A Narrative Inquiry of the Lived Experiences of Group Home Survivors and Trauma

Trauma

The impact of childhood trauma is well-documented, with numerous studies linking adverse experiences to negative outcomes such as mental health disorders, behavioral challenges, and difficulties in educational and social functioning (Ballard et al., 2015; Braga et al., 2017; Hughes et al., 2017). The seminal Adverse Childhood Experiences study (Felitti et al., 1998) underscored the long-term consequences of trauma, showing associations with chronic illnesses, psychological distress, and socioeconomic struggles (Anda et al., 2006). Yet, even within comparable contexts of trauma exposure, individuals do not experience uniform outcomes. Resilience research consistently shows that adaptation after adversity varies widely depending on access to relational, social, and structural resources (Masten, 2014; Ungar, 2013).

Resilience is not a universal or purely individual trait; rather, it is shaped by contextual conditions, including socioeconomic stability, community support, educational opportunities, and systemic privilege (Neenan, 2017; Ungar, 2011, 2013). Individuals with greater access to material and relational resources are more likely to demonstrate resilient outcomes (Luthar et al., 2000), whereas those facing cumulative disadvantage including poverty, discrimination, and institutional instability often encounter greater obstacles to adaptive functioning (Evans & Kim, 2013). For youth who lack consistent access to professional interventions such as counseling, case management, or therapeutic support, opportunities to develop resilience may be further constrained, leaving them more susceptible to the long-term negative impacts of trauma (Brunzell et al., 2016; Zimmerman, 2013).

Youth in residential care exemplify this complexity. Their developmental trajectories are shaped not only by histories of maltreatment but also by institutionalization, social stigma, and inconsistent access to supportive relationships (Harder et al., 2013; Hiles et al., 2014). Research shows that former residential care residents are disproportionately affected by homelessness, unemployment, and mental health challenges in adulthood (Salazar et al., 2013), trends also supported in international longitudinal studies (van Breda, 2018). These outcomes reflect the interaction between risk factors (e.g., instability, disrupted attachments, and chronic adversity) and protective factors (e.g., supportive adults, educational opportunities, and community resources) documented across developmental resilience frameworks (Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 2014). When resilience processes are supported through relational connection, emotional safety, and access to services, youth may regain stability and adapt more positively over time (Gilligan, 2000; Ungar, 2013).

Posttraumatic Growth

Posttraumatic growth and resilience are related yet distinct constructs. While resilience is an adaptive response that enables individuals to withstand adversity (Fleming & Ledogar, 2008), PTG involves a transformational process following trauma that leads to positive psychological change (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). This growth manifests in greater appreciation for life, deeper relationships, and increased personal strength (Brooks et al., 2019; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Research suggests that resilience and PTG share an inverse relationship, with higher resilience linked to lower PTG, indicating that those less resilient may experience greater personal transformation after trauma (Levine et al., 2009).

While resilience serves as a protective factor, it does not necessarily lead to the deep meaning-making that characterizes PTG. In the context of youth in group homes, this perspective highlights how PTG may represent hard-earned growth, as participants navigate cumulative trauma and adapt in ways that foster meaningful psychological change, even when they did not possess high resilience from the outset. Examining these experiences through the lens of resilience and PTG allows for a deeper understanding of how youth confront adversity, make sense of their lives, and achieve transformative growth.

Posttraumatic growth includes five domains: enhanced self-perception, improved interpersonal relationships, discovery of new possibilities, increased appreciation of life, and spiritual or existential growth (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). However, PTG functions not as an assumption of positive outcomes but as an interpretive lens that illuminates where survivors themselves identify transformation within their lived experience (Ramos & Leal, 2013; Shakespeare-Finch & Barrington, 2012; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). In this study, the five domains of PTG served as interpretive lenses for analyzing the narratives of individuals who experienced childhood trauma while living in group homes. Using these five domains as analytic lenses allowed a nuanced understanding of how individuals narratively transform adversity into growth, revealing not only the outcomes of PTG but also the processes of meaning-making that sustain it.

Along with the five domains of PTG, Robert Neimeyer’s (2019) constructivist model also informed the present study. This model proposes that trauma shatters core assumptions about the self, relationships, and the world. The survivor’s task becomes reconstructing meaning through revised personal narratives that restore coherence. This process directly aligns with the five domains of PTG. Through the work of reconstructing meaning after trauma, survivors often begin to re-author their personal narratives in ways that reflect the key domains of PTG. Their sense of self becomes reshaped by the recognition of resilience and the integration of survival into identity. Relationships take on renewed significance as supportive others are reinterpreted as anchors of trust and connection. The future, once disrupted, becomes open to new possibilities as individuals imagine alternative paths and purposeful directions. Everyday moments gain heightened importance, fostering gratitude and a deeper appreciation for life itself. At the most fundamental level, spiritual and existential beliefs are revised to hold both suffering and hope, enabling a broader understanding of meaning that supports continued growth (Neimeyer, 2019; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996).

Youth placed in group homes often experience significant trauma, including abuse, neglect, and multiple foster placements, leading to complex psychological stress (Briggs et al., 2012; Rayburn et al., 2016). While foster care aims to provide stability, frequent relocations and institutional settings can hinder emotional development (Dozier et al., 2014; Lee & Thompson, 2008). Long-term outcomes for group home alumni indicate increased risks of incarceration, homelessness, and economic instability, suggesting a need for interventions that promote resilience and PTG in these populations (Ryan et al., 2001; Segura et al., 2017).

Despite advancements in PTG research, gaps remain in understanding the role of sociocultural factors such as race, gender, and socioeconomic status in shaping post-trauma outcomes (McElheran et al., 2012). Tedeschi and Calhoun’s model (as cited in Berger & Weiss, 2009), while influential, lacks empirical testing in areas like cognitive processing, self-disclosure, and narrative development (Manning-Jones et al., 2015). Additionally, most studies focus on single traumatic events rather than the cumulative impact of repeated adversity. Further research is needed to explore how PTG unfolds in individuals with prolonged exposure to trauma, such as those in group homes, to better inform interventions supporting long-term growth and well-being.

Group Homes

Children removed from their homes due to abuse, neglect, or other adverse circumstances are placed in the foster care system, which includes various placement settings such as non-relative foster homes, kinship care, and group homes (Frensch & Cameron, 2002; Jones, 2015). While traditional foster homes are the most common, group homes serve youth who require structured environments with continuous supervision and support (Dozier et al., 2014). Despite the intended stability, many foster children experience multiple placements, disrupting their sense of security and compounding their psychological distress (Lee & Thompson, 2008). Youth of color, particularly Black, American Indian, and Alaska Native children, remain overrepresented in foster care, further highlighting systemic inequities in child welfare (The Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2021).

Group homes often accommodate youth with significant trauma histories, including exposure to domestic violence, sexual abuse, parental substance use, and chronic instability (Briggs et al., 2012; Rayburn et al., 2016). The cumulative impact of these experiences contributes to complex traumatic stress, affecting emotional regulation, behavior, and relationships (Cook et al., 2005). Many youths enter group homes because they struggle with behaviors that pose risks to themselves or others, necessitating a structured setting to ensure safety and provide therapeutic interventions (Knoverek et al., 2013). These placements aim to help youth process trauma, develop coping strategies, and, in some cases, manage psychopharmacological treatments (Briggs et al., 2012).

Research on long-term outcomes for youth in group homes indicates significant challenges in adulthood. Former residents face increased risks of homelessness, incarceration, and economic instability (Arslan, 2016; Campos et al., 2019). Longitudinal studies reveal that a substantial proportion of individuals with a history of residential care experience legal system involvement, underscoring the social and economic costs associated with inadequate support during and after foster care (Ryan et al., 2001; Segura et al., 2017). These findings suggest that traditional foster care interventions often fall short in fostering resilience and long-term stability.

Existing research highlights the role of social support in promoting resilience among trauma-affected individuals, but gaps remain in understanding the specific mechanisms by which perceived social support influences PTG (Bisken et al., 2011; Goel et al., 2014). Furthermore, while Tedeschi and Calhoun’s PTG model provides a foundation for understanding positive adaptation after trauma, it lacks a sociocultural lens, failing to account for how race, class, and systemic inequities shape post-trauma experiences (Berger & Weiss, 2009; McElheran et al., 2012). Additionally, much of the research on PTG focuses on single traumatic events rather than the cumulative adversities experienced by youth in group homes (Manning-Jones et al., 2015). Future research could build on this work by explicitly examining how race, class, and systemic inequities influence the posttraumatic experiences of youth in group homes, thereby providing a more comprehensive understanding of the sociocultural factors that shape resilience and growth. Such investigations could inform culturally responsive and equity-focused interventions tailored to the unique needs of marginalized youth, ensuring that supports for PTG are both inclusive and contextually relevant.

While these gaps highlight important directions for future research, the present study did not aim to address or resolve them. Rather than attempting to fill these theoretical and empirical voids, this study focused on exploring the lived experiences of individuals who endured childhood trauma and lived in group homes. The purpose was to understand how these participants made meaning of their experiences and how resilience and PTG manifested in their lives despite cumulative adversity. Through an interpretive lens, this study sought to illuminate participants’ personal narratives of survival, adaptation, and transformation, offering insight into how they experienced growth in the aftermath of trauma within the context of their unique life circumstances.

Research Design

The authors used narrative inquiry research design to explore and understand the lived experiences of research participants who endured childhood and adolescent trauma and lived in a group home. In narrative inquiry, human experiences are examined as a storied phenomenon (Clandinin, 2013) and are well-suited for studies that examine identity formation and personal transformation (Jirek, 2017). Narrative inquiry involves seven key components in exploring participants’ lived experiences: (1) focusing on individual experiences, (2) attending to the chronology of those experiences, (3) collecting personal stories, (4) re-storying these narratives, (5) identifying themes through coding, (6) situating stories within their context or setting, and (7) collaborating closely with participants throughout the research process (Creswell, 2013).

Anti-Oppressive Considerations

Because this study explores trauma within a child welfare system marked by historical inequities, we used an anti-oppressive orientation into our narrative research practices. An anti-oppressive stance in narrative inquiry focuses on the power dynamics inherent in storytelling: who gets to tell the story, who interprets it, how stories are represented, and how researchers avoid reinscribing marginalization (Potts & Brown, 2005; Razack, 1998). We did not use the anti-oppressive lens as a separate analytic framework but as an ethical and relational guide during recruitment, interviewing, co-construction of narratives, and interpretation. We approached participants as experts of their own experiences, privileging their meaning-making over researcher interpretation. To address power imbalances, we emphasized collaborative meaning-making throughout the research process. During interviews, participants controlled the pacing, depth, and direction of their stories, and we used clarifying questions only to support their agency in shaping what they wished to share. In line with anti-oppressive narrative principles, participants were treated as co-constructors of knowledge, and their voices were centered throughout re-storying and theme development. We also engaged in ongoing reflexivity, attending to how our social identities, professional backgrounds, and prior trauma work could influence the interpretation of narratives.

Participant Recruitment and Data Collection

Purposeful sampling was used to recruit adults (18 years or older) who had lived in a group home during childhood or adolescence, ensuring participants could provide rich, relevant data. Eligible participants met two criteria: (1) experience of childhood or adolescent trauma and (2) residence in a group home during childhood or adolescence. Following institutional review board (IRB) approval, flyers were distributed through independent living agencies, child welfare organizations, counseling centers, community groups, and online platforms (e.g., social media). Despite these efforts, recruitment proved challenging in the initial months. In response, a minor change in the IRB was obtained seeking approval to offer a $100 Visa gift card as an incentive to each participant. A revised flyer was distributed, and additional outreach was conducted through professional and personal networks.

Thirteen individuals initially expressed interest, but due to time and funding constraints (since this study was part of a doctoral dissertation), the first four who completed all required documentation were selected. The final sample included two men and two women from various regions in the United States and identified as Caucasian or African American. Participants ranged in age from 20 to 48 years at the time of the study. All participants had experienced significant childhood or adolescent trauma, with trauma exposure beginning as early as age four and continuing into late adolescence. They were removed from their homes between ages 7 and 13 and each spent time in one to two group home placements during their youth.

Each participant completed two interviews via HIPAA-compliant Zoom, using a university-owned, secure device. They also submitted a reflective journal entry, which was used as data along with interview transcripts. The interviews followed Kim’s (2016) two-phase approach.

(1) Narration Phase: The first interview where the author asked open-ended questions inviting participants to tell their stories. During this first interview, the author did not interject and let them share as much about their experiences by providing prompts. Interviews were open-ended and lasted up to 2 h.

Data Analysis

All interviews were transcribed verbatim and de-identified to protect participants’ identities. In the first step of data analysis, each transcript was reviewed line by line to assign initial descriptive codes—short phrases that summarized the content or emotion of each narrative segment (Saldana, 2021). For example, as the participants talked about how they survived in the aftermath of trauma and living in a group home, phrases such as “keeping busy help me cope,” “I try to learn from every experience,” and “I try very hard to do things not in a negative way” and “I have done all the therapy” were coded. During descriptive coding, we attempted to find the narrative meaning (Kim, 2016) involving different aspects of the stories of trauma and living in a group home. These descriptive codes helped in the preparation of initial narrative accounts of each participant.

To further structure, interpret, and organize participants’ initial narrative accounts in a way that honored both the emotional depths and contextual realities of their stories, we used three analytical tools: broadening, burrowing, and storying/re-storying (Clandinin, 2013; Clandinin & Connelly, 2004).

Broadening involved stepping back to view the participants’ narratives within wider social and institutional contexts (Clandinin, 2013). This included examining how their experiences of trauma, neglect, and survival in group homes were influenced by systemic factors such as lack of consistent caregiving, emotional support, and stability. For example, when participants described how they coped by “keeping busy” or “working hard to achieve more in life,” these coping mechanisms were understood not only as personal strategies but also as adaptive responses to institutional trauma. Through broadening, the themes of PTG and grit were interpreted within the context of how youth in group homes often develop internal motivation and creative outlets (e.g., cooking, journaling, and therapy) to counteract feelings of powerlessness and abandonment.

Burrowing involved a deep and focused exploration of specific experiences, emotions, and turning points in the narratives (Clandinin, 2013). This allowed for a closer look at the emotional landscapes within each story, paying attention to the subtleties of meaning, language, and reflection participants used when discussing their trauma and healing. For instance, one participant described how becoming a chef provided both a career and a therapeutic outlet: “My cooking is also my therapy. It’s me and the recipes and the food I make … according to how I know myself and where I come from.” Burrowing helped the analysis stay grounded in the individual’s voice, making space for vulnerability and complexity.

The process of storying and re-storying involved reconstructing the fragmented or nonlinear narratives into coherent and meaningful stories, co-constructed between the participant’s account and the researcher’s interpretive lens (Clandinin, 2013; Clandinin & Connelly, 2004). This step honored the narrative inquiry tradition of emphasizing meaning-making and allowed for the emergence of themes across time and personal transformation. In re-storying, participants’ experiences were reframed not only as accounts of survival but also as testimonies of growth, grit, and healing. For example, a narrative might begin with a participant’s sense of isolation in the group home but evolve into reflections on therapy, personal accomplishments, and messages of encouragement for others. This re-storying process enabled the emergence of the theme resilience, not just as a static trait but as an evolving process shaped by reflection and choice. Additionally, re-storying highlighted how survivors made sense of their past in relation to their present and future goals. Participants often narrated their experiences with an eye toward how they wanted to help others or change the system, emphasizing growth, advocacy, and wisdom born from adversity. By applying broadening, burrowing, and storying/re-storying, this study was able to capture both the collective patterns and individual nuances of survivors’ experiences. While using these tools, participants’ reflective journal entries were utilized to provide more context to their stories.

Trustworthiness

The authors took the following steps to enhance the trustworthiness of the study: (1) member checking, (2) rich and thick description, and (3) researcher reflexivity (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). For member checking, participants were asked to review their transcripts for accuracy which were made available for discussion and consultation. The participants were asked to provide feedback while also checking for accuracy of how the data were interpreted and presented (Stahl & King, 2020). Two-part interviews offered a rich and thick description of the lived experiences of participants. The authors engaged in ongoing self-reflection to examine how personal experiences and biases influenced data collection and analysis, ensuring a more transparent research process.

Researcher Stance and Ethical Considerations

The first author, originally from Jamaica, and the second author, originally from India, began their careers as counselors before pursuing doctoral studies in counselor education and supervision. They are now assistant professors in counselor education programs in the United States. While both have worked with individuals with trauma histories, the first author has extensive direct experience in trauma-focused settings. She spent five years working in a group home, provided trauma-informed care in private practice, and supported trauma survivors in university counseling centers, K-12 schools, group homes, and community mental health agencies. Her experiences in group homes inspired this study as part of her doctoral dissertation research. This study was conducted in strict accordance with ethical research standards, with IRB approval obtained prior to data collection. While the study posed no physical risk, some questions could have triggered emotional distress, so participation was fully voluntary, and participants could withdraw at any time. Anonymity and confidentiality were prioritized through the use of pseudonyms, secure data storage, and a clear informed consent process throughout the research process.

Kenna

Kenna, a mid-adult teacher, carries a childhood marked by trauma. She endured emotional, physical, and sexual abuse, domestic violence, and the absence of her parents. She described her mother as narcissistic and “on the spectrum,” and her transgender father was largely absent. During early adolescence, the accumulation of these experiences led to her removal from home, resulting in three difficult years in foster care and two placements in a group home. She recalls the group home as generally safe but noted that staff were inexperienced and detached, leaving her to navigate much of her healing on her own.

These early experiences shaped Kenna’s adult life, fueling anxiety about abandonment and a desire for control, which contributed to repeated toxic relationships. Yet, she also developed remarkable resilience. Through tenacity and a clear personal definition of success, not being trapped in harmful relationships and coming to terms with her past, Kenna built a life of stability and meaning. Today, she thrives; she has raised two daughters, maintains healthy relationships, holds two master’s degrees, and enjoys a fulfilling career. Kenna describes herself as thriving, not merely surviving, highlighting how intentional focus on healing and self-understanding can transform even the most challenging childhoods into a life of growth and posttraumatic transformation.

Carter

Carter, a young African American man, experienced loss and adversity from an early age. His mother died shortly after his birth, and his father passed away around his fifth birthday. He was then placed with an uncle whose gambling and alcohol use led to frequent abuse, resulting in Carter’s removal and placement in a group home at age seven. His first placement was traumatic, he was bullied and “touched inappropriately,” and after a fight with another resident, he was transferred to a second group home at age 12, where he remained until 18. It was there that a cook recognized his interest in food and nurtured his passion for cooking, a relationship Carter described as life-changing and pivotal to his healing.

Despite later struggles with depression, anxiety, and financial instability, Carter demonstrated determination and responsibility shaped by his early hardships. He acknowledged becoming introverted and guarded in relationships, uncertain of his role and fearful of repeating cycles of pain, yet he credited these challenges with fostering maturity and perseverance. Starting as a dishwasher after leaving care, he steadily worked his way up to become a chef, describing cooking as his therapy and his way of coping. He attributed his resilience to “never losing hope,” viewing PTG as learning to thrive rather than remain fixated on the past. Carter now seeks to build a family of his own and to live fully rather than merely survive. His story illustrates the core of this study, how individuals with histories of childhood trauma and group home experiences construct meaning, resilience, and PTG through their lived narratives.

Cole

Cole, another young African American man, experienced multiple traumas between the ages of 6 and 14, growing up in a chaotic household marked by neglect, substance abuse, and instability. Removed from his home at age nine, his entry into the child welfare system added another layer of disruption, as he cycled through relatives’ care and eventually into group homes. His early experiences were characterized by homesickness, emotional distress, and exposure to both peer and staff mistreatment, conditions that deepened his mistrust and shaped later difficulties with control and intimacy.

Despite these challenges, Cole’s narrative reveals significant resilience and PTG. The turning point in his life occurred after witnessing the death of a close friend due to gang-related violence, which became a catalyst for self-reflection and change. Motivated to honor his friend’s legacy, Cole redirected his energy toward self-improvement and healing, drawing on prayer, spirituality, and counseling support. Through these processes, he developed greater self-awareness, compassion, and determination to build a better future. Now participating in an independent living program, Cole actively utilizes available resources and views himself as thriving, evidence of both adaptive resilience and the transformative potential of PTG. This transformation is further reflected in his work as a youth advocate today, a role he believes he can fulfill effectively because of his lived experiences. Cole’s story illustrates key domains of PTG, including increased personal strength, deeper appreciation for life, enhanced relationships, and a renewed sense of purpose rooted in helping others navigate adversity.

Kami

Kami, a middle-aged Caucasian woman and the older sister of Kenna, experienced extensive trauma from early childhood through adolescence, including physical, emotional, and sexual abuse within her family system. Her father’s unresolved gender identity struggles and her mother’s subsequent breakdown and remarriage created an unstable and unsafe environment marked by neglect, manipulation, and violence. Removed from her home in early adolescence, Kami’s transition into foster care and later a group home introduced additional layers of trauma, particularly through inconsistent caregiving and emotional manipulation. Despite these experiences, Kami retained an internal awareness that what was happening to her was wrong and that she possessed the intelligence and determination to create a better life. Her early sense of self-agency served as the foundation for her later resilience, motivating her to pursue independence after aging out of care and ultimately building a stable adult life.

Kami’s resilience and PTG emerged through both personal resolve and sustained therapeutic engagement. Through intensive therapy, she processed her trauma, restructured her thinking, and learned to set healthy boundaries in relationships, changes she viewed as indicators of growth. She identified her drive for self-improvement, academic achievement, and capacity to form nurturing relationships as evidence of transformation beyond survival. Today, as a professor, mother, and youth advocate, Kami uses her lived experience within the foster care system to help others, translating her pain into purpose. She described her journey as a movement from surviving to thriving, an embodiment of PTG grounded in self-awareness, healing, and the pursuit of meaning after adversity. Kami’s story reflects the study’s broader themes, illustrating how resilience operates as a dynamic process and how PTG emerges through intentional meaning-making and the reclamation of one’s narrative after trauma.

Enduring Trauma Before Group Home Placement

Before entering the foster or group home systems, the participants had already endured significant trauma that fractured their sense of safety and belonging. Kenna summarized her childhood bluntly: “I’ve had trauma since I was four years old.” Her early years were marked by physical, emotional, and sexual abuse within a rigid religious household that denied her gender identity and emotional needs. “Being gay was not allowed,” she recalled, describing her upbringing as “deeply traumatic.” Her stepfather’s military-style punishments, locking her in rooms, restricting food, and pulling her hair, created an environment of constant fear. Even her mother’s love, she shared, never felt real.

She doesn’t realize she did, but she severely neglected me as an infant because she was going through so much trauma of her own … my mother and the other biological parent were going through a really difficult time. My biological parent transitioned. They are a trans woman. That happened right after I was born. It was a process that was starting before I was born and then I was born. There’s a lot of trauma my mom had around that and a lot of anger. My mom had a lot of hatred and anger towards my other parent. I was never allowed to have a relationship with them. She took us away from that situation.

Following disclosure of the abuse and subsequent involvement of Child Protective Services, Kenna entered foster care; however, she experienced this transition as equally distressing and harmful rather than protective.

Carter spoke of loss and neglect that began early. “My mom died after childbirth, and my dad died of cancer when I was five,” he shared. Afterward, he lived with an uncle who struggled with addiction and often lashed out violently. “Every time he lost money, he beat me,” Carter recalled. At age seven, he entered a group home, where older youth bullied and molested him: “I reported it, but no one listened. When I finally fought back, I got kicked out.” Cole described how a single incident at school set in motion his path into care. “My teacher saw a mark and reported it,” he said, “That one call changed everything.” His early placements were characterized by instability, and he struggled to be heard. “I acted out because no one was listening,” he admitted. Kami, Kenna’s older sister and now a professor, traced her trauma back even further, to her parents’ young, pressured marriage and her father’s unacknowledged gender identity. “We moved constantly,” she said, “I changed schools almost every year.” Abuse intensified under her mother’s remarriage: “We were locked in a room, stripped of everything, and fed bread and water.”

Across their stories, the participants reveal how complex trauma took root long before institutional placement, shaped by intergenerational pain, systemic neglect, and identity-based oppression. Their early experiences mirror what is described as cumulative developmental trauma that disrupts attachment, identity, and trust, carrying enduring psychological consequences.

Between Safety and Silence—Life Inside Group Home

The transition into group home brought structure but also new challenges. Participants oscillated between glimpses of safety and persistent emotional isolation, illustrating what Ryan et al. (2001) termed the paradox of institutional care, where protection coexists with disconnection. For example, Kenna described her group home experience as emotionally unfulfilling and lacking genuine care:

It wasn’t heaven but it wasn’t hell. I think if I had lived there for my whole three years, I would be a much better functioning human right now. Honestly, it wasn’t abusive. It was cool. I mean, the people were nice but they were just kids. They didn’t know what they were doing. They didn’t know how to deal. They were getting their degrees and they were doing these internships and all this stuff.

Carter’s experience showed both extremes. His first group home perpetuated abuse, while the second, what he called “the sunshine home,” became a turning point. A chef there noticed his interest in cooking and nurtured it, sparking his passion and future career. “He believed in me,” Carter said, “and that changed everything.” His story exemplifies how positive adult relationships can foster resilience and a sense of purpose even within institutional systems.

Cole’s experiences reflected the darker side of institutional life where he dealt with abuse from both adults and kids. He described long nights crying, homesick and unsupported, reinforcing the sense of abandonment that began in childhood.

Of course, you had the staff that was there also because of the job, so you are there to make a living. But the staff who really cared, it was little of those staff, and it was more of the staff that are like, okay, when the supervisors and the workers leave, we’re going to turn on our mean faces and we’re going to do this and that. We’re going to do what we want. For prime example, one of the other kids I was in there with, I guess he just wanted to mess with me and I would have staff that would hold me back and let the kid hit me. So, I dealt with a lot of abuse from the adults and the youth in the group home and stuff like that.

Kami’s short group home stay after an exchange program revealed manipulation and control by her social worker, deepening her mistrust. Yet, even within confinement, she took on a caregiving role, helping younger residents, a quiet assertion of agency and empathy amid chaos.

Resilience and Posttraumatic Growth

Resilience and PTG emerged as intertwined threads across participants’ lives. While resilience enabled them to endure trauma, PTG enabled a deeper transformation, a redefinition of self through struggle. Kenna’s words captured this evolution: “I’m not surviving anymore. I’m thriving. I celebrate each area of growth.” Therapy and self-reflection helped her move from self-blame to self-compassion, redefining anger as protection rather than destruction. Her healing centered on self-care, her daughter, and her grandchildren, symbols of love and continuity.

Kami defined thriving as stability and purpose. “It’s not just about getting past the trauma,” she said, “It’s about striving to be the best version of myself.” Carter’s turning point came through an enhanced sense of self-agency: “I told myself to stop surviving and start living.” Cooking became both therapy and livelihood, transforming what was once a coping mechanism into meaning-making. For Cole, spirituality and self-reflection were central.

Everybody has different ways of healing. But I think what I can say is I like to take spiritual breaks. This helps to better myself. I use this time to self-reflect. Why did this happen? What can I do to move from this? So, I just self-reflect and pray. And if you don’t have that religion where you pray, just take time to deal with you. Because when you take time to deal with yourself, you are going to see an eye opener for everything.

Together, their stories affirm that PTG is not the absence of pain but the reimagining of it into something purposeful.

Consequences of Trauma in Adulthood

Adulthood brought both progress and lingering consequences for the participants. Although many had achieved stability and personal growth, the imprint of early trauma remained present in their emotional lives, relationships, and sense of self. For Kenna, the psychological effects of trauma were deeply embodied. Reflecting on the long-term consequences of her experiences, she explained:

Trauma messes up your brain and your chemistry and your emotions. It is so horrible. Being exposed to psychological bullshit makes you angry. I never ever was a violent person but I was angry … So, I’ve had trouble with anger. I struggled with me being able to express anger because anger was scary. Anger was those big feelings I couldn’t allow myself to feel.

For Kenna, adulthood also became a space where reclaiming control was central to healing. Growing up without agency shaped her determination to direct her own life. She reflected, “Yeah, I had no control. I had no control over my life. So, for me, control is big.” This desire for control influenced her lifestyle choices, including her strict avoidance of substances: “I want control over my life … That’s honestly why I am not an addict.” Her relationships also reflected this careful deliberation. Observing unstable relationship patterns in her family, she intentionally slowed her own path toward intimacy: “I was single for 10 years … I was very picky. I was not going to be the person just hopping into the next relationship.”

Similarly, Kami’s adult life revealed the enduring emotional complexities that trauma survivors often carry. Although she demonstrated resilience and determination, the experiences of abuse and instability shaped her sense of belonging and self-trust. She described feeling different from others, noting, “I often feel like an odd person, that don’t belong in some things.” Parenthood, while meaningful, also surfaced deep insecurities rooted in her past: “Being a parent now is harder … because there are times I don’t know if I always trust myself.”

For Carter, the absence of stable family relationships continued to shape his worldview and interpersonal connections. He described maintaining emotional distance from others and focusing primarily on work. As he explained, “I don’t take my time to socialize with people or get along with people out there. Other than keeping myself busy with work, I’m not that fully of a family mind.” His experiences of abandonment also influenced his perspective on parenthood. Carter expressed fear about repeating cycles of loss, stating, “From being raised without a family, I am usually afraid of having my own kids. I am afraid of leaving them, the same way I was left.”

Cole’s experiences in adulthood reflected both resilience and ongoing struggles with social perception and recognition. Despite working to build a meaningful life and giving back to the community, he continued to encounter situations where others minimized his accomplishments. As he shared, “One negative impact for me is that I’ve always had to deal with people talking to me crazy or trying to downplay my success. I still deal with that today.”

Across participants’ narratives, trauma remained a persistent presence, not as the defining endpoint of their stories but as a backdrop against which growth and meaning-making unfolded. Each participant carried forward both the scars and the strengths shaped by their early experiences. Their adult lives reflected ongoing negotiation between vulnerability and resilience, struggle and determination. While the consequences of trauma were real and enduring, so too was their commitment to forging lives marked by persistence, purpose, and the continual pursuit of healing.

Reclaiming Agency

The stories of Kenna, Carter, Cole, and Kami trace a shared journey from survival to self-determination. Each carried the weight of early trauma, yet through time and reflection, they began to reclaim their sense of agency. For Kenna, healing meant learning that success was not only about achieving goals but also about caring for herself. Through therapy and personal reflection, she began to reinterpret her experiences and redefine her self-worth. Reflecting on her journey, she shared:

I have gone through so much shit in my life and so many toxic relationships, I still I am successful! I have three degrees. I have two master’s degrees, and I have a bachelor’s degree. And I have raised my daughter successfully. And I am a successful human as determined by society. I am not on drugs. I am not an alcoholic. I don’t have those addictions. In society’s eyes I have been successful, right? I have done therapy. All of my therapists have always said, you need to get to a place where you treat yourself like you treat your daughter. Everything you do for your daughter, you need to do for yourself. Everything you do for these people you care about, you have to be able to do for yourself … I have learned to love myself and care about myself and thinking that I am important … people were shit and it wasn’t me.

Kenna’s reflections illustrate a powerful shift from self-blame to self-compassion, marking an important turning point in reclaiming her agency.

Carter found renewal through independence and creativity. Cooking became his sanctuary, a space where he could “let everything go” and rebuild trust in himself. Over time, he saw his life change for the better, finding meaning in responsibility and progress. Similarly, Cole turned to structure and activity as pathways toward healing. “Everything for me is a work in progress,” he said, his focus on striving and growth illustrating a deep commitment to self-improvement. For Kami, therapy provided the framework to move from survival to thriving. “You can’t process trauma and move past survival to thriving without therapy,” she shared, highlighting its role in reclaiming emotional balance and self-understanding.

As their stories unfolded, each participant demonstrated grit and determination that transcended their circumstances. Kenna declared, “The trauma didn’t make me a survivor, I made myself a survivor,” while Carter affirmed, “Life is 100% your responsibility. No one is going to save you.” Their journeys, alongside Cole’s and Kami’s, reflected a shared belief in growth despite adversity. No longer defined by their pasts, they emerged as thrivers, using their voices to challenge stereotypes, advocate for systemic change, and remind others that healing is possible. Their collective narrative affirms that reclaiming agency is not about forgetting trauma but transforming it into strength, self-knowledge, and purpose.

The participants’ reflections converge into a collective message: they are not victims of their pasts but agents of their futures. Kami challenged societal stigma toward foster youth, asking, “Why are we seen as broken and worthless?” Cole urged patience and consistency from caregivers: “Keep reassuring them you’re not going to leave.” Kenna called for systemic reform: “What you think is good enough is not. Be better.” Their stories underscore the need for trauma-informed, relationally focused care that acknowledges the systemic inequities, racial, economic, and institutional, that perpetuate harm for youth in the foster system. Their journeys reveal a collective truth: thriving after trauma is not about forgetting the past; it’s about reclaiming the self that survived it. Each of them embodies resilience, courage, and purpose. They are living proof that healing is not a single moment of recovery but a lifelong act of resistance, an act of choosing to love, to hope, and to live fully, even after the unthinkable. As survivors turned thrivers, they remind us that resilience and PTG are not destinations but ongoing acts of courage, living testaments to the human capacity for renewal.

Future Considerations

This study has several limitations that provide important context for interpreting the findings. The small sample size limited perspective diversity and generalizability, though narrative inquiry values in-depth individual exploration. Recruitment was difficult due to limited access to this population. Reliance on self-reported data posed risks of recall bias and emotional influence. Broader contextual factors such as cultural and environmental influences were not accounted for.

The narratives revealed systemic failures and ethical concerns within the child welfare system, including caregiver misconduct, lack of accountability, and inadequate protection from harm. Stories, like Carter’s abuse in a state-run group home and Kenna and Kami’s experiences with deceptive social workers, highlight the need for urgent policy reforms and improved professional training. These stories support enhancing trauma-informed care in group homes and expanding training for caregivers and child welfare professionals. The study’s implications also extend to counselor education and ethics, encouraging future clinicians to consider trauma, systemic oppression, and the lasting effects of institutional care. Integrating these findings into counselor training can strengthen cultural sensitivity, ethical responsiveness, and therapeutic effectiveness with similar populations. This study lays a foundation for future studies. Recommendations include longitudinal studies, exploring multicultural and intersectional variables, and exploring resilience and successful transitions from group care. The study also highlights the need to examine advocacy and empowerment efforts by survivors, like Kami and Cole. Comparative studies across residential settings may further clarify how different settings impact long-term outcomes. Pursuing these directions can enrich academic discourse and inform interventions, policy changes, and support systems that promote healing, dignity, and growth for trauma survivors from group homes.

Future research could build on this work by explicitly examining how race, class, and systemic inequities influence the posttraumatic experiences of youth in group homes, thereby providing a more comprehensive understanding of the sociocultural factors that shape resilience and growth. Such investigations could inform culturally responsive and equity-focused interventions tailored to the unique needs of marginalized youth, ensuring that supports for PTG are both inclusive and contextually relevant.