Abstract
Campus sexual violence is prevalent and consequential. After a climate survey at our university revealed high rates of sexual violence, a semester-long academic course was designed as a curricular intervention for first-year students. This study examines an assignment completed at the beginning and end of the course. Students were asked: “What are the root causes of sexual violence?” Thematic analysis of papers revealed that many students altered or expanded their thinking to more complex, structural factors compared to their initial perceptions. An academic course may broaden students’ understanding of the determinants of sexual violence.
Introduction
Sexual violence is common both nationally and on college campuses, and rates have increased in recent years (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2020; Sinozich & Langton, 2014). On college campuses, more than one-quarter of undergraduate females, nearly 7% of undergraduate males, and nearly one-quarter of transgender, genderqueer, and nonconforming students reported experiencing rape or sexual assault in 2019 (Cantor et al., 2020; CDC, 2020; Sinozich & Langton, 2014). College students are at greatest risk for sexual violence in their first year when they are simultaneously navigating a new environment, new relationships, and new experiences (Hirsch & Khan, 2020). To address high rates of campus sexual violence, the federal government mandated that institutions of higher education should provide sexual violence education to students through the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act (VAWA) of 2013 (42 USC §13,701). Though VAWA expired in 2019—and may be reauthorized in 2022—Title IX obligations have continued to hold institutions responsible for protecting students from gender-based violence (Office for Civil Rights, 2021). This often takes the form of one-time workshops focusing on bystander intervention and risk-reduction behaviors; however, existing research suggests that, generally speaking, these programs are too short to create meaningful attitudinal or behavioral change (Anderson & Whiston, 2005; Casey & Lindhorst, 2009; Orchowski et al., 2018; Vladutiu et al., 2011). By comparison, longer curricular interventions have demonstrated greater effectiveness in altering students’ knowledge, attitudes, and behavior on various topics such as gender, sexuality, and sexual violence (Currier & Carlson, 2009; Finken, 2002; Jozkowski, 2015; Pettijohn & Dunlap, 2010; Wright & Cullen, 2001).
In this paper, we focus on college students’ perceptions of the determinants of sexual violence and whether those perceptions change after exposure to a semester-long course (titled GESS 1900) addressing the political, social, and cultural constructions of sex, gender, and sexuality. As a multi-faceted social and public health problem, sexual violence has multiple, interacting causes; thus, its prevention (and mitigation) requires working within and across individual, relational, community, and societal-level factors—a framework known as the social–ecological model (CDC, 2020; Hirsch & Khan, 2020). One such violence prevention approach is to address and aim to dismantle harmful societal norms and ideologies that college students encounter and internalize before and after arriving on campus. This includes dominant rape myths that blame victims or absolve perpetrators (Boswell & Spade, 1996), gendered norms and scripts that devalue and objectify women (Wade, 2017), and campus cultures that normalize unhealthy or problematic behavior (e.g., assault, binge drinking, extreme partying) during college (Weiss, 2013). Despite the importance of understanding student perspectives as one avenue to begin addressing campus sexual violence, few studies have explicitly examined college students’ perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence. Understanding students’ perceptions can provide important insights into the cognition and worldview of a population that is particularly at risk for both victimization and perpetration of sexual violence (Mahlstedt & Welsh, 2005). Students’ beliefs about sexual violence may influence their propensity to perpetrate sexual violence and their likelihood of supporting norms that can perpetuate harm (DeKeseredy et al., 2018; Deming et al., 2013). Understanding student perceptions about sexual violence can also inform potential interventions for what has thus far been an intractable gender-based problem in higher education (Mahlstedt & Welsh, 2005).
To gauge student perceptions, we analyzed student journal assignments submitted at two time points during a semester-long course on gender, sex, and power. Using student responses, we aimed to answer two questions: (a) What do incoming, first-year college students perceive to be the root causes of sexual violence? (b) How do students’ perceptions change, if at all, after sustained exposure to a course curriculum that explicitly addresses gender, sexuality, and sexual violence?
Students’ Perceptions of Causes of Sexual Violence
There is relatively little research on students’ perceptions of the causes of sexual violence, but a few studies provide context for our analysis. Cowan and Quinton (1997) surveyed 270 community college students to examine the interactions between cognitive style and beliefs regarding the causes of rape. From this survey, they developed the Perceived Causes of Rape (PCR) Scale, which included five subscales addressing both proximal and distal causes. Proximal causes focused primarily on individual or interactional dynamics: female precipitation, male hostility, and male sexuality. Distal causes focused primarily on structural factors and social norms, including male dominance and society/socialization. Cowan and Quinton (1997) found that both men and women rated proximal causes of rape (male hostility and pathology) as the most prominent. However, students with a sociocultural attributional style (i.e., scoring high on personality dimensions of intellect, openness, and imagination; and the tendency to think systemically) were more likely to cite the distal factors of male dominance and society/socialization. They concluded that most students believe rape has multiple causes and that belief in structural causes may be attributable to students’ differences in sociocultural attributional style as well as the ability to think systemically. Using a methodology similar to our study, Mahlstedt and Welsh (2005) analyzed students’ essays in response to a hypothetical violent scenario and identified six perceived main causes of dating violence: physical, social, and structural power; gender socialization; relationship characteristics; partner communication; alcohol; and individual history and traits (e.g., abusive childhood). While students identified both proximal and distal factors, they fell short of recognizing interactions between the two (Mahlstedt & Welsh, 2005).
The above findings serve as a meaningful foundation for further investigating college students’ perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence; however, the most recent of these studies was published 15 years ago, and there is a need for updated research. In addition, the few existing studies only examine students’ perceptions at a singular time point. To date, there has been no investigation of how college students’ perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence might change due to their participation in a semester-long gender and sexuality course.
Curricular Intervention and Approach
The focal course in this analysis, GESS 1900: Sex, Power, and Culture, was designed as a curricular intervention after a 2017 campus climate survey at our university revealed rates of sexual violence that were double the national averages for both male and female undergraduates (Tulane University, 2018). In response to the survey findings, a multitude of initiatives to combat sexual violence on campus were instituted. One such initiative was a new academic, credit-bearing course, housed in the Gender and Sexuality Studies (GESS) program. GESS faculty co-developed the course during spring/summer 2018 and began co-teaching the course in Fall 2018. Per the syllabus, the course was designed to invite students to “identify, analyze, and ultimately transform the cultural, social, and political forces that shape and are shaped by sex and sexuality.” The class met three times a week, with the full class meeting for two lecture style classes and smaller groups of between 12 and 22 students meeting for one seminar section per week. Lectures were led by the core teaching team in addition to guest lecturers from the university and broader community. Seminar sections were led by graduate teaching assistants (TAs) and typically included more in-depth discussion of the week's topic and interactive small-group/paired activities. Course content related to sexual violence and social/cultural causes were interwoven throughout the semester through the following: requiring student attendance at a bystander sexual violence prevention training and an outside lecture on toxic masculinity; lectures on campus sexual violence, rape culture, sexual violence and LGBTQ + students, and consent; and assigned readings/content related to gender, sex, power, and sexual violence (see Table 1). Course materials included academic and non-academic readings, videos, and podcasts; students also attended relevant campus events.
Course Topics.
One explicit goal of GESS 1900 was to foster student thinking about social and cultural determinants of sexual violence. The course materials and objectives reflect feminist theorizing about sexual violence and the role of feminist pedagogy in promoting social and cultural change. While there is not one unitary feminist approach to sexual violence, shared themes emphasize socially structured gender inequalities and harmful cultural constructions of masculinity, femininity, and sexual expression, including rape culture, hookup culture, victim blaming, and double standards for men's versus women's behavior (Boswell & Spade, 1996; Wade, 2017). Contemporary feminist theorizing also emphasizes intersectionality—a framework that acknowledges multiple, overlapping systems of inequality and oppression that jointly and distinctively affect lived experiences (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016). Thus, not only gender, but also race, class, and sexuality (among other factors) may produce different experiences of, and vulnerability to, sexual violence (Jones et al., 2016). Feminist and critical perspectives view power, and the imbalance of power between social groups, as a central component in both the existence and the tenacity of sexual violence (Hong, 2017; Paludi, 2016). Many ideas within feminist theorizing are compatible with, or complementary to, other frameworks in sexual violence research, most notably the social–ecological model, which views the individual as nested within relational, community, and societal environments and contexts (including social and cultural norms and inequalities) (Casey & Lindhorst, 2009; CDC, 2020).
A core idea underlying GESS 1900 was the role of feminist pedagogy in facilitating social change. Feminist pedagogical approaches explicitly connect theorizing about the social world to possibilities for social change through praxis—the unification of reflection/understanding and action with the intent to transform the world (hooks, 1984). Feminist pedagogy recognizes the classroom as a site for consciousness-raising—fostering awareness and understanding of how one's individual actions and experiences are contextualized by social and cultural factors (Case, 2007; Lewis, 1990). Consciousness-raising is a necessary precondition to cultivating students into “agent[s] of social change” (Case, 2007, p. 426) to improve the environments in which they live and learn. More generally, sexual violence prevention efforts by administrators and faculty recognize and mandate the need for programming in institutions of higher education with a goal of making students reflect on both their own knowledge, beliefs, and behavior and those around them to prevent or disrupt potentially harmful situations (Jones et al., 2016). From this view, there is substantial potential overlap between the goals of feminist pedagogy and general sexual violence prevention in aiming to simultaneously educate students and to create positive change and healthier communities.
The Current Study
We use an exploratory and evaluative framework, informed by concepts from feminist pedagogy, sociology, and public health to investigate the impact of the GESS 1900 curricular intervention at a mid-size, private, Southern university. This research is a part of an ongoing, multidisciplinary study. The first wave of data collection and analysis described here was exploratory and focused on whether the course could function as a type of intervention for preventing campus sexual violence. The current study addresses existing gaps in the literature by analyzing first-year college student writing to illuminate students’ perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence and by exploring the impact of a curricular intervention on students’ perceptions of sexual violence. Additional articles emerging from this research include Lederer et al. (2021); Johnson et al. (2021); and Johnson et al. (2020).
Methods
Data Source
We analyzed student written assignments from GESS 1900 as the data source about student perceptions. These journal entries gave students an opportunity to synthesize course content and critically apply it to their own lives. The first journal assignment (due week one) asked: “What do you believe are the root causes of sexual violence in our society today?” This question was asked again in Week 12 of the 15-week semester. Students were graded on writing quality and analytic thinking, and not based on what they said the causes were. Entries had to be two pages minimum and make explicit connections to course content. For the second entry, students were also asked to reread their first journal entry and reflect on how their understanding may have changed since then.
Data Collection and Procedure
This study was approved by [masked for review University] Institutional Review Board (IRB # 2018-1388). At the end of the semester, our research team members attended discussion sections to request student permission to analyze their journal entries as a part of a larger evaluation study. All instructors left the room during the consent process to avoid concern about actual or perceived pressure to participate. Research team members described the study, stated that student assignments would be de-identified and would be reviewed only after course completion, and asked students if they had any questions. Students were asked to sign a consent form if willing to participate or return an unsigned form if not. Of 80 students enrolled, 76 attended class during recruitment, 65 consented to have their journals analyzed, and 63 students completed both journal entries. Our analytic sample was 126 entries nested among 63 students. Absent students were emailed and given the opportunity to participate but none responded. After the semester concluded, we downloaded consenting students’ journal entries from the online course management system and de-identified them using a unique ID number. Journal entries were uploaded into NVivo12 qualitative software for analysis.
Participants
As a part of the larger evaluation study, we also conducted an online survey at the beginning/end of semester, which included demographic and attitudinal measures (Author(s), 2021); however, not all students who consented to the journal portion of the study also opted into the survey at both time points. Using unique ID codes, we linked available student surveys to journal entries. Of the 60 students who consented to the journal study who we had survey data for, 78% identified as cis-gender women, 16% identified as cis-gender men, and 2% identified as genderqueer (three did not report). Consistent with the university as a predominantly white institution (PWI), 54% identified as non-Hispanic white. Most identified as heterosexual (74.6%). The course was restricted to first-year students.
Data Analysis
We conducted summative qualitative content analysis of student journal entries. In this approach, interviews are first coded qualitatively and then quantitative methods are used in comparing, counting, and interpreting qualitative findings (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005; Milne & Oberle, 2005). This approach was selected because of its focus on exploring the frequency of usage of particular words and phrases, in addition to latent content analysis (interpreting the meaning of findings) (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). This approach is distinct from other qualitative approaches because of the combination of underling meanings of particular phrases, in addition to the frequency and context of their usage. The lead author read the journal entries multiple times before coding them. Entries were coded through a process of open coding, identifying broad codes of themes, before engaging in more focused coding to develop a hierarchical coding scheme comprised of codes, categories, and themes (Saldaña, 2015). During the initial coding, the lead author identified 33 unique causes of sexual violence in students’ writing. All authors then collaboratively reviewed several entries and refined these into 10 major categories and four overarching themes over the course of several meetings to reach consensus. Quotes that represented multiple themes were dual-coded. We conducted a frequency count to compare causes referenced between entry one and two. We identified exemplar quotes to illustrate each category (Table 2).
Results
Perceived Root Causes of Sexual Violence
Figure 1 shows the four major themes of root causes that students identified in their journal entries at both time points: (a) social and cultural, (b) intersectionality, (c) sexuality literacy, and (d) individual and life course issues. Students referenced previous knowledge and perceptions about sexual violence in their first journal entry. This knowledge sometimes included misinformation and stereotypes, but also previous exposure to curricular discussions about gender and sexuality in high school courses. Additionally, the first journal entry came at the end of a week focusing on the gender binary and the social construction of gender, so students may have been primed (but not compelled) to consider those ideas in the assignment. On average, students identified 3.0 causes in their first entry, and 4.3 causes in their second entry. Between entry 1 and entry 2, most students (60%, n = 38) increased the number of causes they identified, 17% of students (n = 11) decreased the number of causes they listed, and 22% of students (n = 14) had no change in the number of causes they identified (although specific causes may have changed). This increase in the number of causes students identified between their first and second entries also reflects changes in student thinking to emphasize multiple and interrelated causes of sexual violence.

Changes in students’ perceptions of root causes of sexual violence between entry 1 and entry 2 (N = 63 students).
Social and Cultural Causes
At both time-points, 95% of students (n = 60) referenced different social or cultural causes. These included an emphasis on gender relations and the gender binary; a focus on masculinity as a social construct; identification of rape culture as a pervasive, mundane social force; and a focus on campus hook-up culture.
In their second entry, students often built upon these concepts by connecting them to other topics covered in class. One student observed: Those very early weeks of class opened my eyes … men and women starting at birth were separated into two categories and told how they should act based upon their gender. This made me reflect on my life and how I was told to act and speak about sex, compared to my guy friends who were told that it was ok to pursue women and openly talk about sex. (ID 65, entry 2)
Another student connected gender relations to social value and power: “Before we learn how to walk, we are taught to categorize ourselves, and others… Unfortunately, we are also taught that society values one gender over the other” (ID 35, entry 2).
Hyper-masculinity … promotes stereotypical masculine characteristics … strength, power, and aggression … To prove their masculinity, men feel the need to demonstrate their power … When women will not give them what they want (… sex), they must demonstrate their power and take it. (ID 86, entry 1)
Students also pointed out the cultural connection between masculinity and sex: “Along with the age-old idea that men should be tough and authoritative is the popular misconception that ‘real men’ always want sex (ID 77, entry 1).” And another student: “Men are taught that their sexuality cannot be controlled … their sexual satisfaction is more important than a woman's body and her choice” (ID 71, entry 1).”
Victims can be punished for speaking out … aggressors often face little to no consequences … victims can face skepticism, harassment …threats to their lives …systems are set in place specifically to protect men accused of sexual misconduct … the knowledge that they are likely to avoid any consequence is a significant factor leading to sexual violence. (ID 92, entry 1)
Although some students named rape culture as an important cause in entry 1, by entry 2 students often connected rape culture with other course ideas, particularly the role of media. One student succinctly described rape culture as: “An environment in which rape and sexual assault are not only present, but also trivialized, tolerated, and even glamorized” (ID 76, entry 2). Students also noted how the course gave them conceptual tools to “see” rape culture in media and in their everyday lives: Mass media glamorizes sexual assault; it perpetuates ideas that male domination of women is sexy … movies, TV shows, and music portray men pressuring women to date/kiss/have sex with them even when the women continually say no. (ID 31, entry 2)
Another student explicitly named rape culture and its connection to the media: Rape culture is so prevalent and normalized [in]… the glamorization … of media productions that highlight sexual violence … the movie Twilight, the song Blurred Lines … “cat calling” women on the street… everyday language … “I just got hit-on by that guy,” or “I’ll make that test my bitch.” (ID 34, entry 2)
A few students focused on how victims’ experiences were minimized, and aggressors were not held accountable, reinforcing and perpetuating rape culture and sexual violence: “Our society not only disbelieves victims but blames victims; we even allow perpetrators … to hold their celebrity and leadership positions” (ID 31, entry 2).
In their second entry students focused more on societal pressures related to sexuality and masculinity in hook-up culture. For example, one student explicitly connected the desire and expectation for casual sex to sexual violence: “Participants in hook up culture often feel pressured to succeed (in hooking up) … if a man is unsuccessful … he might be capable of committing sexual violence just to … earn that status of having hooked up” (ID 86, entry 2). Another student similarly noted: “The social expectation of readily available sex is definitely a stimulus for sexual harassment, coercion, and assault” (ID 92, entry 2). A different student commented: “Hook up culture … blurs the lines of consent and make[s] it almost impossible to tell yes from no” (ID 87, entry 2).
A few students also addressed the gender inequality of hook-up culture: “[In] hookup culture our society embraces casual sex as the norm, and men seem to have the power and their desires are often centered over women's …women often feel pressured to say yes to men” (ID 32, entry 2). Some students felt that online dating apps—a technology linked to hook-up culture—facilitated sexual violence: “Hookups” and “no strings attached sexual encounters” have become … more of a norm … apps that are based specifically off a person's physical attractiveness … This leads people to see other people as strictly objects of pleasure, objects that do not require consent. (ID 28, entry 2)
Intersectionality Causes
Students particularly commented on how the course broadened their understanding of sexual violence from a more simplistic “women's issue” to one that was structured by gender, sexuality, and race, among other factors. Students emphasized discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex persons (LGBTI) and racial discrimination as important factors in sexual violence. Twenty-one percentage (n = 13) in the first entry and 38% (n = 24) in the second entry referenced causes in the “intersectionality” category.
Although some students acknowledge the role of LGBTI discrimination as a cause in entry 1, their thinking became more complex throughout the course. As one student discussed: “In my previous journal, it was evident that I viewed sexual violence as a ‘woman's issue’… [which] erases the experiences of LGBT survivors” (ID 14, entry 2). Although this student may be conflating gender identity with sexual identity, it shows their increasing awareness that sexual violence impacts those who don’t identify as women, and those who are not in heterosexual relationships. Another student similarly noted: “I have learned that the LGBTQ community experiences sexual violence at a much higher rate than heterosexuals” (ID 25, entry 2).
Several students described heteronormativity as a main cause of sexual violence. One student noted: [Start of semester] I had a very baseline understanding … things I had learned in my high school … I think it is important to understand sexual violence is tied to other oppressive constructs that we have learned about in this course; while sexual violence is reinforced most strongly by rape culture… [which is] a product of gender roles and heteronormativity. (ID 75, entry 2)
Other students noted how ignoring the high rates of violence against LGBTI individuals perpetuated the problem further: “In my… [journal entries], I focused on problematic attitudes of and towards men in heterosexual relationships … This point completely ignores the population most at risk for assault, perpetuating violent attitudes in itself” (ID 89, entry 2). Students also discussed the idea that LGBTI individuals and people of color are especially at risk because of their marginalization in the “sexual marketplace.” The latter refers to how “people are organized and ordered according to their perceived sexual desirability” (Wade, 2017, p. 225). As one student noted: “People of color and … LGBTQ + [people] are often marginalized or seen as ‘less valuable’ in the sexual marketplace, leaving them in higher danger of experiencing sexual violence” (ID 74, entry 2).
One student also described being able to see how systems of oppression were interrelated (i.e., intersectionality) vis-a-vis sexual violence: The causes I previously stated are important … but they mostly look at the issue with an individual perspective rather than a societal one. In addition to gender inequality, racism, LGBTQ + discrimination, and misuse of power are some of the root causes of sexual violence in current society. (ID 71, entry 2)
Although this student listed the same causes previously, they did not draw connections between these causes in their first entry. Another student similarly highlighted violence against transgender women of color as a function of “racism, sexism, and transphobia.” The student further noted: “High rates of racist and anti-trans violence are coupled with low rates of consequence for perpetrators … many people assume trans people are hypersexual, which is overt victim-blaming” (ID 64, entry 2).
In their second entries, students discussed both contemporary and historical racial discrimination (e.g., settler-colonialism) and attributed their increased awareness of these issues to the course. As one student observed: “[compared to my first entry] now, I believe the largest factor of sexual violence is discrimination … people of color experience sexual violence more often” (ID 25, entry 2). Another student described how people of color are perceived to be “easy targets” for sexual violence because of their marginalized status; that they are “exoticized and fetishized, often leaving them at higher risks of being harmed”; and that “dehumanization of people of color in hookup culture contributes to sexual violence … it is easier to take something from someone when we view them as lesser” (ID 71, entry 2).
Students also discussed colonialism as something they had not considered before taking the class: “Sexual violence is deeply rooted in the foundation of our country. Colonizers relied heavily on sexual violence against native women to institute a society in which white men were clearly at the top” (ID 69, entry 2).
Sexual Literacy Causes
Sexual literacy emerged as a third cross-cutting category. Sexual literacy refers to accurate and comprehensive sexuality knowledge and the development of relevant interpersonal and emotional skills (Shtarkshall et al., 2007). Students’ discussions of their prior sexuality education typically focused on inadequate or biased education and lack of open discussion of sexuality in schools and in relationships. Discussions of consent often emphasized myths and misunderstanding, both in learning about consent in sexuality education and practicing consent in sexual encounters. In entry 1, 12 students (19%) referenced sexuality literacy; this nearly tripled by entry 2 to 34 students (54%).
Although students in both entries described the importance of sexuality education, in entry 2 they were more likely to connect a lack of sexuality education with concepts such as consent, rape culture, and gender norms. As one student noted: “This lack of cohesive sexual education not only establishes this dangerous ambiguity, but also, in the absence of formal [and comprehensive] education, allows for young people instead to turn to the damaging societal beliefs enforced by sexual scripts and rape culture” (ID 7, entry 2). Another student described what they thought comprehensive sexuality education should entail: Typical sexual education is either abstinence only or it just covers biology and contraception, comprehensive sexual education focuses more on pleasure, consent, and having positive sexual experiences while also being safe and understanding how everything works. (ID 73, entry 2)
Students also remarked that comprehensive sexuality education could encompass sexual violence awareness, but educational efforts more often promoted the idea that women are responsible for preventing sexual violence. As one student noted: “prevention is [currently] geared towards girls, which continues the myth that women are responsible for preventing their own sexual assault” (ID 31, entry 2).
Some students felt that many people had inadequate knowledge because sex is a taboo subject. As one student elaborated: Our culture has … stigmas around sex …if we introduce topics … at an earlier age on a safe and educational level … we wouldn’t feel as uncomfortable or hesitant to speak about it openly to romantic partners as we get older. (ID 34, entry 2)
Students felt that a general lack of openness about sex could potentially cause sexual violence since students would feel less comfortable discussing boundaries and their own wants and expectations during sexual interactions. While several students focused on generalized cultural taboos that inhibit communication and education and lead to inadequate sexual knowledge, others focused on the absence/stigma of discussing (female) sexual pleasure: “If we don’t include pleasure in sex education, we are reinforcing … that sex is something that men gain and women lose” (ID 91, entry 2). Another student similarly noted: I hadn’t fully considered … the level of misconception surrounding female anatomy and …sexual pleasure for women … shame and discomfort surrounding sex in our cultural conversations … devalues the possibility of a woman having a full, enjoyable sex life … and contributes to rape culture. (ID 92, entry 2)
Many schools either don’t have sex ed classes or only teach … abstinence… without going into …factors that contribute to an affirmative notion of consent… By only teaching kids that “no means no,” schools are enabling a higher risk for sexual violence in their community. (ID 22, entry 1)
Students often noted the need for consent in sexual interactions, in addition to need for more nuanced and holistic understandings of what this consent should entail. One student also described how their thinking about consent had evolved over the semester: I used to believe that sexual violence occurred when one purposefully ignored and abused the other's consent … I never considered … when consent is not given clearly, or if … refusal … is not clearly understood … if the communication between sexual partners is not strong enough, sexual violence can occur. (ID 34, entry 2)
Students also referenced the importance of learning body sovereignty, especially at a young age: When we fail to educate children about their rights over their own bodies, we are setting them up to participate in rape culture. Teaching body sovereignty … means encouraging [children] to set and enforce boundaries, listen to their own bodies, and respect the verbal and non-verbal cues of others. (ID 23, entry 2)
Individual and Life-Course Issue Causes
A notable number of students identified individual-level and life-course-specific issues as determinants of sexual violence. This included referencing individual traits, which students often described as being innate, or as being caused by negative or harmful experiences during childhood. In entry 1, 19% of students (n = 12) referenced causes in the individual and life course category, whereas 13% (n = 8) did in entry two.
People with unusually high testosterone levels are more prone to violence … People who have aggression issues tend to be more impulsive and have antisocial tendencies, and they lack the ability to differentiate between sex and aggression. (ID 71, entry 1)
Notably, students less frequently referenced individual traits in their second journal entries. For instance, one student initially discussed “sexism and excess sexual desire” as a major cause of sexual violence. At the end of the semester, however, they stated: “sexual desire … should not be considered as the root because humans are different from animals—we can control our action when the hormone is rising [sic]. Sexism is the best [explanation for] … sexual violence” (ID 93, entry 2). Another student similarly described their change in thinking: At the beginning of the semester, I believed that the root causes … were “mental depravation, lack of control, and the societal image of male superiority.” While I still believe that mental illness and lack of self-control play a role … toxic gender roles … is the ultimate cause [sic]. (ID 62, entry 2)
[Childhood trauma] can also cause psychological issues which lead perpetrators … to commit sexual violence…People who have witnessed violence in the home or have distant emotional relationships with parents tend to develop more violent personalities. (ID 71, entry 1)
Discussion
In this study, we explored students’ perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence through a content analysis of written assignments due at the beginning and end of a semester-long, credit-bearing academic course on sex, gender, and power. As a major goal of the course was to foster more systemic thinking about the root causes of sexual violence, we were particularly interested in what pre-existing views students entered the course with and whether/how those views may be influenced by exposure to the GESS 1900 curriculum. We found that many students did enter the course with some perceptions about social and cultural causes of sexual violence. For example, our findings showed that 95% of students addressed this theme in their first entry. We expect that several students likely entered the course with these views based on messaging from peers, family, media, or prior educational efforts from high school. At the same time, most students limited their first entry analysis to either “gender relations” (n = 53) or “masculinity” (n = 37). By their second entry at the end of the class, the same rate of students continued to identify social and cultural causes, but there were distinctive shifts in the subcategories they discussed; notably, more students addressed rape culture (n = 23 v. 40) and hookup culture (n = 10 v. 15) in entry 2. Rape culture and hook-up culture clearly connect to gender relations and masculinity, but are more nuanced concepts, and mechanisms of sexual violence, that students were exposed to during the course. Therefore, although many students entered the course with some understanding of the social and cultural causes of sexual violence, their perceptions did become more complex by the end of the semester.
Another important and related finding is that students’ perceptions also changed regarding how intersectionality contributes to sexual violence. A similar number of students addressed LGBTI discrimination between entries (n = 12 v. 14), but there was a substantial increase in students citing racial discrimination in entry 2 (n = 3 v. 16). This indicates that students became more aware of the connection between racial inequality and sexual violence during the course. Students also discussed the interaction of systems of oppression such as racial and LGBTI discrimination, and the unique role this played in sexual violence. These are important findings, especially given that racial, gender and sexual minority students may be at heightened risk of both experiencing sexual violence and not receiving support afterwards (Harris & Linder, 2017).
There was also a substantial shift in students’ perceptions about the role of sexual literacy between the first and second journal entries (n = 12 v. 34). Although a similar number of students focused on inadequate sexuality education in both entries (n = 10 v. 15), there was a major uptick in students addressing consent between entries (n = 2 v. 20). It is intriguing that so few students mentioned consent in the first entry despite how often consent has become part of the public discourse on sexual violence, especially with the emergence of the #MeToo movement (Dubrofsky & Levina, 2020). This also may reflect the general inadequacy of U.S. sexuality education, including a lack of coverage about consent practices, before entering college (Hirsch & Khan, 2020). Notably, recent studies have identified comprehensive sexuality education as a tool for sexual violence prevention (Goldfarb & Lieberman, 2021; Santelli et al., 2018).
Nearly one-fifth of students (n = 12) cited individual or life course issues in their first entry. This decreased, although not substantially, by the second entry (n = 8). However, much of the decrease can be attributed to students being less likely to endorse “personal traits” as a root cause of sexual violence (n = 12 v. 4); this included focusing on mental illness, personality, or biological factors such as hormones as driving sexual violence. This change in thinking is an important potential success of the course, as it indicates a greater emphasis on systemic causes of sexual violence. A small number of students (n = 7 v. 6) continued to emphasize “upbringing” factors (e.g., poverty, childhood trauma) as major causes of sexual violence, although many of these students expanded their thinking to include additional social and cultural causes as well.
Consistent with previous research, most students perceived multiple causes of sexual violence (Cowan & Quinton, 1997; Mahlstedt & Welsh, 2005). Since students were asked to reflect on how their thinking had changed between the journal entries, students described becoming better able to identify structural causes and seeing how multiple causes of sexual violence might relate to and reinforce each other. This is congruent with conceptualizations of the causes of sexual violence, which usually focus on gendered and racialized power differentials, in addition to the interaction and influence of individual, life course, and physical and social circumstances (CDC, 2020).
Implications
A major implication of this study is that the findings highlight the potential value of a semester-long academic course that aims to address sexual violence using feminist pedagogy. We suggest that both the structure of the course (semester long, academic inquiry), the content, and the overall approach to the course (feminist pedagogy), worked together to influence student outcomes. Regarding the form, prior research indicates that longer, more sustained interventions facilitate more positive and durable changes in student knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors about gender, sexuality, and sexual violence (Currier & Carlson, 2009; Finken, 2002; Jozkowski, 2015; Pettijohn & Dunlap, 2010; Wright & Cullen, 2001). A semester-long course allows students to (a) be exposed to a variety of interrelated topics about sexual violence and to (b) grapple with and reflect on their perspectives, and hear others’ perspectives, over the course of weeks and months, as opposed to a one-time “dosage” of a workshop or webinar. Additionally, the academic (v. extracurricular) nature of the course helps to reassert the importance of “rigorous academic discussions about sex and relationships” (Freitas, 2018, p. 169) and impresses upon students that what they are learning in the classroom and doing in their personal lives outside of the classroom are not such separate matters (Hooks, 1994).
Regarding content, our findings suggest that, intersectional feminist pedagogy may be an important tool in sexual violence prevention and a course-based curricular intervention is able to impact students’ views about the root causes of sexual violence. The focus on consciousness-raising (Case, 2007; Lewis, 1990) and intersectionality (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2016) in feminist pedagogy are implicated throughout students’ writing in which students reflected on their own beliefs (and sometimes behaviors), and those around them, and identified changes in their own thinking due to the course.
This study also has important implications on the use of reflective writing as a learning tool in and of itself, instead of simply a method of assessing student learning. As Ezezika and Johnston (2023, p. 1) observe, reflective writing can offer both expressive and analytic opportunities for students to work through course knowledge and apply it to “real-world” scenarios: “it can help learners organize their thinking, examine …preconceptions…and formulate their subsequent positions.” Students acknowledged that they had become more cognizant of structural/cultural causes such as racism and rape culture because of the course. This awareness of the interplay between one's individual behaviors with social and cultural factors is viewed as a necessary step in creating social change (Case, 2007). Students also reported being more aware of sexual violence as an intersectional issue, connected to not just gender, but also race/ethnicity, historical oppression, and sexual identity among other factors. Although more research is needed, these findings provide support for continued, and expanding the use of, this course and others which include similar components to address sexual violence on college campuses. These findings also indicate that there is a need for interventions, which utilize consciousness-raising as one tool to promote social change.
Limitations and Future Research
This study does have limitations. Students already had one week of class before entry 1 was due, which addressed the gender binary. This content may have primed students to cite the gender binary in their first entry. However, the gender binary remained one of the main causes that students listed at the end of the semester as well, suggesting that students continued to perceive the gender binary as a main cause of sexual violence. Although the causes are predominately discussed independently, it is important to note that most students identified more than one cause, and often discussed them as related to or reinforcing each other. Future research could better explore how students conceptualize the interrelation of multiple causes of sexual violence.
There may have been a selection effect in terms of (a) students who enrolled in the course and (b) students who submitted both journal entries and consented to have their assignments analyzed. Most of the students identified as women and heterosexual; future studies should explore possible differences in students’ perceptions based on gender and sexual identity. The results of this study may not generalize to other student populations. Based on a campus climate survey, our institution had particularly high rates of sexual violence, and there were subsequent campus-wide efforts to raise awareness and to engage students in sexual violence prevention. This heightened environmental activity may have also influenced students’ perceptions during the semester, yet many students’ comments in their second journal entries spoke to how the course had a major impact on how they understood sexual violence. Despite possible differences in student populations and campus cultures, these findings offer insight and transferability for developing similar courses at other institutions. Future studies should further explore if changes in students’ perceptions endure after the course. Course content may become less salient over time, and continual reinforcement through other methods may be necessary. In addition, the extent to which changes in perceptions affect behavior is also an area which requires future study.
There may also have been some social desirability that influenced student writing, as initially the assignments were graded by the course instructors, and they were asked to incorporate course content. However, there was diversity and forthrightness in student responses, hopefully making this less of a concern. Additionally, the fact that students knew they would be graded on writing quality as opposed to specific content likely mitigated this issue. Future studies would benefit from analyzing student writing about sexual violence that is not submitted as a class assignment to ameliorate this possibility. Finally, the second entry was due before the end of the semester (Week 12 of 15 weeks; remaining topics included commercial sex, polyamory, feminist pornography and technology/sexual interaction). Students may have further changed in their perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence if the assignment had been due during the last week; however, students had already been exposed to the majority of the class content, so it is unlikely that they would have dramatically changed if the assignment had been due three weeks later.
Conclusion
This is one of the first studies to qualitatively and quantitatively examine college students’ perceptions about the causes of sexual violence as part of a semester-long course. This study is also the first to explore how participation in a semester-long course about gender and sexuality impacts students’ perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence. Gaining insight into student views is essential for developing tailored interventions for this particularly at-risk population. Importantly, one of the express goals of the course was to provide first year, first-semester students with a set of salient concepts for understanding the social world and) navigating college sexual culture with increased awareness of power dynamics at play. Some of the prominent shifts in students’ perceptions included an increased emphasis on thinking about rape culture, hook-up culture, race, and consent in relation to sexual violence. While our study focus was specific to students’ perceptions, raising awareness about sexual violence and its causes is a major first step in prompting social change to prevent or disrupt sexual violence. Students’ perceptions of the root causes of sexual violence evolved between the beginning and end of the course, in particular, emphasizing the importance of systems of oppression and intersectionality, and the importance of sexual literacy, demonstrating that an academic course can make an important contribution in shaping students’ understanding of sexual violence.
Changes in Students’ Perceptions of Root Causes of Sexual Violence Between Entry 1 and Entry 2 (N = 63 students
Note. Numbers in “Any reference” include if students referenced any of the themes within the overarching category.
Footnotes
Author note
Alyssa M. Lederer is currently affiliated with Department of Applied Health Science, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, USA.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded by a Tulane University Carol Lavin Bernick Faculty Grant, a Newcomb Institute of Tulane University Faculty Research Grant, the Donna and Richard Esteves Fund at the Newcomb Institute of Tulane University, the Tulane Gender and Sexuality Studies (GESS) Program Yorn Fund, and the Tulane University COR Research Fellowship.
