Abstract
The purpose of these comments is to correct some mischaracterizations of my work with Paul Bahn that Froese et al. make in their latest paper “Are altered states of consciousness detrimental, useful or helpful for the origins of symbolic cognition? A response to Hodgson and Lewis-Williams”. Additionally I discuss neuropsychological errors occurring in that paper.
Keywords
In their latest paper “Are altered states of consciousness detrimental, useful or helpful for the origins of symbolic cognition? A response to Hodgson and Lewis-Williams” (Froese et al., 2014), the authors mischaracterize the papers my colleague Paul Bahn and I have published criticizing the neuropsychological model first proposed by Lewis-Williams and Dowson in 1988. As I am far more familiar with our published statements than Froese et al., the purpose of this paper is to expose these distortions and misunderstandings of our work for the record, as well as to correct some factual errors with respect to neuropsychological phenomena in Froese et al. (2014).
On p. 92 of Froese et al. (2014), the authors state that “The skeptical arguments [critiquing Lewis-Williams and Dowson] have been spearheaded by Helvenston and Bahn (2003) who tried to demonstrate that [altered states of consciousness] ASCs could not have played a role for prehistoric art in Europe.” In the first place, we did not spearhead critiques of the neuropsychological model; many critics had done so prior to our first published papers in 2002 (see Bahn, 2001; Bednarik, 1988, 1990, 2013; Bradshaw, 2003; Frankfort & Hamayon, 2001; Hamayon, 2001; Hodgson, 2000, 2006a, 2006b; Hromnik, 1991; Le Quellec, 1999, 2001, 2004; Solomon 1997, 1999, 2001, to mention just a few).
In the second place, we never tried to demonstrate that ASCs could not have played a role for prehistoric art in Europe. This is an old charge by Lewis-Williams and his follower, David Wilson, and we addressed it in our 2004 CAJ paper. For example, on p. 91 we stated, “mythic culture would have been characterized by the telling of stories and creation myths, reenactments of myth through ritual, and singing, dancing and shaking rattles and/or beating drums around the communal hearth. All of these activities are known to facilitate a hypnotic trance.” On p. 93 we wrote “A mythic culture might have used plant substances to induce and/or enhance trance (Siberian shamanism is clearly associated with the hallucinogenic mushroom, Amanita muscaria) although in Europe, especially where caves containing Upper Paleolithic cave art are located, the evidence for hallucinogenic substances is very sparse.” Helvenston and Hodgson (2010) discussed the possibility of ASCs in animistic rituals in the Upper Paleolithic. These were informed speculations, not empirically demonstrated facts, but it clearly shows that we do consider ASCs to be a possibility for persons living in the Upper Paleolithic. Neither Paul Bahn nor I care one way or the other whether ASCs were involved in Upper Paleolithic cave paintings. Maybe they were and maybe they weren’t, but we simply said that there was no empirical evidence from the Upper Paleolithic supporting that theory and this is still true today. What we objected to was Lewis-Williams and his acolytes presenting a theory as if it were established empirical fact, especially when that theory contained numerous errors, distortions, and misunderstandings of neuropsychological phenomena. We specifically criticized Lewis-Williams and Dowson for many factual errors contained in the neuropsychological model (Helvenston & Bahn, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006a, 2006b), including their presentation of one Ur-Trance consisting of three stages. The pattern of hallucinations occurring in this trance was based upon Rouhier (1927) and Kluver’s (1928, 1942, 1996) studies with mescaline and included three phases of trance. (Kluver did not describe three stages; that was Rouhier’s contribution, as elaborated by Helvenston & Bahn, 2005.) The first stage consisted of hallucinations of geometric figures, followed by the second stage, which consisted of geometric figures and some “iconic images”, and the third stage consisted of iconic images such as humans, animals, complex architectural schemes, landscapes, and therianthropes.
Subsequent research indicated that a similar pattern of trance could be produced by psilocybin and LSD. We have never said that no other substances stimulate geometric images. What we have emphasized is that the specific pattern of trance described in the neuropsychological model, consisting of three stages, could only be induced by ingestion of psilocybin, mescaline, and LSD. We challenge Froese et al. to present a list of those other substances that routinely produce hallucinations of simple geometric figures. We pointed out (Helvenston & Bahn, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005) that, rather than one UR-trance state, there had been actually some 70 different trance states described by Ludwig (1968) including some by hallucination-inducing substances. In fact, the number of different trance states possible is quite amazing and a fact that Lewis-Williams and supporters ignore.
Proponents of the neuropsychological model assume that early sensory deprivation experiments are analogous to the environment speleologists encounter in caves, and have shown great interest in the ASCs that occurred in the early sensory deprivation experiments when subjects were restrained for several days at a time. Froese et al. (2014, p. 93) state that [in] “a recent review (Sacks, 2013, pp. 34–44), sensory deprivation regularly produces all kinds of visual hallucinations, including geometric patterns that are followed by more complex visual imagery.” They seem to be referring to the discussion of the findings of William Bexton and his colleagues (1954) and John Zubeck et al. (1961).
In Bexton et al. (1954), 22 male students participated in a sensory deprivation experiment. Only 14 students were interviewed as to visual images. Fourteen students reported changes in the visual field from dark to light colors, dots of light, lines, and simple geometric figures (no examples of the figures were given). As a second stage of hallucination, 11 of the 14 subjects reported seeing a wallpaper effect, and as a third stage, three of the 14 subjects reported seeing squirrels or prehistoric animals in more complex arrays. It seems an overreach of the data to state that “sensory deprivation regularly produces all kinds of visual hallucinations, including geometric patterns that are followed by more complex visual imagery” because this pattern only occurred in three of the subjects. This is an extremely small sample upon which to base such a generalized statement.
I have only been able to obtain an abstract for Zubeck et al.’s (1961) experiment where it was indicated that 11 of 16 subjects experienced hallucinations. No details of the type of hallucinations are available from that abstract. Given the variability of Bexton’s actual results, not a summary of the findings, Froese et al. (2014), are obliged to describe the nature of these hallucinations in detail, as they cited this work as evidence for their claims that it is consistent with the neuropsychological model. I challenge them to do so.
When Sacks (2013, p. 39) discusses a total visual sensory deprivation experiment by Merabet et al. (2004, p. 110), he refers to geometric figures. He describes flashing lights, geometric and more complex visual hallucinations. However, in the original experiment reported by Merabet (2004, p. 110), rather than cascades of geometric figures during this study, “one subject, no. 4, reported seeing a triangle,” and this was apparently stimulated while he was trying to learn the Braille sign for an X, cognitive behavior that could have led to the visualization of a triangle. This is hardly an example of a complete deprivation of visual stimulation leading to multiple hallucinations of geometric figures. Moreover, Merabet et al. (2004, p. 110) stated that only two of the subjects reported a pattern of simple to complex hallucinations. Some subjects saw only simple hallucinations; other subjects saw only complex hallucinations. No subjects reported animals. Clearly, the various subjects saw differing patterns of hallucinations, only two of which were remotely consistent with the neuropsychological model.
Furthermore, Froese et al. (2014) seem to confuse the hallucinations experienced during this complete blockage of visual stimuli with an ASC. However, Sacks’ summary and Merabet et al.’s original paper stress the fact that the subjects of this experiment, while hallucinating, carried on normal activities of daily living, learned Braille 2 hours a day, walked about their environment, experienced normal sleep–waking cycles and were in all respects manifesting a normal state of consciousness. Persons suffering from Charles Bonnet syndrome (CBS) hallucinate geometric patterns (Sacks, 2013, p. 22), but nowhere does Sacks indicate they are in an ASC.
That the authors have conflated hallucinations resulting from sudden and complete deprivation of visual stimuli with an ASC is confirmed by their own words. On p. 93 of Froese et al. (2014), they state, “These documented cases of progression from simple to complex hallucinations during days of sensory deprivation support the generality of Lewis-Williams and Dowson’s ‘neuropsychological model,’ according to which deepening ASCs often pass through three stages, from geometric patterns (Stage 1), to iconic forms (Stage 2) to complex scenes of animals and self-transformations (Stage 3).” Are Froese et al. really suggesting that a small group of Paleolithic people blindfolded themselves for several days in a darkened cave, hallucinating spots of light, and more complex scenes, and that this experience stimulated the painting of geometric figures on cave walls? They appear to be, because they claim sensory deprivation over several days time makes sense if one assumes a vision quest.
Froese et al. (2014, p. 92) also state that “Countering the universality of Kluver’s so-called form constants, Helvenston and Bahn claim that this ‘pattern of drug-induced-vivid imagery experiences is only produced by three substances: mescaline, psilocybin and LSD’.” We have never questioned the universality of Kluver’s form constants. They are evidenced by electrical stimulation of the visual cortex, migraine headaches, partial–complex seizure disorders, hypnagogic and hypnopompic states, mescaline, psilocybin, and LSD, as we elaborated in our book Waking the Trance Fixed in 2005, and earlier in 2002. We have never disputed the fact that form constants appear to be hardwired in the visual cortex. This view is consistent with Hodgson’s neuroresonance theory (2006a, 2006b). We simply stated that the neuropsychological model describes one very specific pattern of three-stage trance experience, the first stage of which consists of hallucinations of geometric figures followed by a stage of geometric figures, animals, humans, and therianthropes, and a final stage of only iconic figures—a specific pattern that only occurs after the ingestion of these three substances, psilocybin, mescaline, and LSD.
Froese et al. (2014, p. 92) go on to state that “geometric patterns are experienced in all forms of ASCs, including naturally occurring alterations, drug-induced alterations and because of brain pathologies as Sacks’ (2013) extensive review of hallucinations makes clear.” Sack’s discussion reveals that geometric figures in the hallucinations he describes occur mostly in various pathological conditions including CBS, Parkinson’s disease, migraine headaches, and delirium. Geometric images are also seen in hypnopompic or hypnagogic states or some forms of sensory deprivation. Sacks (2013, p. 27) states that “people with CBS retain their normal, critical waking consciousness,” so their hallucinations are not an indication of an ASC.
Froese et al. (2014) suggest that geometric figures are common in naturally induced trance states. I challenge them to cite examples of frequent geometric figures occurring in naturally induced trance states, such as hypnosis, meditation, and starvation, for example. Hallucinations of simple flashing lights and some complex images (as well as of auditory hallucinations) are reported from sleep deprivation experiences and by speleologists (Helvenston & Bahn, 2005, pp. 45–47; Bahn, 2010, pp. 87–90). Hallucinations of geometric figures in naturally induced trance states are not as ubiquitous as Froese et al. suggest; in fact, they are extremely rare. They are much more common in drug-induced trances.
For example, after searching the clinical literature for months in 2002 and 2005, the only references I found to a naturally induced trance state resulting in what Cardeña (1988, 1996) interpreted as images of geometric figures during deep hypnosis were discussed in Helvenston and Bahn (2005, pp. 53–55). His results stated that a few of his subjects reported an occasional geometric image such as a tunnel or a lattice. The pattern of the trance in deep hypnosis was not consistent with the neuropsychological model, as no animals were reported (Helvenston & Bahn, 2004, p. 92).
Bahn (2010, pp. 87–91) summarizes in detail the fact that Clottes, a proponent of the neuropsychological model, has long held that caves, in and of themselves, stimulate hallucinations, just like the sensory deprivation experiments. Bahn refutes this claim, as did Helvenston and Bahn (2005, pp. 45–46; 2007). Speleologists, who spend days in caves, do not describe more than the occasional flashing light as a visual hallucinatory phenomenon. One speleologist reported seeing complex buildings but attributed it to physical exhaustion and sleep deprivation. Froese et al. (2014) argue that modern speleologists use caves very differently than did Paleolithic peoples. If caves are, in and of themselves, hallucinogen-inducing environments, then people who spend days and weeks in modern caves should report hallucinations. They rarely do, and never in the same pattern of trance as described for the neuropsychological model.
Also, the early sensory deprivation experiments are not analogous to the environment that speleologists inhabit—cold, damp, dark caves, often with foul air and rough, demanding physical terrain, carrying packs of equipment and supplies of considerable weight. They carry flashlights, and presumably Paleolithic people carried torches into the deepest recesses of caves, as it would have been highly dangerous without light.
Froese et al. (2014) quote a sentence from Helvenston and Bahn (2004, p. 94), that states, “Neither mescaline nor psilocybin has ever been found in Europe.” They take this quote out of context as we were discussing evidence for the presence of mescaline and psilocybin in Upper Paleolithic Europe. To be perfectly clear, the sentence they quote should have read “neither mescaline nor psilocybin has ever been found in Europe of the Upper Paleolithic.” The entire issue of whether or not psilocybin has been found in mushrooms in Europe since the Upper Paleolithic is much more complex than Froese et al. (2014) imply, but it is beyond the scope of these comments and will be addressed in a forthcoming paper in much detail.
