclusivity meets the needs of the patient influencers’ audiences, and creates engagement with the content and produces word-of-mouth communication. Because POC often encounter racism or other cultural barriers (Jaiswal & Halkitis, 2019), patient influencers wanted to share information that would help others when first navigating their health diagnosis. Understanding the barriers allowed for patient influencers to share solutions with their followers that offered unique experiences as patients of color. Patient influencers act as experts to help make information more accessible, help rebuild trust in the patient/provider relationship, aid in research, and help provide resources for patients. Providing access to information in a way that is understood and/or usable can relieve health inequity (CDC, 2022; Kreuter et al., 2007) which can help unburden the healthcare system, improve patients’ health literacy, and create more patient communities. When patient influencers of color engage in culturally inclusive health communication, they are actively challenging and addressing the historical and structural inequities in the healthcare system, not reinforcing them. The focus is on creating an environment where healthcare practices and messages are more aligned with the unique cultural contexts, values, and experiences of patients of color, which can lead to more positive and equitable health outcomes.
The themes identified here from the constructs of the TPB were examined, along with the corpus of interview data, in regard to cultural inclusivity. Intentions refer to the motivational factors that influence a behavior where the stronger the intention to perform the behavior, the more likely the behavior will be performed (Ajzen, 1985, 1991). One theme was identified in relation to behavioral beliefs: sharing to fill a gap in healthcare communication by building intentional patient communities. These patient influencers were focused on cultural inclusivity and creating content that was relevant and culturally appropriate for their communities of color. Their own experience motivated them to share their “lived experience” online with others, and by doing that, their communities have grown. People often seek information from others they perceive as being culturally similar (Saef et al., 2019), and thus, it makes sense that patient influencers’ communities have increased as other patients learn of the information available. The patient influencers all identified gaps in the healthcare system in regard to health communication, health education, and promotion. Their content then fills some of those informational gaps. Trust is often reserved for those in our social networks (Majerczak & Strzelecki, 2022). By sharing vulnerable content, patient influencers can connect with others and build intentional communities. By doing so, they can serve as a bridge between the healthcare system and patients. Patient influencers of color share knowledge and strategies for navigating a system that may otherwise be alienating or distrustful to them, ultimately increasing the likelihood of positive health outcomes. This is a proactive, not deterministic, approach. Patient influencers facilitate feelings of empowerment so that other patients might reach their full health potential, working to reduce health inequities. Patient influencers might be thought of as an interactive form of health promotion. Patient influencers share information for “others who look like me” and those who may be experiencing the disease and similar challenges in life; followers perceive the information to be trustworthy and credible because of the source (Saef et al., 2019) and the emotional connection forged through social media content (Sokolova & Kefi, 2020). Patient influencers of color create a foundation for health decisions that resonate with followers’ live experiences, and agency then allows patients to engage with their healthcare, making this an open-ended process rather than an inevitability. The features of social media allow for two-way communication where patient influencers can respond to followers’ comments and questions. Followers can understand through the patient influencers’ content what it’s like living with and managing a disease. The source is a patient who shares his or her “lived experience” and reflects the socio-cultural context that is unique to racial and ethnic groups (Dutta, 2016).
This study has limitations. The qualitative approach here is insightful, but more quantitative studies are needed so that generalizations might be made. The researchers used interviews, and the data is self-reported, meaning there’s no check on validity outside of repetition in responses. We used snowball sampling, and this recruitment strategy is limited in reach. Research should further investigate patient influencers who are communicating with specific patient populations who are difficult to reach. Patient influencers are already sharing health communication and building communities for the purpose of living well with disease. More research should be conducted on the influence of patient influencers in health education and promotion, and if these conduits of health communication could be used to connect with patients of color in specific disease categories.
Theoretically, this study adds to the literature on the TPB due to the qualitative approach taken here. Understanding the motivations behind patient influencers’ culturally inclusivity practices allows for insight into health promotion strategies that health communication professionals might implement. These influencers of color help dismantle systemic inequalities in healthcare by advocating for practices that are often marginalized or overlooked. In doing so, they contribute to a more inclusive and effective healthcare system, which benefits not only individual patients but also communities as a whole. There are many practical implications for this research. Public health officials should consider partnering with culturally inclusive patient influencers on future health promotion campaigns (Ehrlich et al., 2016). By serving as a bridge between the healthcare system and patients of color, these patient influencers could become very important channels for sharing information about health behaviors to underserved groups who value hearing messages about health from people who understand their experiences. They have become trusted and credible sources of health information for other patients. It’s not about reinforcing a specific outcome based on a preconceived belief but rather creating an environment in which diverse health needs are recognized and addressed. Health communication professionals could work toward building trust with patients of color not only by working with culturally inclusive patient influencers but also by understanding their reasons and motivations for engaging in culturally inclusive practices. Health interventions that work with the community to create space for POC and challenge the stigma associated with certain health conditions could be perceived as trustworthy by both patient influencers and their followers.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by Arthur W. Page Center for Integrity in Public Communication under the Page Legacy Scholar Grant (2021EOC007).
