Abstract
Analysis is the active and interpretive process or processes researchers undertake with research evidence that leads to what sense is made and what meanings are assigned. When I was involved in my PhD research, it seemed that many off-task activities contained connections to my particular study—I noticed them and they stimulated steps—sometimes leaps—forward in my analysis. What is thought important from the scrutiny of evidence depends, in part, on researcher responses to happenings beyond the study. In this article, I identify three conditions of analysis that may increase the likelihood of such connections occurring to researchers, which link to abductive analysis: take your time, value prompts from “off-task” influences, and backward map.
Ingress: An Introduction
You had some clues? asked Danglard, . . .
Yes, plenty.
And you didn’t tell us about them?
“I did nothing but that, commandant. You were in full possession of all the same elements as I was,” and at that point Adamsberg did raise his voice, “as was the entire squad you have been leading since I left for Iceland.”
The main character, Commissaire Jean Baptist Adamsberg, in the Fred Vargas’s crime series takes time reading the evidence gathered, and then goes for long walks as he seeks to solve a case.
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This process, as is described in the novels, is contrasted to what is referred to as “pencil and paper” logic: [H]is long walks often left him with the feeling that not entirely uninteresting notions had started to squirm inside his head. Maybe they weren’t quite as straight up as bean sprouts, maybe they were more slippery and tangled, more like seaweed, but germination is germination whatever you say, and once you’ve got your idea it doesn’t matter two hoots whether it grew on a clean piece of blotting paper or on a rubbish tip. (Vargas, 2001/2003, p. 31)
As in other of Vargas’s novels, the clues are often pieced together for other characters—and the reader, after an answer is drawn to the surface or out of the tangled seaweed for Adamsberg. A Canadian character in one novel (Vargas, 2004/2007) labels Adamsberg’s process “cloud shoveling,” and this label sticks. I note the time Adamsberg spends away from his office walking because “cloud shoveling” strikes me as a form of abductive analysis.
Unpacking the word abductive: “Ab” as a prefix meaning “from” or “away”; “duct” meaning a channel or conduit. From the Latin, duco or ducare mean “to lead”; and “-ive,” as a suffix, means “performs or tends towards an action” (Merriam Webster, online). Abductive analysis processes involve researchers’ immersion in and deliberate turning or moving away from the task of scrutinizing evidence to be open to possibilities. When I was involved in my PhD research, something in a novel I read or movie I watched would, for me, have meaning for my study. It seemed these off-task activities contained connections to my particular study—I noticed them and they stimulated many steps forward in my analysis. I did not, however, actively seek them in my non-research activities, they were serendipitous. In this article, I will not explore how this happens; instead, I want to argue for the conditions that may increase the likelihood of these connections occurring to researchers. There are three conditions necessary for abductive analysis, as I currently understand them. 2
First, the abductive process takes time for familiarization with the research evidence (and defamiliarizing). Researchers also need unscheduled time (or time out) and pauses for deliberation and reflection within research study. Time is also needed for researchers to continue to read: to become experts in their evidence, to resist any quick judgments, and also to bring theoretical propositions into play. Second, researchers need to be open to notice, recognize and respond to prompts, tuning-in, and valuing influences during the research process. This valuing of such prompts would be more strongly supported if influences were acknowledged explicitly in research records. Third, researchers undertaking abductive analysis need to trace the logics-in-hindsight, to backward map, using evidence to indicate a path to any new knowledge. In this way, abductive analysis is an active process, not waiting for lightning or magic. 3
Abductive Analysis
By analysis I mean the active and interpretive process or processes researchers undertake with research evidence 4 during a study that leads to what sense is made, meanings assigned, and from which new knowledge is presented. For a Deweyan pragmatist, analysis likely begins with the framing of the “problem” on the basis of what has been noticed. Others might contend that analysis begins with the commencement of field work. Still others may use “analysis” to refer to the period after field work has been completed, when evidence is being organized, labeled, categorized, written about, and contemplated. Iddo Tavory and Stefan Timmermans (2014), when discussing abductive analysis, focus on the stage when researchers work with the research evidence gathered. For the purposes of this article, which discusses analysis using my experience as a researcher during my doctoral study, I also focus on the period during and post-field work.
Abductive analysis is not something new. Jo Reichertz explains: First introduced in 1597 by Julius Pacius to translate the Aristotelian concept apagoge, abduction remained quite unnoticed for almost three centuries. It was Peirce (1839-1914) who first took it up and used it to denote the only truly knowledge-extending means of inferencing (so he claimed) that would be categorically distinct from the normal types of logical conclusion, namely deduction and induction. (Reichertz, 2010, p. 3)
Logical thinking and therefore logics of analysis have been usefully differentiated into processes (or types), the most familiar (or typical) being inductive and deductive. An inductive approach is, at least anecdotally in education research at doctoral level in New Zealand, a common method of analysis. Inductive processes start with the collected/collated evidence and through analysis aim to develop a theory or rule that could be more broadly applied (Timmermans & Tavory, 2012). Deductive logic or reasoning refers to analysis that starts from a rule or theory used to examine a researched case and through the analysis of evidence the researcher(s) seek to come to support or refute the initial theory (see, for example, Levin-Rozalis, 2004; Saldaña, 2014; Timmermans & Tavory, 2012). Tavory and Timmermans (2014) argue that deductive analysis can result in researchers seeking to “fit ideas into a predetermined theoretical account, usually developed by some en vogue theorist” and is that what is odd, surprising or “smaller noises” (p. 1) can become invisible or hidden. Sven Brinkmann notes complaints that “data do not behave as expected” (Tavory & Timmermans, 2014, p. 720). These authors also highlight the problems with inductive approaches, which include the amount of evidence gathered from cases (what Brinkmann describes as “drowning in data”, 2014, p. 720). Descriptive evidence might be presented as a sign of the quality of research in itself.
Inductive analysis cannot be cleanly separated from all theory given researchers’ existing beliefs and views of the world, and deductive processes also require active decisions regarding the use of evidence in any particular study. Brinkmann (2014) explains that both induction and deduction “address the relationship between data and theory” (p. 722); however, “abduction is a form of reasoning that is concerned with the relationship between situation and inquiry” (emphasis in original, p. 722). This is consistent with a pragmatist view that the researcher is in the world, as the research is part of the continuity of the situation: “there is . . . no hard and fast line between life, research, theory, and methods” (p. 722).
A distinction between inductive and deductive helps researchers talk about research analysis, gain self-knowledge of our (habitual) thinking and—for novice researchers especially—increase awareness of methodological decisions/choices and development of (alternative) processes.
Our usual processes can let us down simply because they are routine, habitual, or ritualistic. As Antony Bryant (2017) writes; The problem of doing research is that it is hard to break away from ingrained habits and see things in a new light if the objective of the research is to test what is already accepted as part of the theoretical canon. This difficulty is exacerbated if researchers are expected to serve an apprenticeship that involves close study of the classic theories—the received wisdom. (p. 13)
At the same time, human beings need ingrained patterns or habits of thinking to enable us to cope with everyday tasks that otherwise would involve a huge (crippling) number of decisions to be made (de Bono in Dudgeon, 2001). Edward de Bono believes that the excellence of the brain arises directly from its ability to develop patterns, to use these patterns, and to reject deviations from these patterns, while he writes, “Creativity involves breaking out of established patterns in order to look at things in a different way” (1971, p. 1).
Charles Peirce believed one way to break from patterned ways of thinking was to add urgency. He proposed disrupting the conventionally accepted pencil-and-paper logic by adding time pressure. In his view, urgency works to shortcut our usual thinking tracks and to reach a more intuitive response, drawing on tacit knowledge (in Reichertz, 2007).
Peirce described the process of abduction as an intuitive way of working breakdowns and situations in our lives (Brinkmann, 2014). For Peirce, abduction was that which comes before deduction and induction, a third approach. Brinkmann (2014) describes this third way—abduction—as a way to think about qualitative analysis that is neither data-driven [inductive, e.g., phenomenological or grounded theory approaches] nor hypothesis-driven [deductive, using conceptual or theoretical frameworks] . . . “but by astonishment, mystery, and breakdowns in one’s understanding” (p. 722).
Tavory and Timmermans (2014) see abductive analysis as “a creative inferential process” (p. 5) “one part empirical observations of a social world, the other part a set of theoretical propositions” (p. 2): a conversation between these two. They suggest abductive analysis as a back and forth process between the research evidence and considerations of theory. 5 A good knowledge of both research evidence and theory is needed to carry on a continuous conversation between “potentials, actualizations, and generalizations” which are then judged on their plausibility (Tavory & Timmermans, 2014, p. 5). 6 Abduction is not a case of turn taking, however. Turning abduction into any kind of step-by-step process is not being suggested. The process is rather a reciprocal coming-in-close and backing-off-to-a-distance in terms of researcher exploration of situations and evidence.
For Brinkmann (2014), abduction is an ongoing process throughout research and astonishment arises from living in the world. For Tavory and Timmermans (2014), it means surprises within the research evidence that are sought for abductive analysis. 7 Surprises for researchers are in relation to their existing beliefs, theory, knowledge, and views of the world. In other words, what constitutes a surprise will not necessarily be agreed on between researchers and across groups concerned. Importantly, abductive analysis, for Peirce, Brinkmann, Tavory, and Timmermans, and grounded theorists such as Kathy Charmaz, requires deep engagement. 8
Conditions for Abductive Analysis: “Cloud Shoveling”
Taking Your Time
Abductive processes require time for familiarization (and defamiliarization). Abductive analysis involves questioning one’s own knowledge and a close scrutiny of evidence (Charmaz, 2006; Reichertz, 2010). From a sound, expert knowledge of the research evidence under question—deliberated over, reflected on, and talked about—come opportunities for new ideas. What is currently known is meant to be questioned and the researcher’s attitude should be open, willing, and prepared for new insights (Charmaz, 2006; Reichertz, 2010).
Brinkmann (2014) takes a very pragmatist stance when he proposes that as researchers we question what we think we know and take for granted, and actively seek to defamiliarize ourselves in order to know the phenomena in new ways: “to stay unbalanced for a moment longer than what is comfortable, for this is where we may learn something new” (p. 724). John Dewey advises many times to resist making quick judgments. Dewey used the word “deliberation” to emphasize the “operation of intelligence” involved in processes like reflection and analysis (1938). This is a critical aspect to analysis: “the reflexive intellectual and experiential capital one brings to bear on the data” (Opie, 1999, p. 228). Time is needed for a researcher to become familiar with the research evidence through multiple readings (listening, viewing) and to seek defamiliarization (Becker, 2014; Timmermans & Tavory, 2012). Charmaz (2006) encourages researchers to “entertain” all possible explanations, which will also take time.
I propose abductive analysis as a response to the risk of aspects of researcher practice going underground or becoming silenced in the research record due to time pressures for the production of research outputs and our attempts to be efficient. Siobhan O’Dwyer et al. (2018) describe these pressure: the pressure to produce more, to produce more that is measurable, to produce more with less; to engage, to engage with impact, to engage with more significant impact; to deliver, to deliver with efficiency, to deliver with more efficiency; to be available, to be more available, to be available without delay. (p. 244)
There may be alternative responses. 9
I am asking that researchers push back against the call for haste or urgency to research outputs and impact because even when we set out to be efficient in our analysis—assigning codes, swiftly determining themes or categories—it is likely we find that all may not be resolved. A vague “just out of reach” thought might continue to puzzle and distract. No matter how many times we rationally explain to ourselves how that comment or episode in the evidence has been fitted in to our systems (or discarded for good reason), it refuses to be ignored. It niggles, it irritates. Sometimes, we can find ourselves nervous or unsettled as an emotional response to something that occurred or was said (or felt sense, Gendlin, 1991; Perl, 2004). We do have choices when something does not seem to fit and yet we may feel pressured by institutional and publishing norms to complete the project. Howard Becker (2007) reminded researchers of the tension between “getting it out the door” (p. 123) and “making it better” (p. 125) and that we do have to “take into account the organizational rewards and punishments of different strategies” (p. 126). We can elect to put aside our puzzle at this time or continue to question and deliberate.
Not only do we need to take the time to complete our tasks with the satisfaction of work well done, we also need time away from these tasks, including those we label research analysis. Einstein used to sail, play his violin, and walk about town eating ice cream wearing shoes with no socks (Berne, 2016). We cannot know perhaps how each of these activities prompted moves forward in his scientific work but my point is that he did take time for leisure, other creative pursuits, wandering and wondering. 10 Daniel Kahneman (2011), author of Thinking fast and slow, even identified his exact walking pace in miles per minute to think and to work. 11 Kahneman said he did the “best thinking of his life on leisurely walks with Amos,” his long-time collaborator (p. 40). Kahneman signals with this comment that researcher time for “other than research” activities need not be solitary or independent. Abductive analysis therefore contrasts with concepts of analysis as primarily an “individual-at-a-computer” task.
New ideas come from a consideration of experiences beyond our research both past and future. Jerry Rosiek (2013) writes, . . . through [abduction], new relations are created within the stream of experience that did not exist before. These novel relations are the product—in part—of the exercise of our judgment, judgments that intuitively anticipate future consequences, but that are also products of [a] sedimented past. (p. 699)
Rosiek’s “stream of experience” echoes Dewey’s (1938) notion of “continuity,” Norman Denzin’s (2015) “meanings in motion,” and Colin Koopman’s (2011) “transitional understanding.” Rosiek’s “novel relations” are an exercise in judgment. Such new relationships can be a creative outcome of new associations or a combination of features in the research evidence. Researchers need room (time and space) for ideas to surface, combine and/or for these ideas to achieve enough materiality to be recorded. Yet the time involved and the influence of “other” activities on new knowledge are rare in research records and how-to methods texts, at least, to the same extent as we might be prepared to uncover our “sedimented past” (include our researcher standpoint and relevant biography) and “anticipate future consequences” (ensuring ethical conduct and proposal of implications arising from the study) (Rosiek, 2013, p. 699).
John Law (2004) sees the need for a “slow and uncertain,” “risky and troubling” process (p. 10) and for researchers “to live more in and through slow method or vulnerable method, or quiet method” (p. 11). Processes of abductive analysis take time: time to be immersed in evidence, to think within the work of our research studies; time to go fishing, chase clouds/notions, take one’s eye off the ball (or the kettle); as well as taking time to encourage novice researchers to do the same. Time spent walking, reading good fiction, watching a movie, or listening to music may tangentially benefit our thinking and therefore our research.
Acknowledging Informal Prompts as Influences
While much of the work of qualitative researchers has become more relational, reflexive, and creative in research records, publications, and methods textbooks, research analysis tends to refer to the “coding of data” and the generation of themes (Kalpokaite & Radivojevic, 2019). Through the use of digital technologies and applications (such as NVivo), it is suggested that evidence can be sifted, sorted, and labeled by following systematic and efficient procedures. 12 Law (2007) writes, “dominant approaches to method work with some success to repress the very possibility of mess . . . caught in an obsession with clarity, with specificity, and with the definite” (p. 596). Law refers to this as a kind of “hygiene,” a “methodological cleanliness” that “others” (and absences) the mess of whatever is being researched and “the confusion, paradox and imprecision” that ends up hidden (p. 598). Law hopes that social science researchers “can learn to live in a way that is less dependent on the automatic [the mechanical, technical, system or recipe]” (p. 9).
Researchers are influenced by what they see (read) and hear (talk about) in the process of conducting their research (see Atkinson, 2017; Brown, 2019). Paul Atkinson (2017) writes that ideas “will definitely not ‘emerge’ just from our repeated inspection of notes and transcripts” (p. 167) and he advocates for researchers to be intentional regarding where ideas come from rather than editing them out of the reports. I take this reflexivity and transparency a step further than these authors may intend. If people think of research as bounded, then I mean to encourage a step out and over the artificial boundary between research tasks and the researcher’s “other” life activities.
Considering influences beyond a boundary to the research project is in line with what Zygmunt Bauman and Tim May (2001) say of sociology, that it “raises possibilities for thinking differently by including those aspects of our lives that are normally bracketed from consideration” (p. 167). Dewey’s principle of continuity speaks to how the researcher comes to the “moment” or interaction (Dewey’s second principle) of a particular study along the “lateral aspects of experience” (Dewey, 1938, p. 44), thus supporting the need to declare standpoint or positioning. The continuity principle also means the future “has to be taken into account” (p. 47). Applying Dewey’s two principles of continuity and interaction, I advocate the use of abductive analysis processes as a way of revealing more about what happens in the interaction that is the research. This interaction, as the longitudinal aspect of experience of social contact and communication, may take, for participants, hours or months. However, for the researcher, the research “interaction” may take several years. What if we were to more overtly acknowledge the influence of the contemporary present in our lives outside of tasks associated with the research project and include this kind of temporal “mess” in our research reports and publications? 13 We may then discover our own creativity, our own inputs into the knowledges and understandings we seek to produce.
What I suggest is for researchers to value, and record, those current influences (or concurrent influences) not normally considered at the time of interaction—that period of time in the study when we are looking at the evidence we have. Researchers, including novices, may recognize the value of spending time in deliberation of evidence and in time off task. This valuing of researcher time would be more strongly supported if it was more visible in our research reports and publications.
Backward Mapping
To give stronger credibility to our insights, researchers can “admit our influences” and, to complete the process, undertake to backward map or present the logics in hindsight that “confirm” the plausibility of an interpretation (Charmaz, 2006).
In the television series House, 14 Dr. Gregory House is characterized as a medical genius. He leads a team that diagnoses medical mysteries at the fictional Princeton–Plainsboro Teaching Hospital. Knowledge of what is causing the patient’s symptoms often comes to Dr. House in an “aha moment” while riding his motorbike or playing the piano. There is at least the suggestion that his drug taking (pain medication) also plays a part in House’s ability to reach diagnoses. In early episodes, Dr. House presented at the hospital and explained the logic of his diagnosis to members of his team and to the audience just as Adamsberg was able to do in Fred Vargas’s novels.
In later episodes of House, the solution would come to Dr. House in a similar way but the logic (or backward-mapping process) of the explanation for the patient’s symptoms—the reveal to his medical colleagues and audience members—was no longer explained. Obviously, a dedicated television audience does not demand the same rigor as academic researchers or editors. I think, however, that researchers presenting insights do need to trace back the clues in their evidence to convey/reconstruct the logic that is there in hindsight in order, first, to satisfy ourselves and our readers. But more importantly, this self-reflexive move makes transparent the often-disparate bits that provided resolution. This unpacking of what Howard Becker (2014) terms the “black box” of thinking may lead to more discoveries. It might be as simple as asking ourselves, “Where did I get that idea?”
Along with “well-documented evidence” to make “a strong and compelling case,” as Johnny Saldaña phrases it, “initiative prompts,” “hunches,” or “gut feelings” sometimes encourage us to do something differently, to go back, rethink, reword, and reorganize. He also advises researchers check up on hunches and “assess their credibility through confirmation” (p. 54). For Saldaña (2014), however, thinking abductively is “considering the choices and options available to you before making that ‘final’ decision” (p. 25). Saldaña suggests three questions to explore multiple possibilities: “What is possible? What is plausible? What is preferable?” (p. 25). Other questions could be “What is reasonable?” and “What is credible?” The goal of an abductive process is not to arrive at certainty or fixed and universal knowledge. Peirce’s view is that a shared “truth” can only be reached “if all members of a society have come to the same conviction. Since, in PEIRCE’s [capitals used in original] work, ‘all’ includes even those who were born after us, the process of checking can in principle never be completed” (Reichertz, 2010, p. 10).
An Example
Starting in 2013, I conducted a study with six school principals. 15 The research evidence consisted of material from three one-to-one interviews held with these school principals over an 18-month period. I compiled audio recordings, interview transcripts, field notes, and my research journals. Six folders, one for each principal, held all three interview transcripts from each principal, and I also had three more folders that held all six transcripts from each of the three sets of interviews.
Time for Familiarization and Defamiliarization
At different points in the research analysis process, I printed clean copies of each of the transcripts to enable me to “look again” at the words of the text. However, I spent a lot of time deeply engaged with, annotating, sitting with, tuning-in, and wondering about all the evidence I had gathered in its various forms.
Both audio recordings and transcripts were used as evidence in analysis. The audio recordings of the interview became significant items in that I listened to these over and over before and after transcription was complete. My methods were also a process of saturation, a sitting with and working with the evidence. Over weeks of making notes and of rereading all my evidence as the series of interviews progressed, ideas returned through reiteration and reinforcement.
Analysis is a combined process of attention being drawn and attention being given. Specific content in the research evidence seems to stand out to be noticed and researchers approach the evidence with questions, looking for content they recognize. After reading Becker (2007), I began wondering if I would hear something different if a man instead of a woman spoke the passage under my attention or vice versa, or if a person of a different ethnicity spoke those words. 16 I tried writing out passages from the transcripts in long hand, even trying different handwriting styles. I took to walking about and reading passages aloud. I needed to look out for where my sympathies might blind me to inconsistencies, and how my familiarity with the education language being used might leave questions unasked and unanswered. Being prepared to take my time allowed me to ask more questions of my assumptions and positioning, of participants’ ways of being, and of the limitations of my research. I also became more confident about what was important in the evidence. Importance is in part determined by what is noticed and what is recognized and this attention is influenced by my own experience and beliefs, my observations of how the world works and also specific events during the period of this research.
Acknowledging Influential Prompts 17
While using the internet to check out International Congress of Qualitative Inquiry workshop presenters, Jerry Rosiek’s cowboy boots and talk of barbeque prompted me to investigate his work further. “con- temporary pragmatism” (2013) could respond to poststructuralists such as Foucault, I saw license to take a theoretical stand using Deweyan pragmatism without, as I felt at the time, ignoring developments in research theory since the 1950s. Contemporary pragmatism was the label I used to acknowledge renewed interest and potential use of pragmatism in the present (contemporary) times, and as a methodology for educational research.
Other entries in my research journal during this period point to learning that came from looking away from the study, from my research tasks. Reading for my well-being and reading good writing influenced me. Alan Watts (2011) reminded me that I needed to be cautious about interpreting events in the same way as the principals who told me saw them—whether largely positive or largely negative—but instead to examine any story I was told for what might be evident to me from using different perspectives.
When reading Travels with Charlie by John Steinbeck (1962), I modified his question of “what are Americans like?” into “what are school principals like?” and then wondered as he did: Traveling about, I early learned the difference between an American [a principal] and the Americans [principals]. They are so far apart that they might be opposites (p. 242) . . . Americans [Principals] as I saw them and talked to them were indeed individuals, each one different from the others, but gradually I began to feel that Americans [principals] exist, that they really do have generalised characteristics regardless of their states, their social and financial status, their education, their religious and their political convictions. But if there is indeed an American [a ‘principal’s’] image, . . . what is this image? What does it look like? What does it do? (Steinbeck, 1962, p. 244)
The idea of individual school principals being different from each other, while there also being generalized characteristics of school principals, makes sense. Questions I recorded at that time included the following: Do principals have generalized characteristics? If there is an image of the school principal, what is this image? How does this image influence principals’ work and the judgment of their work? What else might it do? My decision to present the principals’ comments on their self-assessment using research poetry arose, in good part, from reading this one paragraph in a Steinbeck novel.
Down the road from our house in New Zealand are steps to the Whaingaroa harbor shore. Having been approved a period of sabbatical during our summer, I could catch the high tide for a swim. Floating about my mind would wander. Seemingly my thoughts were of water temperature, wind direction, cloud formations, which houses were occupied and which were unoccupied. However, on occasion, while my attention was thus engaged, I would grasp a hint out of the corner of my mind that concerned my research project. Often this was something I recognized that had simply had the chance to surface behind my mind’s back, so to speak. At some stage, apparently, I had picked up the notion that how people think about their jobs can have more impact on their understanding of their work than what they actually do because during a swim I began to think that the proportion of time spent on different responsibilities was not an indication of the respective value the principal participants placed on those activities. 18 I used this idea to look for principal participants’ comments on how they prioritized different aspects of their work in relation to the criteria used in appraisal.
Listening to Trevor Penfold, a wildlife photographer who presented at the World Café Natural World Writers presentation in Raglan (August, 2015), I heard his aim to portray in his still photographs a connection between subject and environment for someone who was not there. He spoke of how he wants to get the viewer to take notice, to pause, take a bit more time to observe the photograph, and, subsequently, maybe, give the world a longer look. This resulted in a journal note where I was wondering who would be my audience, about the relationships between what is in frame (what is needed/wanted between the thesis cover) and what is not, and had me thinking about possible places to slow down the reader to encourage a longer “look.”
Those ideas that were recorded again and again in my journals grew in value over time. Rereading my journals acted as a reminder prompt and the repetition of particular ideas across the months increased my confidence in the evidence and in my knowledge of my research and research participants.
Backward Mapping From Idea to Insight Using Evidence
The idea, from a swim, that examining what criteria school principals are appraised on or what they do each day might not actually tell me what they value in their work sent me back to the evidence to look for participants’ comments on what took up their time and what was important. I found administrative requirements (“administrivia”) rated low as a priority and “making a difference” for children (“it’s about the children”) was their sense of purpose. I also discovered how much time they spent on managing situations between individuals and groups to maintain a safe and positive learning environment and to sustain good relations with the school’s community. Insights from this exercise led me to the phrase it is people that matter and this phrase shaped the whole of my final thesis.
Whether an idea germinates from a leisurely (and time-consuming) swim, is prompted by something read or heard, I return to the evidence (and my desk) to weigh and evaluate any working theory. The challenge is to map where the idea came from using the evidence. Questions I found useful included the following:
Does this idea fit the evidence?
Does this idea make sense of the evidence?
Given what I know of other possible explanations including those in theory and literature:
How strong is my argument for this interpretation? (Try it out on friends, colleagues, and then at a conference)
How does this idea/way of conceptualizing what is happening “help” the participant community?
Could this contribute something to the research community and others who might care about this situation?
These types of questions stimulate ongoing deliberation, progress analysis, and help weigh the usefulness of any potential contributions from the study.
From a pragmatist’s point of view, it is important to give some thought to the potential consequences and implications of one’s exploration, ideas, and theory. It is also helpful to present and discuss possibilities to others as I did with anyone who would listen, my supervisors, colleagues in seminars, doctoral support events, and to audiences at conferences.
Egress: To Close
Abductive analysis takes time. Researchers may be distracted or even coerced by discourses of efficiency and the felt pressures of accelerating expectations of grant and funding agencies, academic institutions, and doctoral programs. Abductive analysis, as a possible inoculation, can support researchers to deeply engage, become expert on the evidence, and resist some of the pressures for haste. 19 The conditions needed are time to deliberate and to be “off-task,” a valuing of prompts from experiences outside research work and to backward mapping what can be traced in hindsight from an idea to justified belief or research claim. The exercise of backward mapping will help researchers recognize the value of taking time and of the prompts that come to us away from our desks.
Along with good records of evidence and acknowledgment of positionality and assumptions, I ask researchers to take time for deliberation as an important aspect of quality research processes and outcomes; be more transparent, admit, record, and share concurrent influences that have been useful as we have come to the insights we present; and undertake to backward map from our ideas using research evidence to share confidence with our audience in the plausibility of new knowledge.
Abductive analysis is an approach and a process that is exploratory, creative, speculative, and about inference. Are the three conditions explored in this article specific to abductive analysis and not to other logics? I doubt it. Exploring abductive analysis has unexpectedly drawn attention to similarities within forms of qualitative inquiry. This implies, at least for me, an additional potential strength to this approach. Drawing from a variety of disciplines, fields of study and theoretical perspectives may be a great advantage to the use of abductive analysis. Rather than reinforcing (artificial) territorial boundaries to research, strengths may be recognized across academic differences. What Denzin (2008) called “a bigger tent” of qualitative inquiry (p. 321) could make room for more prevalent (and visible) use of abductive analysis.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
