Abstract
In the year Earl Graves, founder and publisher of Black Enterprise (BE), passed away, the magazine also celebrated its 50th anniversary. An analysis of 509 BE covers reveals changes in design, representation, and brand growth over time. Women have appeared more frequently in the past two decades, though they remain less likely than men to be on covers. The study employed visual framing and multimodal analysis to show how BE integrates cultural representation and symbolism. These covers serve as sources of empowerment in the business world, providing new insights into magazine cover design, visual communication, and The Black Press.
Keywords
Black Enterprise, which promotes itself as the leading Black digital media brand (Earl G. Graves Publishing Company, 2021) unveiled its first two digital covers in 2023. The magazine transitioned to a fully digital publication strategy in 2020. Though the move into the digital world is exciting and timely, Black Enterprise also has a rich history. At this juncture, it is important for scholars to look back on this history and recognize the significance of Black Enterprise. Few magazines have a track record of consistently showcasing African American entrepreneurs and business leaders (van Leeuwen, 2008) that spans half a century. While magazine designers have been adapting their covers for the digital realm for years (Gosling, 2020), their legacy magazine covers offer an opportunity for researchers to gain a glimpse of their impact in visually framing topics, individuals, and communities. In recent years, as part of its celebration of Black History Month, Black Enterprise has revisited its archive of covers to highlight the achievements of African Americans. In this article, we consider the magazine’s role in representing and empowering the Black community by looking at its print covers over 50 years.
Earl G. Graves, Sr., started Black Enterprise in 1970 with a $175,000 loan from the Small Business Administration (Slotnick, 2020). Noticing the lack of other Black magazines to address topics of economic empowerment and wealth development specifically, Graves began by developing the initial board of advisers for Black Enterprise, which included civil rights icons, rising politicians, and business leaders. Members included Julian Bond, a Georgia state senator; Edward Brooke, a U.S. senator from Massachusetts; Shirley Chisholm, a U.S. representative from New York; Charles Evers, mayor of Fayette, Mississippi; John Lewis, former national chairman of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC); William Hudgins, former president of Freedom National Bank; Henry G. Parks, chair of H. G. Parks Inc.; and Thomas Johnson, an award-winning New York Times staff writer. They were pictured with Graves, Sr., in the first issue of the magazine, published in August 1970. That inaugural edition noted how Black businessmen and entrepreneurs had been systematically excluded from the economic mainstream. The board of advisers wrote, “Lacking the capital, managerial and technical knowledge and crippled by prejudice, the minority businessman has been effectively kept out of the profitable corner of the American marketplace. We want to change this” (Graves et al., 1970, p. 4). Black Enterprise was published, emphasizing the original mission of Graves Sr. to educate, inspire, and uplift African Americans to thrive professionally, economically, and as empowered citizens. In his book, How to Succeed in Business Without Being White, Graves (1997) wrote “We may not be dominant in the business world. But if you doubt that we are serious players, I’ll gladly sell you a subscription to Black Enterprise to enlighten you about the hundreds of thousands of African Americans who are serious businesspeople and tremendously successful.” (Graves, 1997, p. 5).
More than five decades after the launch of Black Enterprise, hundreds of covers of the magazine demonstrate how this groundbreaking publication elevated the status of not only minority businessmen but also minority businesswomen in the marketplace. Beyond business, leaders such as those on Graves’ initial board of advisers have appeared on the magazine’s covers. These covers have become visual and cultural artifacts for researchers to reflect on the context and ask important questions. In recent years, visual communication scholars have advanced multimodal analysis as an effective way to detect and explain these visual cues. Applied to a magazine cover, such analysis takes into account linguistic elements, visual aspects, and other sensory components.
In a 2019 forum of framing researchers that asked, “What are the under-researched areas?” Rodriguez and Dimitrova (D’Angelo et al., 2019) called for framing studies to incorporate visuals to uncover the underlying principles that reveal the attitudes of a nation, a group, or a specific period. More recently, a systematic review of 552 articles addressing visual framing found that most visual framing studies have been conducted from an Anglo-American and European-centric perspective (Geise & Xu, 2024). While multiple studies have highlighted the experiences of Black Americans in the business world (Gill, 2014; Jones, 2017; Stevenson, 2007), only a couple of studies have focused on Black Enterprise (Appiah & Wagner, 2002; Rowley & Kurpius, 2003). In response, this study seeks to specifically examine Black Enterprise magazine covers by employing a multimodal approach to framing.
Even though multiple academic studies have examined magazine covers in journalism and mass communication, few have focused on portrayals of African Americans on magazine covers. Research from two decades ago indicated both Forbes and Fortune magazines offered virtually no coverage of Black businesspeople (Rowley & Kurpius, 2003). That research was among the first journalism and mass communication studies to highlight Black Enterprise’s role in business coverage relative to its mainstream counterparts. Things have changed since then: In 2020, Forbes magazine published its “Black in Business: Celebrating the Legacy of Black Entrepreneurship” (Umoh & Garrett, 2020) project to honor business achievements during Black History Month. The magazine has also covered efforts to dismantle Black stereotypes in business. These recent developments are promising and reflect the foundation laid by Black Enterprise over the last 50 years.
Recognizing the existing knowledge about representation and the practice of visual framing, this research addresses a gap in the literature by highlighting a distinctive publication among Black-owned publications. Analyzing 50 years of Black Enterprise covers offers a unique opportunity to assess and evaluate the depiction of African Americans in business while contributing to visual framing theory and enhancing research on what is known as the Black Press. To understand the complexities of Black Enterprise as an innovator of its time, in business, culturally, and aesthetically (artistically), a multimodal analytical strategy is employed here, as explained below.
Magazine Covers
A magazine’s cover creates a crucial first impression and offers continuity through recognizable formatting and variety through captivating cover lines from one issue to the next (Johnson & Prijatel, 2000). Existing studies looking at magazine covers (Fahmy, 2020; Howley, 2002; Jenkins & Tandoc, 2017; Popp & Mendelson, 2010; Rebich-Hespanha et al., 2015) have fostered discussion about the impact and importance of critical cultural conversations. These studies have examined how magazines choose their cover content and the effect this content has on viewers. Prior research has addressed significant cultural, social, and representational issues, such as the feature of the Boston Bomber on the cover of Rolling Stone magazine (Jenkins & Tandoc, 2017), the portrayal and national image of China (Xu, 2018), and how wars and conflicts are represented (Fahmy, 2020; Harp et al., 2011; Popp & Mendelson, 2010). These studies also highlight whose perspective is being shared and the importance of dominating visual discourse. Jenkins and Tandoc (2017), for example, examining Rolling Stone, argued in their Boston Bomber case study how “magazine covers serve as repositories of cultural symbols” and “storehouses of cultural meanings” (p. 283). Showing the symbolic power of magazines, Weiss and Sternadori (2020) observe that magazine covers, which primarily aim to sell the specific issue on the newsstands, have been examined as carriers of dominant ideologies and as cultural artifacts that influence the public agenda regarding significant social trends and historical moments.
A number of studies have looked at the demographics of people featured on magazine covers. Noting that Journalism Quarterly published no research articles on magazine covers during its first 61 years, Christ and Johnson (1985) sought to fill this gap by analyzing Time magazine’s Man of the Year (MOY) covers from 1927 to 1984, focusing on the cover person’s gender, age, nationality, citizenship, and occupation. They concluded that the typical Man of the Year was a 54-year-old white man, born and raised in the United States, who held a position of power and influence in the U.S. government (Christ & Johnson, 1985). In examining the history of Time magazine covers, Rothman observes its transition to the more inclusive Person of the Year franchise in 1999, featuring Jeff Bezos on the cover. She notes, “The first Woman of the Year was honored in 1936 (Wallis Simpson), but TIME did not consistently use the gender-neutral ’Person of the Year’ until 1999 (Jeff Bezos).” An analysis of TV Guide cover images from 1953 to 1997 aimed at understanding the cultural history of television programming revealed that the front pages of TV Guide featured a high percentage of minority faces, particularly from 1983 to 1997 (Upright, 2015). This somewhat contrasts with other research focused on People magazine covers from the first decade of the 21st century, which showed that in terms of race and ethnicity, the celebrities featured on the magazine were predominantly White, with nearly six out of 10 being women (Arakaki & Cassidy, 2014).
Departing from general interest magazines, Grandy (2013) analyzed the 2010 issues of the three most popular American business magazines—Bloomberg Businessweek, Forbes, and Fortune—and the three most popular Canadian business magazines—Canadian Business, Financial Post Magazine, and Report on Business. Men appeared on the cover 88% of the time. Only four times did the American titles Bloomberg Businessweek, Forbes, or Fortune feature women on their covers. Grandy noted that at least in 2010 “women in business are less newsworthy than men as seen in the feature profile subject data. . .that women are both less important and less able to attract popular business magazine consumers as seen in the cover photo data” (p. 14). Calling her study a “preliminary investigation focused on just one year,” Grandy further suggested a multiyear study would yield “interesting data as might a longitudinal comparison of current coverage with that of previous decades” (p. 14). In this study, we adopt such a longitudinal approach.
Blacks in the Business World and Black Enterprise
Traditionally, the Black Press serves as an ideal venue for reaching Black business owners. Focusing on Blacks in the business world, Jones’ (2017) interview study of 12 Black business owners highlighted the necessity for a more culturally sensitive approach in business and organizational communication. These entrepreneurs discovered strategic ways to challenge dominant discourse and pursue cultural empowerment for themselves and others (Jones, 2017, p. 341), concluding that it is important for Black people to claim agency in defining their own meanings and initiatives around business.
It has been nearly two centuries since the nation’s first Black newspaper appeared in New York City. John Russwurm and Samuel Cornish published Freedom’s Journal in 1827. In their prospectus for the first edition, they pledged, “We wish to plead our own cause. Too long have others spoken for us. Too long has the public been deceived by misrepresentations, in things which concern us dearly” (Cornish & Russwurm, 1827, p. 1). While it only lasted for four editions, hundreds of other newspapers like it over the years have placed a greater emphasis on civil rights, Black pride, unity, and the progress of the Black race. There are a fair number of studies on Black-owned magazines such as Negro Digest/Black World, Ebony, Essence, Sepia, and Jet (Anderson, 2015; Clarke, 2010; J. C. Hall, 2001; Prusank & Duran, 2014).
Chambers’ (2016) research showed how Ebony, as a publication from 1945 to 1974, described the accouterments of a Black middle-class lifestyle, promoting Black Americans’ participation in a consumer society. Two books have featured aspects of what at one time was considered the most successful magazine in the history of African American publishing. Having worked as a senior editor and senior writer at Ebony Magazine before completing a dissertation on founder John H. Johnson, Christian (2018) published Empire: The House that John H. Johnson Built. Meanwhile, West (2020) focused on the role of the popular Black historian in analyzing Lerone Bennett, Jr.’s work as Ebony’s senior editor and in-house historian. These books emerged around the same time as a master’s thesis on Johnson Publishing Company and its print advertisements in Ebony, which argued Black-owned private businesses should be used along with civil rights organizations to understand the Civil Rights Movement (Britton, 2018).
Gill’s (2014) essay examined the work of beauty culturists during two eras: the golden age of Black business (1900 to 1930), followed by the politically based entrepreneurship of “beauty activists” (1930 to 1960). This research on Black business and empowerment during the first six decades of the 20th century sets the stage for Black Enterprise, which debuted a decade later.
In the arena of publications known as the Black Press, Black Enterprise is considered among the “forerunners” of Black magazines. Black Press USA was first published a year after Black Enterprise’s launch. In its second edition, Wolseley (1990) lauded Graves’ publication for its unique role in enabling non-Blacks to understand the Black population more than any other Black magazine. In his book The Magazine Century, Sumner (2010) included an entry on Earl Graves Sr. and Black Enterprise in the chapter on the 1970s, a decade when more than twice as many American magazines were launched than were launched in any preceding decade. When Black Enterprise launched (see Figure 1 covers), debuting in the same year as Essence—which is considered the most popular and largest circulated Black women’s magazine in history—it joined Ebony, Jet, Sepia, Essence, and Negro Digest as publications catering to Black Americans. Sumner described Black Enterprise as a publication focused “on issues, advice, and news for Black-owned businesses” (p. 164). In their second edition of The Magazine Century, Sumner and Husni (2023) noted Black Enterprise was one of the first of its kind, raising and addressing issues related to “minority entrepreneurs” (p. 184).
The First Cover of Black Enterprise Magazine Features Charles Evers, a Businessman and the First African American Mayor of a Biracial Town in Mississippi, Published in August 1970. The 50th Anniversary Edition of Black Enterprise, Released in April 2020, Celebrates the Life of its Founder and Publisher, Earl G. Graves, Sr. Together, These Two Editions Serve as Bookends to the Magazine’s Print Legacy.
The Black Press as a whole has focused on working together for the good of the community. In their book about the creation of Essence, Lewis and Edwards (2014) recalled how Lewis, Graves, and Ebony founder John Johnson would team up for presentations to advertising agencies to talk about the viability of the Black consumer market. Lewis noted, “We were not trying to pitch our respective publication per se, but to make an overall case for the importance of advertisers buying into all Black media if they wanted to reach Black consumers” (p. 217).
Advertising is one way to gauge how businesses reach out to other businesses and their customers. Appiah and Wagner (2002) used Black Enterprise ads in a study of ad placement by online companies. They analyzed the content of 72 issues of six magazines, pairing Black Enterprise with Fortune magazine. The results showed that significantly more ads were placed in Fortune than in Black Enterprise. Stevenson (2007) attempted to provide a comprehensive six-decade view of the Black presence in horizontal business-to-business print advertising. The content analysis focused on full-page advertisements in Business Week, Forbes, and Fortune in 1957, 1967, 1977, 1987, 1997, and 2005. Findings showed that it was not until 2005 that the percentage of people in ads that were African American exceeded the population of Blacks in the United States.
Rowley and Kurpius (2003) compared the content of Black Enterprise with that of Forbes and Fortune, two mainstream business magazines. The study examined the published content over nine months, from July 2000 to March 2001. The analysis of 1,841 articles revealed that Forbes and Fortune focus exclusively on large businesses and the predominantly White corporate world. In contrast, Black Enterprise showcased images of Black individuals that Cried out success. . . The subjects were always well-dressed and generally were shown with some of the accoutrements of their success—an expensive home or well-appointed office. . . In short, the pictures embodied Black Enterprise’s goal of lifting up the Black community by showing readers what life could be like if they just acquired the right skills and worked hard. (p. 250)
Drawing contrasts between the mainstream Forbes and Fortune and the Black-owned Black Enterprise, Rowley and Kurpius (2003) concluded that the editors of Forbes and Fortune believed their readers already had wealth that they simply needed to manage, not accumulate. On the other hand, Black Enterprise’s editors assumed most of their readers needed to build up wealth. This was exemplified by Black Enterprise readers in January 2000 being asked to sign and follow a Declaration of Financial Empowerment, which was part of the magazine’s Black Wealth Initiative project started in January 2000.
This is an important place to pause and define how we use empowerment. In this study, empowerment is used as a noun and a verb. It is a noun because we discuss how communities (Black people and their businesses) are given agency to define their own meanings, ideas, and approaches to economic development. We also use empowerment as a verb to view empowerment through a lens of engagement, in which people, who have traditionally not had a voice, are utilizing their realized agency to define their own meaning. In summation, the authors use the term empowerment as a lens through which to understand how a group of people or businesses has realized agency to chart their own course and the ways in which decision-making processes are established for their purposes and success. With this foundation, we can better understand how Rowley and Kurpius’ conclusion that Black Enterprise’s emphasis on empowerment was for more than personal wealth, extending to the uplift of the Black community.
Theoretical Framework
Most visual analyses focus on the viewer’s interpretive framework, which is a valuable approach for situating the visual record within a specific historical context (van Leeuwen, 2008). Two theoretical lenses were employed to comprehend the Black Enterprise magazine covers and their representational impact: Visual Framing and Stuart Hall’s Theory of Representation. These two theoretical approaches complement what Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen (2006) call a “grammar of visual design” (p. 2). The concept of “grammar” and the “visual structures” of Black Enterprise magazine covers will be discussed later. In addition, for this study, the authors aim to understand how the “interpretations of experiences and forms of social interaction” (p. 2) enhance our understanding of the Black Enterprise magazine culture and focus on business.
Motivated by the growing body of research on visual and multimodal framing, Geise and Xu’s (2024) systematic literature review synthesized the scattered research on visual framing in journalism and communication. The 552 studies they analyzed date back to 1979, which was nine years after Black Enterprise began. They found that while many studies have focused on analyzing multimodal framing from the perspectives of framing theory and visual framing, there has been a recent shift toward considering multimodal layers as units of analysis (p. 18). Making the point that how people create, interpret, and respond to visual content is influenced by socio-political and cultural differences, Geise and Xu (2024) reported that the majority of visual framing studies have been conducted in the Anglo-American or European-centric contexts, leaving the door open for societal biases.
Multimodality and Magazine Design
In recent years, there has been a shift in how visual content is analyzed. Health care, social commentary, visual anthropology, gender representation, and international design strategies have all employed a multimodal approach to explore and address important questions about various phenomena (Baluran, 2018; Jahanian, 2011; Jo, 2013; Norwood & Turner, 2013; Pink, 2011; Wasike, 2018; Wijaya et al., 2022; Xu, 2018). When analyzing Black Enterprise magazine covers, a multimodal analysis was especially useful for understanding “grammars for design” (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2001, p. 56).
Kress (2010) has made meaningful contributions to understanding how signs, both words and images, come together to communicate messages effectively to viewers and readers. He emphasizes that color needs to be incorporated into the analytical equations to grasp the complete message, suggesting that words (writing), images, and color each lend themselves to different potentials for meaning (p. 1). These modes are the key tenets of multimodality. Similarly to Kress, Guenther et al. (2022) echo the ever-greater need for more multimodal analyses (p. 134). Thomson’s (2021) comparative review of scholarship published in two visual communication journals (Visual Communication and Visual Communication Quarterly) identified multimodal discourse analysis/critical discourse analysis as one of the most popular approaches. The latitude provided by multimodal analysis allows for a cohesive examination of visual and textual content presented on covers.
Multimodal analysis considers various modes or ways in which meaning is conveyed. These modes include linguistic elements (such as text and headlines), visual aspects (including images, colors, and layout), and other sensory components (like sound or tactile features when applicable). This method acknowledges that meaning is conveyed not only through words but also through the interplay of various semiotic resources. According to Kress (2010), two questions arise in a multimodally conceived communicational world: one is about the “aptness” of the means for representation; the other is about the complexes of modes designed for achieving layered representations. Geise and Baden (2015) offer a four-step recursive sequence to examine how visual and textual information is processed. They argue multimodal processing accepts that visual and textual modalities employ different means for suggesting relations between selected and decoded information elements (p. 47). They also posit that all included modalities and their interactions should be examined within one unified theoretical framework (p. 63) to understand what is being communicated and how it can be understood in context.
Therefore, scholars engaged in social semiotics or multimodality research typically analyze communication on two levels, concentrating on the interaction between “modes” and “media,” which is manifested in various forms. The intersections of these modes require researchers to investigate not only speech, still images, moving images, writing, gestures, music, 3D models, actions, and color but also cultural influences on how groups communicate and represent themselves (S. Hall, 1997; Kjeldsen, 2015; Kress, 2010). This aligns with Kress’ observation that modes arise from the social and historical shaping of materials selected by a society for representation (2010, p. 11).
Print publications, including Black Enterprise, evolve, just as culture does, in response to social changes. There has been a growing body of research examining the impact of social and technological advancements in newspapers and magazines and how these changes have impacted design and single-copy sales (Bercovici, 2012; Husni, 2023; Pasternack & Utt, 1995; Utt & Pasternack, 1984, 1989). Morris and Haught (2018) have also looked at social changes in design, examining how newspaper chains across the country have consolidated design operations, and how this consolidation, along with the industry’s adoption of technology, new design styles, and visual storytelling tools, has created a complex way of understanding meaning with multilayers of information.
Tseronis’s (2015) examination of multimodal argumentation serves as another tool to understand how visual and textual elements interact on magazine covers. Tseronis posits that to comprehend a magazine’s position or approach, one must examine how the “verbal and visual modes interact to create meaning” (p. 1). Embracing this analysis means one has to examine “the argument of the cover” with “the argument in the cover” (p. 28) to make sense of the multimodal meaning of a magazine.
Therefore, to explore how Black Enterprise has used various communication design strategies, we seek to answer the question:
Visual Framing
More than a decade ago, Coleman (2010) suggested that visual framing provided a new direction for theory building as framing theory is sometimes an unacknowledged perspective within the study of news visuals. She stressed the importance of remembering that visual and verbal messages occur together in media as audiences process them simultaneously. Thus, it is artificial for research to view one communication channel in isolation, which can result in an incomplete understanding of any media event. Instead, “there needs to be more integrative work on framing visual and spoken or written texts” (p. 236). In defining visual framing, she cites Entman’s (1991) definition, where one “selects some aspects of perceived reality and makes them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and or treatment recommendation” (p. 52). For Rosas-Moreno et al. (2013), frames can further be viewed as cues that aid readers and viewers in understanding “organizing principles” (Rosas-Moreno et al., 2013).
Visual framing has been used by researchers to explore how readers interact with texts. Liu and Rodriguez (2012), for example, examine the psychological and social motives for using fashion magazines among female college students in Shanghai, China. They found that social motive—to keep up with the consumerist culture—did not significantly influence fashion magazine readership (p. 12). However, how one perceives oneself, their career path, and the magazine content they consume can all influence their choices. Thus, frames can function as metaphorical nods, indicating that these readers and viewers “participate in a type of shared experience” (p.3) with the presented information. In their widely cited chapter on “The Role of Images in Framing News Stories,” Messaris and Abraham (2001) distinguished visual images from verbal language as a communication medium based on their analogical quality, indexicality, and lack of explicit propositional syntax. For this study, the researchers focused on the first role—the analogical quality, which they defined as the relationship between images and their meanings being based on similarity or analogy.
Summarizing previous visual framing research, Rodriguez and Dimitrova (2011) proposed a four-tiered model of identifying and analyzing visual frames: (a) visuals as denotative systems, (b) visuals as stylistic-semiotic systems, (c) visuals as connotative systems, and (d) visuals as ideological representations. Techniques associated with Level 1 of this model, which identified visuals as denotative systems, were particularly important for this study. This level emphasized recognizing design elements and organizing or combining visual sensations into “themes.” Holstead (2015) used this four-tiered model as the main example to explain how frame theory functions in magazine design. In defining the virtual architecture for magazine design, Holstead noted, “A magazine expresses its personality through its visual style—its symbolic use of type art, photos, colors and space” (p. 392).
Representation
Hall’s seminal work highlights the importance of understanding the community’s system of “representation” in their “encoding and decoding” of communication messages (S. Hall, 1993). Hall’s Theory of Representation draws on interdisciplinary perspectives to offer a contemporary lens to view society and communication from the viewpoint of the “other.” S. Hall (1997) posited, “Practices of representation always implicate the positions from which we speak or write” (p. 222). He refers to this position as enunciation. For Hall, enunciation suggests that identity is a constantly changing process rather than a fixed state. Grounded in cultural studies and post-structuralism, Hall argues against essentialist ideas by stating that identities are created through conversations and social interactions, not merely displayed. Consequently, there is an intersection in how identity forms and is shaped when the way others perceive a person collides with their self-perception in narratives. This interaction creates a “gap” where identity develops, indicating it is neither entirely controlled by the entity nor completely influenced by external factors. Therefore, when some members of the Black community view Black Enterprise and its Black Enterprise 100 section, which recognizes outstanding entrepreneurs who happen to be Black, it is empowering. This serves as an enunciation because Black people are speaking up for themselves about the success of their businesses.
S. Hall (1997) suggests that “though we speak, so to say, ‘in our own name,’ of ourselves and from our own experience, nevertheless who speaks, and the subject who is spoken of, are never identical, never exactly in the same place” (p. 222). Focusing on the magazine covers, we wanted to see how people were represented (e.g., photographic portraits, illustrations, etc.) and what aspects of their identities were highlighted (e.g., what vocations).
Hall views photography as a means to construct meaning: “Neither the objects themselves nor the individual users of language (or photographs) can establish meaning in language (or in photographs). Researchers construct meaning, using representational systems—concepts and signs” (S. Hall, 1997, p. 25). Furthermore, Hall in his later works posited the need for a reevaluation of how Blacks have been represented. At the same time, Kress (2010) argued modes are “the result of a social and historical shaping of materials chosen by a society for representation” (p. 11). In this study, we marry these ideas of constructing meaning using representational systems and modes resulting from materials for representation.
Focusing on Black American culture,
Method
To answer the research questions, a content analysis was conducted to examine the Black Enterprise covers from August 1970 to Summer 2020. Magazine front pages were collected electronically, captured via screenshots or downloaded, from Google Books (1970–2000), BackIssues.com (2000–2011), and the Black Enterprise website archive or Magzter Digital Newsstand (2011–2020). All covers were saved as JPEGs or PNGs and resized, considering that some of the covers were low-resolution reproductions. The authors made their best effort to resize each cover to at least 8 inches tall and 300 dpi. This size best represents the magazine size.
For Kress and van Leeuwen (2001), multimodal analysis allows researchers the ability to see how different elements collaborate to convey messages, represent identities, and engage the audience. In our visual analysis, we looked at the images and what they represented. We considered how race, or the lack thereof, and gender contributed to themes of Black identity or cultural pride. We also examined the color palette used in the masthead and subheads on the cover. Finally, analysis of the typography used considered the font choices, sizes, and styles. By considering the noted modes, multimodal analysis provides a comprehensive way to understand how magazine covers from Black publications reflect and shape cultural narratives, connect with audiences, and promote empowerment within the Black community.
Variables
Each cover was coded as a signal unit comprising multiple parts. The image (and/or photograph) and the headline were analyzed based on 13 variables: the gender of the primary subject(s) depicted, the race of the primary subject(s), the age range of the primary subject(s), the type of cover image (including color and composition), the kind of photograph presented, the category of cover image (or photograph), the presence of graphic or art illustrations, the style of cover layout, image representation in terms of color and typography, the inclusion of a Black Enterprise list or anniversary edition, the primary and secondary titles associated with the Black Enterprise list or anniversary edition (maintaining continuity), the representation of women or men and the overarching theme, the symbolism conveyed by the image, and the central theme of the cover. Image representation is what the main photographs are meant to communicate, whereas the theme is the message understood from the collective design components, including the photographs (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). These components would be the cover lines, graphics, and design formats.
Sumner’s (2002) “Sixty-Four Years of Life: What Did Its 2,128 Covers Cover?” provided a useful framework for comparing Black Enterprise covers. In his codebook, he analyzes for type and theme of the cover image. The type of image describes the nature of persons or things depicted on the cover. The theme of the cover image describes the story, social trend, or historical event that the cover depicts. Covers that featured people “type” include gender and race. The number of people, up to two, appearing on the cover was recorded. Any cover with three or more people was recorded as a “group.” An initial inventory of the covers considered the gender of the primary subject(s) featured on the cover. Images were coded following the scheme of one man, one group of men, one woman, one group of women, mixed-gender pair (i.e., one woman and one man), or mixed-gender group, gender not determined or identified, and no human shown. Race of the primary subject(s) was analyzed for no human being shown (no distinguishable human characteristics), Black/Brown, non-Black/Brown, multiple (Black/Brown and non-Black/Brown), or race cannot be determined. We used Sumner’s framework as a basis and expanded his categorization scheme.
Each cover image was coded as a photo, type/text only, original art/graphic, or other. If no photo was shown, the image was coded as null. If a photo was present, it was coded as a photographic portrait (posed, usually eye contact between subject and reader); documentary photography (picture of actions, elements, or scene; no poses or intervention); or a photographic illustration (photo plus some other element; created with more than a camera). If art or a graphic was present, it was coded as mixed-media portrait (drawing, painting, real person in a nonphotographic manner); mixed-media illustration (an arrangement of multiple sources used to make a statement, e.g., a collage or multimedium arrangement or photo of physical art object); or as typographic art (illustration with typographic forms; takes place of photo).
Following Sumner (2002), covers were also coded to understand what the primary image represented or depicted. The representation of the images was assigned one of the following categories: business/professions; civil rights movement mostly in the 1950s and 1960s; crime and law enforcement; education; fashion; geographic places; historical events including Black Enterprise anniversary issues and “year in review” issues; leisure or recreational activities; movies/entertainers; nonbusiness economics includes a focus on the self-help or empowerment theme; Science and technology; politics, government, or government leaders; religion or religious leaders; war/military or military leaders; and other.
The authors also noted a lack of women covering subjects in the magazine’s early years. Therefore, codes were added for gender representation. The remaining variables were developed based on the unique dynamics of the Black Enterprise publishing strategy. For example, a notation was made if the cover was part of an annual edition (i.e., Black Enterprise 100, Black Enterprise Top 50 Auto Dealers) or an anniversary edition.
Intercoder Reliability
Two coders (the first author and a graduate assistant) analyzed the magazine covers. A 10% subsample that includes covers from each of the five decades was selected to test for reliability (Lacy et al., 2015). Using Freelon’s (2010) intercoder reliability web-based calculator ReCal 2.0, Cohen’s kappa was calculated to measure the level of agreement between the coders on each variable. The range of kappa coefficients was .86 to 1.00, reaching good to very high levels of reliability on all variables (Wimmer & Dominick, 1997). The lowest kappa coefficient was for the race of the primary subject variable, with perfect agreement reached for several variables, including type of graphic or art, cover layout style, and gender representation.
Results
Research Question 1 asked how communication elements such as imagery, typography, color, and layout have transformed across the magazine’s covers over five decades. The covers were categorized into distinct modes of representation, reflecting evolving editorial priorities and aesthetic trends. An analysis of Black Enterprise covers (n = 509) provides opportunities for the researchers and the public to understand how the magazine has endured the historical changes of society to address topics that were important to Black entrepreneurship and Black business.
Photos/Art and Graphics
The results show differences in how visuals were used during the first 50 years of Black Enterprise. Of the covers examined, photographs (see Table 1) were used in 407 (80.0%) of the cases compared to original art/graphics 73 (14.3%) and type only 29 (5.7%) visual representations. Of the 407 cover photographs, 356 were photographic portraits (69.9%). Photographic illustrations were used in 35 (6.9%), and in 16 (3.1%), the documentary-style photography was utilized.
Image Types in Black Enterprise Covers Over 50 Years.
Note. Table 1 summarizes the distribution of image types used in Black Enterprise covers over 50 years.
Business/general photographic representations (see Table 2) were the lion’s share of cover images, 138 (27.1%) (see Figure 2). Images of corporate America opportunities (i.e., serving on corporate boards, leadership, moving to C-Suite) represented the second most published images with 73 (14.3%). These images featured photographs of corporate executives from various business sectors. The business/auto (11, or 2.2%) and business/real estate (4, or 0.8%) industries had the fewest covers represented.
Black Enterprise Cover Image Topic Category.
Note. Table 2 shows the distribution of categories in the cover images used in Black Enterprise over 50 years.
The Two Covers Shown Here Belong to the Business in General Category. Specifically, the June 1975 Cover (l) Features Original Art and Graphic Wood Carving for the BE 100 Special Edition. A Viewer of this Cover can Understand the Historical Ties of Being African American in the 1970s. Multimodal Analysis Helps Provide Sensory and Emotional Connections for Viewers. Using Wood and Cultural Symbols Affirms One’s Identity as Black in a Specific Context. The April 1981 (r) Cover Displays a Photographic Portrait of a Subject Making Eye Contact with the Viewer While Holding Various Props: A Butterfly Net Filled with Money, a T-Square Ruler, Drafting Blueprints, and a Colonial Safari Hat and Outfit, Illustrating the Idea of Doing Business on the Continent of Africa. The Colors Complement the Photographs and Link the Reader to Each Cover’s Theme.
The dominant visual approach used was photographic portraits, accounting for 356 covers. These posed images, often featuring direct eye contact, emphasize authority, professionalism, and personal connection with the audience. This mode aligns with the magazine’s mission of spotlighting influential Black entrepreneurs and business leaders, reinforcing their presence in corporate and entrepreneurial spaces. In contrast, documentary-style photography, which captures subjects in action, appears on only 16 covers. This suggests a preference for controlled formal representations of success rather than dynamic, candid depictions of business environments. Photographic illustrations, which incorporate artistic manipulations of photos, appeared on 35 covers. These stylized images suggest moments where the magazine sought to merge realism with conceptual or thematic storytelling. Beyond photography, 29 covers featured only typography, using bold text to command attention without imagery. This choice likely reflects key moments where the editorial team prioritized direct messaging over visual representation. Finally, 73 covers utilized original artwork or graphic design, incorporating illustration and digital compositions. These artistic approaches may have been used to convey abstract ideas, emphasize innovation, or differentiate the magazine’s branding at various points in its history. Through these artistic conventions, Black Enterprise has maintained a powerful visual language, balancing tradition and innovation while shaping the representation of Black business excellence over half a century.
Design Strategies and Covers
One of the most common design strategies is the black band border design, which appears on 42 covers, emphasizing a structured framing technique. Within this category, only one cover featured a headline positioned outside the masthead, while no covers placed the headline under the masthead.
Another notable approach is the thin black border design, used in various adaptations. Among these, 20 covers included a headline within the masthead, while 47 covers required a diagonal banner to be added, creating a dynamic visual element. In addition, 10 covers featured headlines outside the masthead in this layout style. The most prevalent design strategy is the full image bleed layout, where the photograph extends to the edges of the cover. Within this category, 51 covers positioned the headline within the masthead, while 69 covers followed a similar approach. The tabbed headline variation appears on 72 covers, while the arrow-style headline placement was the most frequently used, appearing on 86 covers. A small number of full image bleed covers (3) positioned the headline outside the masthead, making this the least common variant. Finally, five covers featured unique layout designs that do not align with the previously mentioned categories. These varied design strategies illustrate the magazine’s evolving visual identity, striking a balance between consistency and innovation to embody the essence of Black business and entrepreneurship over the decades.
Design Strategies Over the Decades
In many ways, the covers of Black Enterprise are products of their respective eras of magazine design. As printing technology improved through the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, the covers of Black Enterprise and other magazines explored new designs that became possible with printing methods that allowed for quality reproduction of smaller details. Similarly, as design shifted from mechanical paste-up to computer-rendered, the ease of creating some effects and the curiosity to test the limits of the new technology also shifted design trends (Morris & Haught, 2018; Pasternack & Utt, 1995; Utt & Pasternack, 1989). The photo-based approach of the 1970s in Black Enterprise gave way to the type-focused graphics presentations in the 1980s, followed by detailed, single-copy sales-driven covers in the 1990s and 2000s before returning to a modernized version of the 1980s in the 2010s. In these styles, Black Enterprise would fit in among other business-oriented magazines of these eras, sitting alongside its peers at the newsstand and making a visual statement of “we belong here” in business as much as on the rack.
The notion of single-copy sales driving Black Enterprise in the 1990s follows a trend in the industry to stem declines, largely ending in freefall after the 2008 Great Recession (Bercovici, 2012; Husni, 2023). Thus, Black Enterprise’s shift toward single-copy focused designs aligns with a national trend aimed at encouraging occasional readers to pick up a copy at their local bookstores. The design in this period preserves what makes the magazine unique while incorporating traditional elements of single-copy design. For instance, Black Enterprise has consistently featured a block serif, two-lined masthead, but the typeface evolved into a more modern, angular style in the late 2000s. Outlined type has been prevalent throughout Black Enterprise’s history, with key elements—typically the main headline on the cover—receiving the outline treatment during the magazine’s run. However, the shift to single-copy sales in the 1990s introduced a masthead label-style promotion that highlighted the theme of the issue. This label-style promotion captures the attention of casual observers, enticing potential readers to the topic of the issue rather than to Black Enterprise itself. Story callouts, colored to match or coordinate with the cover artwork (usually a photograph), became a trend seen across the industry. Therefore, Black Enterprise’s cover design reflects its time, embracing contemporary trends while preserving its core design elements, much like established magazines such as Time or People.
However, what sets Black Enterprise apart is its stylistic shift away from photo-based covers after 2008, favoring designs dominated by text elements, especially for the Black Enterprise 100 issues. This illustrates the intersection of Hall’s enunciation with how Black Enterprise portrayed the people on their covers. A distinctive feature builds on a hallmark of Black Enterprise: its top 100 lists, showcasing an eye-catching text element that can be easily recycled and adapted. This change also signifies a return to the stylistic roots of the Black Enterprise 100 element. But when Oprah Winfrey graced the cover of the June 2008 issue, titled “B.E. 100s: The Nation’s Largest Black Businesses,” with a secondary headline reading “Oprah! Means Business: An Inside Look at Her Empire,” the magazine shapes how Oprah is represented while also highlighting that her business ranks among the nation’s top enterprises. Furthermore, enunciation underscores how systems of representation (media, language, cultural products) provide the resources through which identities are articulated.
Another example is Black Enterprise’s representation of tennis Olympic Gold medalist and entrepreneur Venus Williams on the cover of the November 2012 issue, which highlighted “25 Great Franchising Opportunities + Venus’ Sweet Returns.” This feature noted that she launched her first Jamba Juice franchise in Bethesda, Maryland, and currently owns four stores in the Washington, D.C. area. Black Enterprise has utilized various photographic and visual strategies to shape its portrayal of Black business leadership and success. The colors, pose, and business context in which Williams is presented offer a broader understanding of Black Enterprise’s approach to empowering business and entrepreneurial leaders.
In summary, the design of Black Enterprise covers evokes a sense of belonging. It reflects trends embraced by other contemporary designs while maintaining key elements that preserve its unique identity. This design conveys the message that Black Enterprise, and by extension Black-owned businesses, are integral to our national marketplace rather than a novelty. The Black Enterprise 100 component parallels another renowned business magazine list, the Fortune 500. Therefore, Black Enterprise maintains its unique identity while conforming to the norms of its magazine category and the industry. Table 3 provides an overview of the design features over time.
Black Enterprise Trends.
The analysis revealed that the most prominent category was business professions, appearing on 285 covers, accounting for 56% of the total. These covers featured business and commerce, as well as individuals identified by specific occupational or career categories (e.g., a career in finance). Second in ranking, accounting for 11.0%, was the focus on financial themes distinct from the business environment. Self-help and empowerment served as significant lenses for interpreting these covers. Individuals associated with movies and entertainment comprised the third category, representing 32 (6.3%) of the covers, followed closely by organized science and technology at 31 (6.1%). Notably, civil rights (0.4%), crime and law enforcement (0.6%), war and military (0.6%), and religion or religious leaders (0.6%) were also featured.
Who Is Represented?
Media representation plays a crucial role in shaping societal perceptions of leadership, success, and influence. As a leading publication focused on Black business and entrepreneurship, Black Enterprise magazine provides valuable insight into how gender and racial narratives are constructed within professional spaces. Gender representation on the magazine’s covers has shifted over five decades, with different patterns emerging.
More than 500 covers of Black Enterprise provided a longitudinal sample to examine the representation of African Americans over a time frame extending from the latter years of the Civil Rights era to the year of George Floyd’s death, marking two pivotal points in American history. Race plays a significant role in Black Enterprise’s coverage. The overwhelming majority of covers—441 covers or 86.6%—featured only Black or Brown individuals, reinforcing Black Enterprise’s commitment to centering Black business leadership. However, racial diversity beyond the Black and Brown communities was extremely limited, with only 1% (5 covers) featuring a mix of Black/Brown individuals alongside non-Black/Brown individuals. In addition, 51 covers (10%) did not include human representation at all, opting instead for abstract imagery, objects, or business-related symbols. In 12 (2.4%) of the covers, race could not be determined due to factors such as lighting, artistic choices, or obscured features. These findings indicate that Black Enterprise remained focused on uplifting Black business professionals, with minimal racial diversity beyond this core demographic.
The magazine’s covers were analyzed not only through the lens of race, but also through that of gender. The analysis of Black Enterprise covers reveals a significant disparity in gender representation, with men appearing far more frequently than women. Out of 509 covers, women were featured 200 times (39.3%), while men appeared 343 times (67.4%). Only four female leaders appeared solo on multiple Black Enterprise covers, highlighting 35 prominent Black leaders during the study period.
Given the often-patriarchal system in business, it is disappointing but not surprising that men made up the majority of leaders with multiple covers. Nonetheless, the women featured are inspiring examples of success. The individual female leader with the most covers among the 35 was Mellody Hobson, who appeared on three covers (See Figure 3 covers). Hobson is a prominent African American businesswoman and C-suite executive. She made history as the first Black woman to chair a S&P 500 company, taking the helm of Starbucks’ board. In addition to her groundbreaking role at Starbucks, she has held leadership positions at DreamWorks Animation and currently serves as the co-CEO and President of Ariel Investments (Roeder, 2019). In her most recent MasterClass, Hobson teaches strategic decision-making for leaders in business and entrepreneurship (Hobson, n.d.). Other female leaders who achieved two covers each during the study period included Ann Fudge, president of Maxwell House Coffee Company, when she appeared on the Black Enterprise cover in August 1994, media mogul Oprah Winfrey, and entrepreneur and tennis gold medalist Venus Williams.
Among the covers that featured women, most representations were business or career-oriented (27.1%; 138 covers) (see Figure 3), portraying women as professionals or entrepreneurs. However, a notable portion of women’s appearances—59 covers, or 11.6%—were in the context of family or romantic partnerships, suggesting that women were often framed within relational roles rather than as independent business leaders. The representation of multiple women in a single cover image was extremely rare—only on three covers, further emphasizing the limited collective visibility of women in the magazine’s history. More significantly, women were completely absent in 287 covers, highlighting the extent of their underrepresentation.
Black Enterprise Features Kenneth I. Chenault and Mellody Hobson on its Covers. Each has Appeared on the BE cover at least Three Times Over the Past 50 Years.
In contrast, men were more frequently depicted in leadership positions, with 280 (55.0%) covers portraying them in a business or career-oriented role. This finding reinforces the framing of men as primary figures in business and entrepreneurship. Similar to women, men were also represented in the context of family or romantic partnerships, but at a slightly lower rate of 10.6% (54 covers). Unlike the minimal representation of multiple women, 9 covers (1.8%) featured groups of men, suggesting some level of collective male visibility. In addition, men were completely absent from 149 or 29.3% of the covers—a significantly lower percentage compared to the absence of women.
Discussion
This research study of Black Enterprise magazine covers contributed to understanding Black individuals’ legacy, mission, and contributions in the business world over the last fifty years. This research expands the discussion of the representation of African Americans in magazines beyond Ebony, Jet, Essence, and other well-known Black publications (Anderson, 2015; Clarke, 2010; J. C. Hall, 2001; Prusank & Duran, 2014). In reviewing the covers of Black Enterprise, the researchers observe how the magazine has changed over time. Its design, brand identity, and representation of men and women have evolved. The questions the researchers focused on examined the contributions of Black Enterprise to visual communication and magazine literature. As Johnson (2002) notes, “(magazine) covers provide benchmarks to history” and provide a “sense, generically, of who wields power and influence” (p. 3).
When it comes to magazines that depict Black business professionals, Black Enterprise not only pioneered the showcasing of Black entrepreneurs on magazine covers, but also a practice of combining the black banners as a dynamic visual element in the years immediately following the height of the Black power movement. Indeed, some might suggest this was a subtext about Black economic power. The magazine cover was a unique way to emphasize the importance of economic empowerment and offer the general public a visible example of this possibility and potential of those in the African American community. While other Black publications like Ebony and Essence were showcasing Black Americans in other contexts, Black Enterprise used pictures, words and colors to make readers pay attention to the role of those who identify as Black when it comes to finances and entrepreneurship.
One of the advantages of this research is in its longitudinal nature. While making certain statements about Black economic power in its first couple of decades, Black Enterprise cover design reflected its time, embracing contemporary trends while preserving its core design elements, much like established magazines such as Time or People. While other researchers have emphasized comparing the magazine that Earl Graves, Sr., launched to other business magazines using a sample of content from a shorter span of time, this study enabled the researchers to look across multiple flashpoints of American history (post-Civil Rights, economic hardship, start of the 21st century) and examine how magazine covers evolved. At the same time, the 50-year time span allowed for certain general trends such as the use of posed images with subjects making direct eye contact as a frequent magazine cover subject strategy. The professional and personal connection with the audience exemplifies the professionalism most closely aligned and expected in corporate and business spaces.
While this research reflects other studies highlighting the paucity of women in business as cover magazine subjects, it extends the scholarship in this area by offering a more nuanced understanding of how female entrepreneurs and women in the C Suite can be presented as the first image presented to readers of business publications. Even though previous studies drew contrasts between Black Enterprise and its mainstream counterparts, Forbes and Fortune, in economic empowerment versus managing existing wealth, the data here suggest that these three publications are not quite as different, at least based on who is featured on the front page. Despite its economic empowerment initiatives, Black Enterprise frequently featured Black men as cover subjects. When it comes to business sector, nearly a third of these cover subjects could not be easily categorized into areas such as real estate, finance, retail, or media and entertainment. This highlights the variety of business sectors represented on the covers of Black Enterprise over the decades.
Implications for Theory and Practice
This research advances the idea of magazines as cultural artifacts. The research on Black Enterprise makes a statement about cultural identity and value added when people are represented by media organizations that look like them, share similar cultural, ideological, and representational frames. As Kitch (2015) noted, magazines are “windows of cultural conditions in any given time and place” (p. 14). The economic conditions and potential of Black Americans as entrepreneurs in the Civil Rights movement were what prompted Earl Graves, Sr., to launch the publication in 1970. As the conditions shifted giving way to more Black CEOs and business owners, their visual representation on the covers of Black Enterprise reflected improving cultural conditions for African Americans in business. The findings add a new dimension of understanding of the denotative and connotative levels of Rodriguez and Dimitrova’s (2011) visual framing model while also demonstrating how multimodal visual framing can inform the study of magazine covers. Finally, this study contributes to the research on representation and enunciation as theorized by Stuart Hall.
The content analysis here allowed for accounting of the analogic and indexical attributes of images. Given Rodriguez and Dimitrova’s (2011) four levels of visual framing, this study of Black Enterprise magazine covers closely illustrates Level 1 visuals as denotative systems. For example, the frequency of women in business and industry compared to their male counterparts denotes further evidence of the gender disparity in cover subjects. The titles, captions, and inscriptions (i.e., the mastheads) that accompany the photo also contributed to visual denotation. But, in going further into how visuals were used and in color choices (i.e., black border), including Black Enterprise’s preference for formal representations of success, the study moved to what Rodriguez and Dimitrova (2011) classify as level 2 stylistic semiotic systems. In addition, this study answers the call for framing studies that uncover the underlying principles that reveal the attitudes of a nation, a group, or a specific period. Multimodal framing at different time periods over the 50-year span of the magazine covers reveals the focus of African Americans in business and industry, particularly those in leadership roles, and represents a societal reflection on the changing role of Black businesses.
Why is that important to investigate? By focusing reader attention on specific aspects of the visual, media’s “sensory dimensions” and “affective dimensions” impact audience cognitions and feelings (Geise & Xu, 2024, p. 5). In analyzing the Black Enterprise, special attention should be given to the sensory aspects of each of the covers. The design of each page considers the textual and graphic elements, the images on the covers, who was selected to be featured, the colors used, and the branding of the magazine’s various editions. Each element offers insight into the scope and mission of what Black Enterprise intends to convey for its readers. For instance, in the 1970s, Black Enterprise released its first decade of covers featuring a distinctive black cover. While the design has changed over the past decade, the magazine has consistently used a black cover as a key branding element. This striking all-black design resonates with its readership, capturing their attention effectively. Although there were exceptions, such as the Black Enterprise 100 special edition, which targeted a broader audience by highlighting various lists of business leaders and businesses, the magazine’s primary focus during its first decade was on creating covers that readers could connect with.
On a sensory level, the color black is often associated with strength, sophistication, and a sense of unity within the Black community. Consideration of the “affective dimension” (emotional) level offers a significant theoretical lens to observers because it sets itself apart from other magazines on the shelves. It also acknowledges its uniqueness by considering the movement through four explanatory steps. Understanding semiotics and the significance of the color black in the business world, it represents power, strength, and positive financial footing.
There are three main observations that can be made by studying the Black Enterprise covers: (1) Black Enterprise used photographs as a significant tool in their communication repertoire. Understanding who was being published on the front page of their covers and the significance of that person being presented gives a voice to the magazine by saying that they are leveraging their space to provide insight into a particular leader. It also symbolizes the cultural agency of the business leader or the person on the cover, indicating that the industry they are involved in holds significance for this publication. This intertwines the representational aspects of multimodality with the cultural elements of who is represented and how they are portrayed. Finally, there is a sense of pride when readers can envision themselves on the cover of this noteworthy magazine. As such, Black Enterprise used the symbolism of its covers as a point of empowerment, and the brand of Black enterprise evolved by remaining consistent.
Representation is considered one of the central practices that produces culture. The research here on Black Enterprise covers contributes new understanding of a 50-year-old practice of depicting African Americans in business and professional world in a way few media outlets have done. In the encoding/decoding process, identity is mobilized through representation. In their presentation of African Americans as business leaders, the magazine covers analyzed in this study provide the audience with a way to understand the identities of those involved in economic empowerment across various types of business enterprises.
An earlier study of the columns of Black Enterprise’s founder Earl Graves, Sr. showed how he embedded strong messages about the Black family while promoting African American wealth creation and business success (Bland et al., 2022–2023). More recently, decades of magazine covers have been a part of Black Enterprise’s (2024) digital strategy as the seminal platform for Black-centric content. So, what are the practical implications of studying five decades of print magazine covers? Despite Black Enterprise’s digital transition, there is some research on digital natives’ preference for some print magazines in addition to niche content that includes culture (Bonner & Roberts, 2017). This suggests that the personalities and topics presented on the cover of Black Enterprise have historically met the needs of this younger digital native generation. At the same time, the generation behind them, Gen Z is coming in as digital experts and may require a different approach than Generation Z.
This study’s findings relative to Black Enterprise’s positioning of Black business leaders may inform the practice of digital content production—extending to social media platforms such as Snapchat, which research has shown magazine readers are treating as periodicals (Williams-Turkowski & Sternadori, 2019–2020). Black Enterprise’s apparent reliance on its archive of magazine covers of Black business leaders and entrepreneurs to celebrate Black History Month suggests one way the wisdom of the covers can meet the needs of a new generation consuming content in the digital space.
The implications of this work are multifaceted. First, the research shows that a significant effort was made by Black Enterprise to showcase their business leaders. This magazine created a collection of artifacts serving as a resource for researchers and magazine enthusiasts to better understand how business has been conducted within a specific part of American society. Another important implication is understanding how magazine covers offer a multimodal lens to analyze design strategies, colors, usages, photographic and graphic illustrations, and how these elements come together to convey what the magazine aims to present to its readers. Viewing the Black Enterprise covers as spectral ships guiding viewers past different lighthouse points over the decades, the changing colors, design, or special sections like the Black Enterprise 100, Top 25 lists, or Anniversary Editions, allow readers to see themselves reflected in specific issues.
Limitations and Areas for Further Research
In this study, the authors focused on a visual inventory of Black Enterprise over a half-century. The inventory aimed at examining gender representations, design strategies, common themes framed, and who was pictured on the covers. Future research should examine the impact of Black Enterprise on shaping Black thought and entrepreneurship. Future studies could also explore the magazine’s content in greater detail by analyzing stories related to specific sectors, such as personal finance and entrepreneurship, as well as the makeup and revenue growth of businesses in Black Enterprise’s top 100 Black-owned business lists over the years. Examining the impact of Black Enterprise on the advertising industry, branding, and audience representation could be additional avenues for fruitful research.
Conclusion
When beginning this study, the researchers were interested in understanding the changes in Black Enterprise magazine over the last five decades, aiming to examine the visual frames in the magazine covers and how Black Enterprise magazine culturally represents its mission to educate and empower its readers. This study was initiated after the deaths of Earl Graves, Sr., and George Floyd, respectively. Their deaths prompted Husni (2020), also known as Mr. Magazine, to start research that highlights the importance of Black voices, Black identity, and Black representation, in both mainstream magazines and Black-owned publications. The covers of Black Enterprise capture the evolution of Black empowerment through economic initiatives over five decades. Though echoing mainstream celebration of entrepreneurship and free enterprise, the magazine covers also reflect the symbolic support and encouragement to uplift the Black community. The evolution of the Black Enterprise covers in the end serves as a reflection of the social reality of the times and also a catalyst for change.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
