Integrated Newsrooms: An Examination of Workplace Satisfaction for Black Journalists

Abstract

Using a mixed-methods approach and a Critical Race Theory (CRT) lens, we analyzed the job satisfaction rates of 385 Black journalists and their self-reported racialized experiences. Despite a strong perception of racism among study respondents, they reflected that satisfaction increases with higher levels of appreciation, competitive salaries, newsroom innovation, and an investment in professional development. We identify diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) best practices and tangible methods of improvement and reform in hiring and retention of Black journalists. The study consists of the largest dataset of Black journalists found in the existing scholarly literature.

Keywords

Black journalists job satisfaction newsroom innovation race DEI Critical Race Theory

Although the news industry has attempted to recruit and retain Black journalists, statistics have shown that they remain underrepresented in newsrooms (Flynn, 2021; News Leaders Association [NLA], 2018). Weaver et al. (2019) compared the outcomes of their 2013 American Journalist Survey with those of their earlier studies. The statistics for Black journalists were 1971 (3.9%), 1982 (2.9%), 1992 (3.7%), 2002 (3.7%), and 2013 (4.1%), reflecting a slow increase in the number of Black journalists in the workforce.

Another vein of research looks at job satisfaction rates in journalism field studies (Beam, 2006; Demers, 1995; Reinardy, 2009; Yu, 2021). Regan and Shin’s (1988) survey of 154 journalists was one of the earliest studies to examine workplace conditions and job satisfaction among non-White journalists at newspapers and television stations in Ohio, where 94% of the respondents were Black journalists. The study found that non-White journalists were satisfied with their jobs despite workplace racial discrimination; the most critical factor affecting job satisfaction was the effectiveness of the company’s affirmative action plan.

Bramlett-Solomon’s (1992) landmark study concluded that 70% of 416 Black journalists surveyed, or 292, were very satisfied or somewhat satisfied with their news media jobs, while 124, or 30%, were somewhat dissatisfied or dissatisfied. Furthermore, the more respondents held their news organization’s performance in high esteem, the higher their job satisfaction levels. Several studies mention workplace racism concerning workplace satisfaction (Allsop, 2020; Poindexter et al., 2003; Wagner, 2024). These studies define workplace racism as subtle or ambiguous discriminatory practices that lead to institutional barriers to success.

Studies examining workplace satisfaction usually lump journalists of color together as “minority journalists” without a specific distinction for Black journalists. The literature reveals little scholarly attention, emphasizing Black journalists’ work motivations and predictors of job satisfaction. To address this gap in the literature, this study builds on the work by Bramlett-Solomon (1992) to examine workplace experiences and job satisfaction using a Critical Race Theory lens, with quantitative and qualitative methods applied to data gathered from a survey administered to the National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ) members. Another distinction of our study from others is a nuanced examination of Black journalists’ workplace attitudes and experiences. The topic of race became even more relevant after George Floyd died in 2020, which launched a national, racial reckoning, calling for a deeper examination of systemic racism across the board (Folkenflik, 2020; Safdar et al., 2020; Tameez, 2022).

The study period, which paralleled the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, prompted widespread conversations about inclusion, social justice, and police brutality within newsrooms in the United States (Brown et al., 2019; Buchanan et al., 2020; Ingram, 2020; James & Hernandez, 2020). The internet expanded societal equity efforts by employing traditional forms of grassroots activism, such as boycotts, sit-ins, marches, and protests. Likewise, websites and social media platforms created spaces for critical discourse on racism, encouraging group calls to action.

Review of the Literature

The growth of the BLM movement encouraged news outlets to confront their internal and external practices related to race (Brown et al., 2019; Clark, 2022). However, this era was not the first time that systemic racism and social unrest have forced newsrooms to change how they operate. However, 54 years ago, the landmark 1968 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (NACCD) study, known as the Kerner Commission Report, followed the Civil Rights movement and the racial turmoil that besieged cities nationwide. The commission examined U.S. newsroom inclusion and equity to highlight efforts to promote diversity within the U.S. news industry. It concluded that the U.S. press played a role in the nation’s racial divisiveness and upheaval, not only by treating Black Americans with indifference but also by ignoring U.S. newsroom integration (NACCD, 1968). In its review of the U.S. press, the commission described the absence of Black journalists in news jobs as “shockingly backward” (NACCD, 1968, p. 284).

However, 7 years after the Kerner Report, the National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ), founded in 1975, helped Black journalists transition to integrated newsrooms, where many felt isolated and marginalized (Wilson, 2015). According to its website, the organization has more than 4,000 professionals and educators and advocates for Black journalists and media professionals in the United States and globally. Then, 8 years after the Kerner Report, Johnstone et al.’s (1976) national study of newspapers concluded that U.S. newspaper journalists tended to be primarily young White men in their 20s, with three out of five earning college degrees, while few were Black (p. 32). In 2018, the NLA’s Newsroom Diversity Survey showed that people of color comprised 22.6% of employees compared with 16.5% in 2017. Among daily newspapers, about 22.2% of employees were racial minorities compared with 16.3% in 2017, and 25.6% at online-only news websites were minorities, compared with 24.3% in 2017.

Although not meeting the goals of the Kerner Report, this historical period led to some changes, such as fellowship programs to increase diversity and countless opportunities for individuals of color to consider entering the journalism profession. Today, the momentum to increase diversity in U.S. news media has been affected by the industry’s financial collapse and reconfiguration spurred by the digital age, characterized by the rapid turnover of data supported by the development of information and communication technology (Shepherd, 2004; Stasberger, 2023). As such, diversity concerns for many newsrooms may have taken a back seat amid layoffs, cutbacks, and folding businesses, particularly in the newspaper field (Arana, 2018; Bauder, 2021). News media industry leaders acknowledge their ongoing challenge to expand the non-White journalist workforce amid vast and rapid changes in digital technology, downturns in the U.S. economy, and a persistent decline in the news industry’s bottom line (Arana, 2018; Bauder, 2021; Weaver et al., 2019).

Defining Job Satisfaction for Journalists

Job satisfaction has been a developing concept in journalism studies for several decades (Barrett, 1984; Beam, 2006; Bergen & Weaver, 1988; Demers, 1994; Keith, 2005; Pollard, 1995; Powers, 1991; Weaver et al., 2019; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986; Willnat et al., 2017; Yu, 2021). The literature broadly identifies job rewards as helping to create job satisfaction; however, the concept remains complex, with no single definition. One commonly cited definition comes from Herzberg (1965), who viewed job satisfaction as “determined by the feelings that the individual has about the content of his job” (p. 395). According to him, these factors relate to achievement, recognition, interest in the work, responsibility, advancement, and growth (p. 395).

In this research area, job rewards refer to “potential sources of rewards for the worker” (Kalleberg, 1977, p. 130). These studies indicate that extrinsic job rewards may include a high income, job security, and short hours. In contrast, intrinsic rewards may encompass opportunities for advancement and feelings of accomplishment from meaningful work (Kalleberg & Marsden, 2013).

Other research on job satisfaction indicates that Black journalists are more likely to report being mistreated, with about a third of them (34%) stating that not everyone at their organization is treated fairly, regardless of race and ethnicity. This is followed by 29% of Asian journalists and 25% of Hispanic journalists—all higher than the 12% of White journalists who say the same (Gottfried et al., 2022). Examining media workers and job satisfaction, Mellinger (2003) explains the legacy of race and power in the U.S. news media industry. Power has always been held by White male newsroom executives, resulting in inequities that exclude Black journalists from esteem and status in the news industry (Mellinger, 2003).

CRT and Job Satisfaction

CRT offers another layer to the job satisfaction literature. The concept emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, influenced in part by a liberal civil rights tradition and the critical legal studies movement of the 1970s, which advanced an understanding of law as deeply political, ideological, and connected to lived experiences and social power (Bell, 1995; Crenshaw, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1998). CRT scholars subscribe to several tenets. Bell (1995), along with Delgado and Stefancic (2023), described the hallmarks of CRT, including these principles: (a) Race is a social construction (race is not a biological designation); (b) Racism will always exist (suggesting that racism is normal, not aberrant, in U.S. society); (c) Colorblindness does not exist; and (d) Storytelling/Counter-storytelling is imperative (naming one’s reality and voice to illuminate and explore the lived experiences of racial oppression).

CRT scholars prioritize discussing racialized workplace experiences related to diversity, equity, inclusion, race, racism, discrimination, and bias (Harts, 2021; Hasford, 2016; Rice et al., 2023). Analyses in this area conclude that there are standard or universal workplace experiences and concerns related to journalists’ workplace attitudes and feelings, regardless of race; therefore, these experiences are not considered racialized. As applied in this study, a primary goal of these tenets is to re-center inquiry and expertise from a marginalized perspective. CRT examines how messages in society depict underlying ideologies that reflect social relations of domination based on a pervasive yet unobtrusive racial hierarchy (Crenshaw, 1995). This article uses CRT to deconstruct, reconstruct, and construct Black journalists’ workplace attitudes and experiences while exploring job satisfaction (Bell, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1998). A thematic analysis of Common Themes and Racialized Themes reviews feedback from Black journalists within these two categories to identify recurring themes, subject matter patterns, and underlying threads that capture the essence of their experiences.

Using CRT analysis in our study is important for several reasons. First, it allows Black journalists to tell their own stories, which helps us understand the extent to which they feel satisfied with their jobs and what motivates that satisfaction or dissatisfaction in the 21st century. Second, in the age of the BLM movement, it is essential to explore how the experiences of interpersonal and structural racism in the workplace among Black journalists may relate to their reported work satisfaction and racialized experiences. Third, it is imperative to understand how Black workers in U.S. mass media exist amid ongoing concerns about structural racism. Using this information, employers may improve efforts to recruit, advance, and retain Black journalists. Finally, profound changes have occurred in American journalism due to rapid advances in computer technology, the expansion of online media, and widespread communication across multimedia platforms (Weaver et al., 2019; Yu, 2021).

By examining the job experiences of Black journalists, we attempt to capture the essence of their workplace satisfaction.

We address the following four questions:

RQ1: How satisfied are Black journalists in our sample with their jobs?

RQ2: When explicitly asked to reply “Yes” or “No” regarding their experiences of workplace racism, how did Black journalists respond?

RQ3: What types of standard or universal themes regarding their jobs did Black journalists identify as their most pressing issues?

RQ4: What types of racial themes regarding their jobs did Black journalists identify as their most pressing concerns?

Study Methods

Our study design highlights the importance of storytelling and naming one’s reality and voice to illuminate and explore the lived experiences of racial oppression. We chose methods outlined by Bell (1995) and Delgado and Stefancic (2023) to collect data and best understand Black journalists’ working environments, attitudes, experiences, and challenges. We noted throughout our analysis that we do not live in a colorblind society but rather in one where racism will always exist. We used quantitative descriptive data to address Research Questions 1 and 2—Black journalists’ job satisfaction and experiences of racism—while qualitative data addressed Research Questions 3 and 4, analyzing the Black journalists’ open-ended comments.

Participants and Procedure

To gather data to address these questions, the primary investigator sent email invitations to National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ) members, including a link to complete a SurveyMonkey questionnaire from August 8, 2019, to February 28, 2020. NABJ has four regions representing the entire United States: Region 1 represents members in the Northeast, Region 2 represents members in the Midwest, Region 3 represents the South, and Region 4 represents the West, including Alaska and Hawaii.

Using the NABJ listserv of members, we targeted 3,710 journalists across regions. Of those who received the survey, 1,360 (36.6%) opened it, while 393 (28.8%) took the last step and participated. The original sample consisted of 393 cases, but 8 were dropped because they identified as non-Black. Participants identifying as multiracial (i.e., Black and one or more races) were included. This was an attempted census (not a sample), and the NABJ member listserv was used as the sampling frame. The final sample size was 385 Black journalists.

Research Method Strategies

For Research Question 1, we examined responses to the survey question: How satisfied are you with your job? Response options were as follows: (a) very satisfied, (b) somewhat satisfied, (c) somewhat dissatisfied, or (d) very dissatisfied. The second research question examined responses to the survey question that asked respondents to answer “Yes” or “No” to the following question: Have you experienced racism in your workplace?

Based on previous empirical studies of Black journalists reflecting on their workplace experiences and racialized job issues (Bramlett-Solomon, 1992; Poindexter et al., 2003), we asked respondents an open-ended question to elicit the broadest possible opinions: “In 75 words or less, how would you describe your most pressing issue on the job?” After reviewing the open-ended questions in the survey and analyzing the themes from these responses, we used the tenets of CRT to explore the intersection of race, racism, gender, class, institutions, and structure (Bell, 1995; Crenshaw, 1995; Delgado & Stefancic, 2023). The tenets of CRT helped us identify various categories defined in the findings section.

Out of the 385 respondents who participated, 242 individuals (62.85%) provided open-ended feedback. We used a CRT lens to help us contextualize the experiences in the responses of Black journalists using stories and viewpoints in their own words. Applying the theoretical concept of CRT race consciousness, we created coding themes to categorize Black journalists’ feedback inductively. For example, we applied CRT tenets, such as “colorblindness does not exist” and the “permanence of racism” to analyze content shared by NABJ members (Bell, 1995; Crenshaw, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1998).

We categorized the feedback from respondents as either common or racialized themes. Common themes are defined as universal concerns relating to journalists’ workplace attitudes and perceptions, regardless of race; therefore, they are not considered racialized. Conversely, racialized themes relate to diversity, equity, inclusion, race, racism, discrimination, or bias. They include the following themes: little attention to diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI); the invisibility of Black news practitioners; minimal bias training; and a lack of news coverage related to communities of color. From a CRT standpoint, it is imperative to acknowledge the presence of racialized themes among respondents due to the known implications that race can have on their perspectives as Black individuals. See the operational definitions table below for details of each category.

Operational Definitions of Racial Concerns Based on CRT Tenets.

Lack of management diversity	In addition to the themes, we found in the literature, examples of a lack of management diversity included too few Black people in management and leadership roles.
Lack of job advancement chances/opportunities	Examples of job advancement opportunities include a lack of promotion opportunities, difficulty moving up the corporate ladder, and minimal considerations for obtaining desired news beats or work shifts.
Blatant racism/discrimination	Examples of blatant racism and discrimination include mentions that Black staffers must work twice as hard as their White counterparts and that Black staffers are paid less than their White counterparts.
Lack of community	Examples of lack of community include a lack of social interactions, feelings of loneliness, cultural isolation, alienation, a need to code switch, colorblind society attitudes, and being the only or one of few Black journalists on the news staff.
Exclusionary behaviors	Examples of exclusionary behaviors include indirect, subtle, or unintentional discrimination against Black staffers, such as verbal comments related to physical appearances, for example, referencing hair, dress, and makeup. Assumptions are made that only journalists of color can report on communities of color and the avoidance of news coverage where people of color live.

Study Results

Demographics Descriptive Data Responses

Survey responses indicate that participants in our sample held multiple positions in the field of journalism, led by broadcast/television news staffers (34.5%), followed by print/newspaper staffers (20.5%), online/web/social media staffers (18.3%), public relations/advertising professionals (10.7%), and radio/podcast staffers (9.0%), as shown in Table 1. The reported salaries ranged from US$24,000 and below (9%) to above US$150,000 (6%), with the average wage reported as being between US$41,000 and US$60,000 (22%).

Table 1.

Media Industry Positions.

Media industry positions	%	Frequency
Broadcast (TV anchor/reporter)	32.72	126
Print (newspaper, magazine, etc.)	18.10	73
Online, web, social media	16.9	65
Public Relations/Advertising	9.9	38
Radio/podcast	8.4	32
Other (e.g., Education, photo/visual journalism) No response	6.28 7.7	21 30
Total	100	385

 Participants identified as men (30%), women (67%), or non-binary (1%), while 2% did not report their gender. In addition, participants varied in age: 10% were 18–24, 30% were 25–34, 22% were 35–44, 21% were 45–54, 11% were 55–64, and 4% were 65 years or older; 2% did not report their age (Table 2).

Table 2.

Media Industry Positions by Gender and Age.

Media industry positions	%	Frequency
Gender
Men	30	115.2
Women	67	230.4
Non-binary	1	3.84
Unreported	2	7.68
Total	100	385
Age (years)
18–24	10	38.5
25–34	30	115.5
35–44	22	84.7
45–54	21	80.85
55–64	11	42.35
≥65	4	15.40
Unreported	2	7.7
Total	100	385

Job Satisfaction Analysis

Research Question 1 asked how satisfied the Black journalists in our sample were with their jobs. As shown in Table 3, the largest percentage of respondents, 44.7% (172), felt somewhat satisfied with their jobs. This was followed by very satisfied, 22.6% (87), slightly dissatisfied, 22.1% (85), and very unhappy, the least reported category, at 10.4% (40).

Table 3.

Job Satisfaction: A Frequency and Percentage Comparison.

Response	%	Frequency
Very dissatisfied	10.04	40
Somewhat dissatisfied	22.01	85
Somewhat satisfied	44.07	172
Very satisfied	22.06	87
Unreported	0.2	1
Total	100	385

The second research question asked how Black journalists responded when explicitly requested to answer “Yes” or “No” regarding their experiences with workplace racism. This question was included to investigate variables related to Black journalists’ unique understanding of racism in the workplace, which was highlighted in earlier studies. According to Table 4, 50.4% (194) of the respondents reported experiencing racism, while 46.5% (179) did not. In addition, 3.1% (12) declined to answer the survey question.

Table 4.

Yes or No Cited Racism Experience by Black Journalists.

Response	%	Frequency
No	46.05	179
Yes	50.04	194
Unreported	3.1	12
Total	100	385

Common Experience Themes

Research Question 3 explored the pressing job-related themes identified by Black journalists. In the common experience category, respondents indicated a lack of compensation (salaries, benefits, and time off) as the most prominent concern, with slightly more than one fourth of Black journalists reporting it as an issue for them at work. The next significant category identified was the need for advancement opportunities, as many responses felt overlooked. Participants expressed the importance of being acknowledged when promotions became available. They noted that the upper levels of their workplace were often predominantly White, indicating they were frequently the only individuals of color in the company.

Poor management (ranging from top executives to newsroom managers and supervisors) and ineffective organizational communication were other common complaints highlighted in the comments, with many respondents indicating that these issues exist at their place of employment. The next most prominent category was story enterprise and concerns over the inability to report on preferred topics, with some respondents indicating that this was a problem. Respondents also mentioned suffering from burnout for various reasons.

The most common causes identified were a lack of teamwork, insufficient colleague support, and poor time management. In addition, some respondents pointed to a flawed business model, mentioning issues such as a negative image in the community, high turnover rates, and low ratings for the station. Factors such as a lack of proper equipment, insufficient communication, and remote work affected all newsroom members, regardless of race or ethnicity, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic occurred and many had to work from home.

Looking at feedback regarding common issues, respondents revealed that while several issues led to low morale among them, complaints about low salaries and the absence of other financial benefits appeared repeatedly. One woman radio producer in Region 2 said that over 8 years, she made a salary of US$25,000 and only received one raise of 25 cents. A male journalist in Region 3, who identified himself as a middle manager at a newspaper, said his employer could not afford to pay him a full-time salary, forcing him to work part-time. In addition, a woman TV anchor in Region 1 described her employer’s insurance as “the worst insurance I have ever had in any job, even my [part-time] job in college,” calling the plan expensive and barely covering any of her medical needs. A catch-22 situation, meager salaries, and inadequate benefit compensation often led to mental health issues among respondents.

Respondents also said their employers’ lack of appreciation for their work manifested in other ways, including workplace bullying, micromanagement, a lack of proper equipment, and unclear communication. A male digital content producer in Region 3 complained about scheduling issues:

There is no opportunity to switch shifts, no matter the seniority level. This causes people to feel unappreciated for their work, and then they leave for other companies. An employee must apply to another shift when it’s open, rather than the company shifting people already there and offering the less desirable shifts for new applicants. These actions hurt the company because some people may feel they deserve to be moved but are told they must compete with outside applicants for a more desirable shift. And then, heaven forbid the outside applicant gets the desired shift; it just does not look good overall.

Similarly, a woman who holds a middle management job as a director of photography/photojournalist at a newspaper in Region 2 said she feels burned out because she works almost 7 days a week with minimal days off. Remote operations also cause stress among respondents. “My boss is remote. I never feel like there’s enough time to have a thorough conversation about anything,” said a woman digital content producer in Region 3.

Many respondents also reported a lack of collegiality and teamwork in the workplace. A woman digital content producer who declined to reveal her regional affiliation shared details of her toxic work environment:

No one wants to help the next person grow. Instead of working as a team, it’s every man for themselves. The wrong people have too much power in manager positions and use their positions to run over their staff in my department. My current work environment is very toxic. They trash-talk their colleagues. My boss lied and laughed in my face about my career goals. This is my first market, and I pray that my next one will be more functional and healthy.

Racialized Experiences Themes

Research Question 4 asked what types of racialized themes regarding their jobs the Black journalists identified as the most pressing issues. Many respondents mentioned a lack of concern for DEI as their primary issue at work, with 28.79% (38) providing comments in this category. Another 18.18% (24) noted experiencing blatant racism and discrimination, followed by a lack of diversity in management, with 16.67% (22) commenting on this topic.

As also noted, respondents commonly mentioned a lack of job advancement opportunities based on race, exclusionary behaviors regarding race, class, culture, and newsroom norms, discrimination in editorial decision-making, or being pigeonholed to cover people of color, and a lack of coverage in communities of color as critical issues of concern. In addition to general employment problems, Black journalists must also contend with racially motivated workplace issues. Many of the problems stem from the need for more diversity among employees. One woman print columnist in Region 3 stated that newsrooms have “too many White folks.” This absence of Black journalists led respondents to express feelings of isolation and loneliness. This scarcity of Black employees also manifested problems in newsroom editorial decision-making, where teams are often unaware of or uninterested in Black stories. A woman digital content producer in Region 1 recalled issues she faced when pitching story ideas related to Black people:

I feel I was hired to be seen and not heard because my pitches and perspective aren’t respected or considered. I’ve been called too ambitious to think of fresh ideas to bring to my legacy outlet. When stories I pitched about immigration in the Black and African community got called passion projects and got tossed to discuss at a later time, that last time still hasn’t come up, and I’ve been there a year.

Despite the news industry’s alleged dedication to intentionally and purposely using diverse sources, a strategy known as mainstreaming, some respondents said the approach was nonexistent in their daily operations. A female TV anchor in Region 1 criticized her newsroom managers’ unwillingness to use Black people as experts for general news stories, not just for “Black stories.” This indicates that advocating for the inclusion of more coverage of Black people and communities often has consequences. A female TV anchor in Region 4 shared that implicit bias runs rampant in her newsroom despite hiring younger employees:

Newsrooms are still not diverse enough. As a result, the biases held by the dominant culture still permeate newsroom decision-making far too often and prevent [African American] employees from expressing themselves fully and having their skills and contributions seen as equal to those of similarly qualified individuals in the newsroom. We are expected to be better and do more but not be our whole selves, which is discouraging. We are sitting at the table in greater numbers but are expected just to shut up and eat, so to speak.

The lack of Black management also created issues for lower-level Black employees. A male TV producer in Region 4 said his station currently has zero Black managers and zero Black anchors. He noted that his station has not had a Black male anchor in more than 30 years. TV news respondents also spoke of racism, exclusionary behaviors, and colorism. “Hiring inexperienced White blondes and making them anchors with no experience is an embarrassment,” said a female TV anchor/reporter in Region 1. Moreover, salary and scheduling complaints related to race were typical. A female TV anchor in Region 1 described the salaries of minority women as “disheartening and discouraging.” She added that her salary was 30% lower than that of her male, specifically White male counterparts, despite having as much talent and experience, if not more, than others. She also revealed that minority women were relegated to less desirable shifts compared with White men, which led to lower morale.

Respondents also highlighted managers’ lack of knowledge about excellent work and unrealistic expectations to do more with less personnel support. They noted struggling to navigate complex situations to achieve what White colleagues at the same level accomplish with ease. One person mentioned being so frustrated that they were considering pursuing a lawsuit. A newspaper manager in Region 1 said she had not received a raise in three years, despite leading major, award-winning projects concerning African Americans. She also noted that her salary was lower than those in similar job hierarchies.

Respondents also expressed concern over discrimination in advancement opportunities. A woman TV producer in Region 1 said non-Black entry-level producers were “groomed and receiving significant promotions at a rapid pace.” The same could not be said for Black employees. Despite working twice as hard, the respondent said her work effort has only led to her White colleagues feeling “threatened.” “The company’s efforts to promote diversity are a sham,” she added.

Finally, Black employees often feel their complaints of discrimination fall on “deaf ears,” said a woman digital content producer in Region 3. Respondents noted there is unconscious and unchecked bias and discrimination throughout organizations. For example, White colleagues with less experience are promoted, while Black employees are often overlooked and labeled as troublesome for wanting equal treatment. Another respondent noted that managers require Black staff members to train the new hires instead of promoting them, even though they already possess the necessary skill set. Mentions of hopelessness are familiar to respondents, who noted that no action is taken even when complaints are filed.

Discussion and Conclusion

This study draws on CRT scholarship to analyze data regarding Black journalists’ reported workplace conditions, experiences, and most pressing issues. Examining open-ended responses offers an opportunity to gain insights into a broad range of feedback from Black journalists concerning their work environments, worries, and prominent issues in the news media digital age. Looking at workplace satisfaction from a CRT perspective gives voice to marginalized groups within various social and political contexts, including workplace environments.

Some of the comments and anecdotal experiences that Black journalists shared in this survey are likely universal and affect all journalists, regardless of race. However, the central premise of CRT research posits that many U.S. and world institutions are built on a long history of racial inequality, systemic racism, and the oppression of people of color. Therefore, while White and non-White journalists may encounter similar or universal working conditions and challenges, such as low salaries, an absence of financial benefits, and a lack of advancement opportunities, White journalists typically fare better than Black journalists (Jackson, 2022; Poindexter et al., 2003; Richardson, 2022). Notably, 50% of those journalists surveyed reported experiencing racism in their work environments, indicating that despite a majority feeling satisfied, many still face challenges that can affect their overall job fulfillment. The perceptions of inequities and racism found in this study are consistent with reports of racism from Black journalists in some earlier studies in the literature (Bramlett-Solomon, 1992; Poindexter et al., 2003; Regan & Shin, 1988).

Respondents expressed frustration with the current media industry landscape in their feedback. They face obstacles in environments where they are often the only ones present, and exclusionary behaviors are common. News industry managers and executives must prioritize understanding the importance of inclusion measures and cultural competency while striving to foster workplace conditions in which Black journalists feel comfortable.

The first step to alleviating the perceived inequities expressed in our study may be to collect additional input from Black journalists to understand their workplace challenges and the job-related factors most important for their job fulfillment.

Despite many study respondents’ perceptions of racism, some noted hope. Respondents mentioned the importance of feeling appreciated, receiving positive reinforcement, having competitive job salaries, experiencing empathetic management, fostering newsroom innovation, and investing in Black journalists to help them learn new digital-age skills. Our study also reflected that news industry executives must consider methods for promoting and retaining Black staff. The goal should be to invest in action plans that accelerate management leadership opportunities for Black journalists to help newsrooms meet their goals.

Study Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

Although our study analyzes a broad range of Black journalists, the NABJ membership is limited, so the results cannot be generalized to all NABJ members or all Black journalists. Still, the study’s findings reveal interesting patterns and trends regarding workplace perceptions and experiences. Knowledge of the industry’s most pressing issues has widespread implications for newsroom management and for identifying tangible areas for improvement and reform in the hiring, retaining, and promoting of U.S. Black journalists.

As CRT theorists suggest, further studies are necessary to thoroughly examine the effects of Black job satisfaction in newsrooms. Future research should investigate the dynamics and thought processes of upper management in newsrooms, focusing on their strategies to address the concerns identified in our study. Future research might also focus on the management challenges and the unstable economic climate of the news industry. Our study presents a practical approach to understanding the barriers and pathways toward more inclusive and satisfying media work environments.

This study offers hope. It reveals that journalists who are happy with their jobs are more likely to have higher-quality workplace productivity and retention rates. They are more content when they work in newsrooms that offer good salaries, a friendly environment, innovative storytelling approaches, professional development opportunities, and inclusion initiatives. As CRT scholars assert, we must continue working to understand and address workplace racism to cultivate diversity in the news industry.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Sharon Bramlett-Solomon

Mia Moody

Author Biographies

Sharon Bramlett-Solomon is an associate professor at the Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication at Arizona State University and is recognized as a NewsPro top 10 U.S. journalism professor. She is the author of Race, Gender, Class, and Media: Studying Mass Communication and Multiculturalism (co-authored with Meta Carstarphen).

Mia Moody is a professor and chair of the department of journalism, public relations, and new media at Baylor University. She joined Baylor in 2001 and has maintained an active research portfolio alongside her teaching and leadership roles. Her research emphasizes the media framing of people of color, women, and other underrepresented groups.

Gheni Platenburg is an assistant professor of journalism at the University of Houston, where she teaches undergraduate journalism and graduate research courses. She earned her doctorate in media and public affairs from Louisiana State University. Her research focuses on the contemporary Black Press and the influence of Black identity newsroom experiences.

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