Abstract
Economic abuse is a significant gender-based problem in Ghana and sub-Saharan Africa, but few studies explore the consequences of this type of abuse on women's lives and their coping strategies. This study examined the narratives of 16 Ghanaian women in intimate relationships who experienced economic abuse in the Greater Accra, Ashanti, and Upper East regions of Ghana. Results indicate economic abuse negatively affected female survivors’ jobs, businesses, and food security and led to physical violence and adverse health implications. Some women coped by relying on external family networks, religion, and theft from husbands, while others trivialized their experiences.
Introduction
Economic abuse is a global social problem that cuts across socioeconomic and demographic groups (Green et al., 2022). Economic abuse refers to coercive intents to control or prevent partners from “acquiring,” “maintaining,” or “using” resources, which may affect partners’ economic security and self-sufficiency (Adams et al., 2008). Economic abuse is often used interchangeably with financial abuse in the literature (Postmus, Huang, et al., 2012; Postmus, Plummer, et al., 2012). Sharp (2008) argued that financial abuse is narrow and specific and should properly be understood as a part of economic abuse because the term “financial” excludes the control of economic resources (such as education, accommodation, or land). Adams et al. (2008) contended that economic abuse can manifest in several ways. For instance, behaviors that prevent women from obtaining or keeping a job or that frustrate opportunities available for them to upgrade their skills or to acquire economic resources constitute employment sabotage. Behaviors that monitor the use of shared resources, placing strict measures on resource use, leading to deprivation of food and other necessities of life, can be described as economic deprivation. Behaviors that threaten women's ability to maintain economic resources, such as deliberate actions and attitudes that drain their wealth and create debts in their name, constitute economic exploitation. Examples of such behaviors include borrowing in the name of the survivor, stealing, destroying the survivor's assets, or exploiting valuable items.
Postmus and colleagues corroborated the three dimensions of economic abuse identified by Adams et al. (2008) and argued that these behaviors are “deliberate tactics” employed by male perpetrators to exploit female survivors' economic resources. Postmus and colleagues also noted that men who seek to control women financially make financial decisions alone, keep financial information to themselves, prevent and influence the use of money by checking receipts, and demand justifications for their spouse's expenditures. They found perpetrators of employment sabotage employ a range of strategies, including threats, physical abuse, ultimatums, and eventually asking survivors to quit their jobs. In their study of economic abuse in the United States, Postmus, Huang, et al. (2012) and Postmus, Plummer, et al. (2012) observed that about 79% of female participants had experienced exploitative economic tactics, 78% had faced employment sabotage, and 79% had been controlled economically by an intimate partner.
In sub-Saharan Africa, where patriarchy and gender-role socialization are common, economic abuse is prevalent (Sedziafa et al., 2017; Uthman et al., 2009a, 2009b). A study conducted among Malawian women by Pelser et al. (2005) discovered that 28% of women had suffered economic abuse in an intimate relationship. A study in South Africa by the National Department of Social Development found that 48% of the sample of women had experienced economic abuse (Clarke, 2014). In Ghana, as in other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, women and girls suffer high rates of economic abuse. Tenkorang and Owusu (2018) documented a high percentage of economic abuse among women: 42% of their sample had experienced economic deprivation. The majority said their partners had refused to provide money for housekeeping and basic needs. About 8.5% had experienced employment sabotage, and 24.2% reported economic exploitation.
The above studies suggest the prevalence of economic abuse in sub-Saharan Africa and Ghana. Yet very few studies consider the consequences of experiencing economic abuse or ask how women cope with this type of abuse. To begin to fill this gap, we used data on 16 Ghanaian women selected from the Greater Accra, Ashanti, and Upper East regions to document the consequences of economic abuse and the strategies women use to cope when they are dealing with it.
Consequences of Economic Abuse
Economic abuse affects survivors in negative ways (Dumonthier & Dusenberry, 2016; Shoener & Sussman, 2012). For instance, employment sabotage, which prevents survivors from engaging in paid work has a long-term impact on survivors' educational attainment, potential for future employment, and ability to generate income (Adams et al., 2008). Sharp (2008) examined women's well-being before, during, and after experiencing economic abuse in the United Kingdom and found it had significant adverse effects. Approximately 37% of women reported pursuing education before meeting their abusers; however, this dropped to 18% while they were with their abusers. After leaving the relationship, only 30% of the women continued their education. Before the abusive relationship, 47% of women were in paid employment, but this dropped to 37% during the relationship; only 16% returned to the labor market upon separation. In the 2014 Wire Women's Information Report on Australian women, survivors of economic abuse explained that years spent in marriage to an abusive partner made their professional expertise obsolete, making them less competitive on the job market (Cameron, 2014). Some women claimed their lack of experience in the labor market made it difficult to secure jobs after leaving their male partners (Cameron, 2014). They gave accounts of incidents when abusive partners utilized coercive behaviors like vandalizing vehicles, starting fights and arguing during the night or in the morning before work, and making false claims or peddling gossip at survivors' workplaces to make them quit or get fired (Cameron, 2014).
Studies show that economic abuse affects victims’ economic and financial security (Postmus et al., 2016; Sharp, 2008; Voth Schrag et al., 2019). The relationship between economic violence and poverty is well established. Abusive behaviors, including denying women financial self-autonomy, refusing to provide the financial support needed for family maintenance, and forcing women to renounce their control over assets are abusive tactics used by perpetrators to create financial hardships that erode women's economic independence. Consequently, economic abuse affects women's financial security during violent relationships and afterwards (Voth Schrag et al., 2019).
Financially insecure women who experience economic abuse face challenges in securing housing and may have no option other than to live with family and friends (Sharp, 2008). Others apply for government housing, while those who own houses on credit find it difficult to pay their mortgage ou housing costs (Bell & Kober, 2008). Voth Schrag (2015) explained victims of abuse may lack necessities, such as food, shelter, and accommodation, or eat low-grade foods. A study in the United Kingdom by Sharp (2008) found that 30% of the sample of economically abused women had no money to pay for essentials such as food and mortgage repayments, and 33% indicated they were dependent on the government. In other instances, women reported relying on social support from family and friends, while others shoplifted to survive (Sharp, 2008). Studies in sub-Saharan Africa and Ghana found women who experienced economic abuse were financially disadvantaged and could not afford land, housing, and food (Adu-Gyamfi, 2014; Ampofo & Boateng, 2007). These women may take up menial jobs such as street hawking or, in some cases, engage in commercial sex work to earn income.
Abuse in intimate relationships has implications for survivors' health (Issahaku, 2015; Spangenberg et al., 2016; Tenkorang & Owusu, 2018). Empirical studies have shown a relationship between poor health and intimate partner violence (Braaf & Meyering, 2011; Sedziafa et al., 2018; Mackinnon & Luecken, 2008). The literature has documented the health implications of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse (Carpenter & Stacks, 2009; Lindhorst et al., 2007; Postmus, Huang, et al., 2012; Postmus, Plummer, et al., 2012), but not those of economic abuse. Yet the health impact of economic abuse can be equally drastic, with significant consequences for survivors. Abusive tactics that deprive, control, exploit, or sabotage may leave women impoverished, leading to their dependence on partners. Poor and economically dependent women have limited life choices, live in poor areas, are vulnerable to disease, and cannot afford health care (Padovese et al., 2014; Peters, 2008; Tenkorang & Owusu, 2018).
Moreover, research shows that psychological distress resulting from abuse in intimate relationships leads to depression and anxiety (Antai et al., 2014). Postmus, Huang, et al. (2012) and Postmus, Plummer, et al. (2012) found economic abuse had adverse effects on survivors’ mental and psychological health. About 19% of their sample had been economically abused and were depressed, and 54% reported they experienced poor mental health due to economic abuse. Similarly, using longitudinal data on vulnerable families and child well-being, Postmus, Huang, et al. (2012) and Postmus, Plummer, et al. (2012) found a strong relationship between physical, psychological, and economic abuse and reported that these contributed to high levels of depression in survivors. Using data from Ghana, Tenkorang and Owusu (2018) examined the effects of three dimensions of economic abuse on physical and psychosocial health. Respondents who reported experiencing economic abuse were 47% more likely to live with cardiovascular diseases. Economically exploited women were 97% more likely to live with cardiovascular diseases, as were women who experienced economic deprivation. Overall, the findings illuminate the impact of economic abuse on women's physical and psychological well-being.
Coping With Abuse
There is little knowledge on how women cope with abusive intimate relationships in Ghana and sub-Saharan Africa in general. Recognizing and understanding how women cope with abuse, including economic abuse, in intimate relationships provides the knowledge needed to support them and make practical policy decisions. Coping refers to the different ways people adapt, appraise, detect, and deal with adverse events, including threats or stressful encounters (Folkman, 2001; Folkman & Lazarus, 1980). Survivors of abuse adopt various coping strategies, which can be broadly grouped into two main categories: emotion-focused and problem-focused coping mechanisms (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004).
Emotion-focused coping mechanisms refer to strategies survivors use to manage the stress of abusive behaviors. That is, emotion-focused coping aims to regulate stressful environments and thus to reduce the extent of the stress and pressure associated with the abuse (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004; Zink et al., 2006). Studies have shown that in an attempt to understand abuse by an intimate partner, survivors alter their conceptual understanding of intimate relationships, leading to tolerance through the reappraisal of themselves, the relationship, and their spouses (Bauman et al., 2008; Zink et al., 2006). Zink et al.'s (2006) study of the coping strategies adopted by older women experiencing intimate partner violence showed that women reappraised themselves by relying on religious doctrines, leading to a high tolerance of abuse. Influenced by the Bible, these women believed there is no perfect marriage, nor an ideal man. Hence, wives should appreciate and work with the husband God has chosen for them. Other women believed God's love for them would strengthen them to endure an abusive relationship. Zink et al. found another coping mechanism was the trivialization of the abuse. This occurred by objectifying abusers and reducing their actions to nothing serious. Some women made excuses for the abusers’ actions and redefined their abusive relationships; others coped by relying on the intervention of family and friends or engaged in community activities to relieve themselves of stress.
In problem-focused coping, survivors of abuse may take action to escape abuse rather than simply accepting it. Survivors use problem-focused coping mechanisms when they adopt strategies to control a particular problem (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004; Zink et al., 2006). Examples of problem-focused coping strategies used by economically abused victims include stonewalling (walking away from discussions that cause stress), leaving the marital home to think through their situation, or seeking a divorce. In their study on abuse and coping resources, Sabina and Tindale (2008) discovered that about 90% of their sample had adopted at least one problem-focused coping strategy. Furthermore, they noted an increase in abuse with a particular characteristic led to a rise in a specific type of coping mechanism. For instance, as the number of threats and severity of harassment incidents increased, formal help-seeking methods increased, and victims who were harassed and controlled by partners left abusive relationships.
Mattlin et al. (1990) and Moos and Swindle (1990) argued that the choice of a coping mechanism is context-driven; in other words, a survivor's particular situation affects her choice of coping strategy. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) identified three main predictors of the choice of coping mechanism: environmental limitations, personal limitations, and the level of threats. An environmental limitation could be the societal norm of keeping abuse private. In such environments, survivors of abuse are constrained by a hostile environment, so abused women are forced into accepting the abuse. A vulnerable woman may be personally limited and therefore forced to choose a particular coping mechanism because she depends on the perpetrator for income and has dependent children. Abused women with personal limitations cope by focusing on the positive aspects of the relationship while enduring the stress associated with the abuse. Survivors who face more severe or frequent threats may decide to leave, seek help, or report to formal or informal sources because they fear extreme physical abuse, emotional abuse, or death (Waldrop & Resick, 2004).
It is expected that in Ghana and other African countries where intimate partner violence is high, many women will cope by adopting emotion-focused coping mechanisms which often entail staying in abusive relationships and enduring the abuse by trivializing and justifying violent male behaviors (Dare et al., 2013; Eckstein, 2016). Ghanaian women's views of abuse are deeply embedded in their sociocultural context and are influenced by the community's gender-role expectations, leading to a preference for emotion-focused rather than problem-focused coping mechanisms (leaving or seeking help in formal settings). Some women refuse to report abuse because they will be blamed or become targets of social stigma (Tenkorang et al., 2018). Others may cope by remaining in the abusive relationship, given the prestige attached to marriage in Ghana.
We add to the limited literature on Ghanaian women's coping strategies by analyzing the narratives of 16 women in intimate relationships who experienced economic abuse.
Data and Methods
Sampling Procedure and Sample Size
Data for this study were obtained from a larger project that used both quantitative/survey and qualitative methods to examine the help-seeking behaviors of female survivors of intimate partner violence in Ghana. First, the quantitative phase of the project collected nationally representative cross-sectional data from about 2,289 ever-married women between the ages of 18 and 65, selected across the three ecological zones of the country, representing the diverse range of culture, ecology, and modernity in Ghana. These data contain valuable information on intimate partner violence, including physical, sexual, psychological/emotional, and economic abuse. Data were also collected on respondents’ knowledge about domestic violence, social and gender norms around violence, and help-seeking behaviors. Survey data were collected between May and August 2017.
In the second phase of the project, May to July 2019, we collected qualitative data from 30 survivors of intimate partner violence located in three regions (Greater Accra, Ashanti, and Upper East) representing three ecological zones—coastal, middle, and northern, respectively—as a follow-up to the study's quantitative component. As all 30 respondents had participated in the survey, this enabled a thorough understanding of the contextual and structural factors that promote violence against women, including the role of culture and patriarchy in perpetuating violence, from the victims’ perspectives. Sixteen women had experienced economic abuse. The data used for this study came from qualitative interviews of the 16 Ghanaian women who experienced economic abuse. For qualitative research, Crouch and McKenzie (2006) and Seijts et al. (2013) suggested that a sample size between 15 and 20 is enough for data saturation and argued that saturation begins to set in between 12 and 15 participants interviewed. In our case, no new themes/information emerged after analyzing the 15th interview, indicating potential saturation at this point.
Data Collection and Analysis
The qualitative data collection took place between May and July 2019. Before data collection, ethical clearance for this study was sought and granted by the Interdisciplinary Committee on Ethics in Humanities Research at Memorial University, St. John's, Canada, and the Ethics Committee for the Humanities, University of Ghana. To facilitate the timely collection of the data, six research assistants (RAs; two each for the three regions) were trained at the Institute of Statistical, Social and Economic Research (ISSER). Several training sessions were held with the RAs at ISSER before data collection. The RAs had prior research experience in domestic violence research and could speak English and other major Ghanaian languages fluently. This helped them establish rapport with participants quickly and expedited the data collection process. Face-to-face in-depth interviews were used to elicit information from participants after they consented to participate. Specifically, a semi-structured interview guide was employed; this helped the researchers probe further by delving deeper into the violent experiences of the participants. RAs adopted a conversationalist approach to asking questions to ease nervousness and ensure participants felt comfortable during the interview. Participants were asked specific questions about their experiences with different types of abuse, including economic abuse. Interviews lasted from about 30–60 min with each participant and were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. This helped in the development of themes and codes for analysis.
Thematic analysis was employed for analysis. Our thematic analysis was guided by the ideas of Braun and Clarke (2006) on impartiality and the identification of accurate impressions of the data; using this principle, we sought to find themes and patterns within the data. We began the process by correcting, reading, and rereading transcripts and notes. We then aligned the data with emerging themes by highlighting how participants understood and explained their experiences. A memo with relevant information and questions was created to help with analysis while reading through the transcript. Categories and subcategories of codes were created by aligning data with emerging themes. After establishing coherence among the codes, we developed substantial codes through a hierarchy of categories. We then proceeded by going through the transcripts of the specific answers participants had given to a question. We made meaning of the data using knowledge of the interview questions and knowledge of the literature. Quotations from the transcript were used to highlight significant themes. Member checking was employed to ensure the trustworthiness and reliability of our findings. This requires data and their interpretation to be made available to participants to confirm their accuracy and consistency. We contacted three participants to review and verify that their transcripts accurately reflected their responses.
The qualitative research approach demands reflexivity due to its subjective nature. Reflexivity requires researchers to separate their position from the research process, its outcome, and the knowledge produced (Mauthner & Doucet, 2003; Wickramasinghe, 2010). The researcher's positionality can influence the research process, shaping the relationship between the researcher and the researched, especially during data collection, analysis, and interpretation, thus affecting the outcome and findings of the study (Berger, 2015). We acknowledge that as Ghanaians who are “privileged” and interested in violence against women, our position can influence the analysis and interpretation of the data. We practiced reflexivity during the analyses and interpretation of the data by supervising our reactions, emotions, perceptions, and decisions to ensure that our findings reflected our participants’ views.
Results
Consequences of Economic Abuse
Physical violence
Almost all participants interviewed indicated that they faced physical abuse whenever they demanded that their husbands contribute or questioned their lack of contributions to the family's finances. In addition, husbands used physical assault to coerce their wives into giving them money. The most common physical attacks were slaps, pushing, hitting, and stabbing with sharp objects. Afia narrated her experiences: Hmm! I saved my one cedi in the room when I was pregnant, but my husband stole it. When I asked him, he took a sharp metal that looked like a pin and stabbed my pregnant stomach (Really!) I had to run out and call his sister and brother. I was surprised at what his older brother said. He said he thought I had called for an urgent issue and that if my husband does not take my money, whose money will he take? Meanwhile, that was the third time my husband stole my money. Because his brother was older, he was more of a father; I did not know he was worse. Someone else around asked him if he wanted to kill the baby before it comes out. (Afia, 33 years old) It's always about food or children. I have a seven-year-old son who is my first child, my husband had always provided chop money for school, but he stopped over the period. I had to continue from where he had left off. He had to pay school fees, but he refused to pay, I had no money, so I asked my son to go and stay with his grandmother (my mum). My mum paid for his education, and then my husband started complaining that I should not have allowed my mother to pay, so he beat me up. Again, if you ask for money to buy food for the child, he would tell you to cook because you have nothing to do; in the meanwhile, there is nothing to prepare, and if you ask for money to buy grocery, he will not give you, if you insist he will beat you up. (Akua, 60 years old) Hmm…! I do not know about others, but my problem is to look for what to do when the day breaks. I work hard every day to make ends meet, yet if my husband sees the little money I make, he takes the money, and when you ask him, it becomes a quarrel then beating; my husband doesn’t give me a penny, not even two cedis to buy ordinary salt. As we talk, anything concerning our children's education I have to do what I can to provide everything, he does not care, and if you tell him, it becomes a fight. (Aja, 26 years old) The other day, he was going out while the kids were hungry, I told him to wait, so we both could figure out what the kids would eat, but he took a wood threatening to hit me and pushed my head against the wall. (Akos, 40 years old)
Health implications
Participants reported various health impacts due to the physical abuse they experienced when they demanded their husbands take economic responsibility. Most women indicated that their hardships from economic abuse made them unhappy, leading to high blood pressure and other health problems. Some women complained about the stress they suffered from abusive partners, while other women had to live with multiple types of health impairments. The following stories express some of these health impacts: After my husband slapped me when I asked for housekeeping money, I couldn’t hear with that side of my ear for some time. I was hurt. I easily forgive if you ask me for forgiveness. I couldn’t eat, and I lost so much weight because he wasn’t eating my food and talking with me. (Juliet, 26 years old) This situation of irresponsibility and pressure to provide for the family without any help from him makes me think a lot, so the doctor said I have high blood pressure. (Diega, 29 years old) During our fight over my own money he stole, he hit me, and it has affected my chest; my chest hit the ground. (Abene, 25 years old)
Financial insecurity
Economic abuse, specifically employment sabotage and economic exploitation, undermined victims’ ability to keep a job. Survivors explained that economic abuse impacted their ability to seek and retain a paying job, resulting in unemployment and financial insecurity. They said their husbands employed various tactics to control them and hinder their employment prospects. Diega said she was jobless because her husband had refused to allow her to engage in an income-generating venture: “I tried to open a small shop. However, my husband was not supportive; he said I should be a housewife” (Diega, 29 years old). Abena said she could not keep her job because her husband was unhappy about where she worked: Yeah, he has stopped me from working. It started when I completed high school; I got a job as a receptionist at a hotel. He told me he would not allow me to accept that offer and promised to pay me the salary the employer was offering. I insisted and accepted the offer. I was at the workplace one day, and he came to drag me out of the building! Again, I got a job as a teacher, and with that, he said he was okay. Later, the school's headmaster made sexual advances, and I told him about it as naive as I was. He got angry and told me to resign from the job, so I resigned; now I’m jobless and depend on him. (Abena, 25 years old) Yes! I was affected by the stealing because there would be no money to pay my creditors when it was due for me to pay them. And you know I would have to pay before they give me the goods and without the payment, my creditors would not provide the products for me to sell, which affects my business, if it continues, I will be out of business. (Yna, 43 years old)
Food insecurity
Women exposed to economic abuse faced various forms of food insecurity. They had lower purchasing abilities. Their abusers made them insecure by denying them resources to buy food, preventing them from working and restricting them from relying on food stored in the warehouse. Experiences of food insecurity and economic abuse included the following: My husband asked me to stop working to take care of the baby; I refused because when day breaks, he won't give you money and how to feed is always a problem. (Aja, 26 years old) Yes, feeding is a problem; we store our harvest in a warehouse. My husband stopped me from entering there to take part of the yield and also refused to take some for me how do we feed then….? Sometimes the kids have to eat from their friends while I sleep on an empty stomach. (Akos, 40 years old)
Coping Strategies
Religion
One coping strategy was religion. Many believed there was no need to report or fight an abusive partner. Others thought their husband's abusive nature was the work of the devil, while still others felt helpless and dependent on God. Women who used religion to cope shared the following stories: I know his behaviour is the work of the devil. My husband gets angry quickly. Afterward, he always feels sorry for abusing me. (Abena, 25 years old) Just like I said earlier, I live with him because of the children; if not, no woman would stay with an abusive partner. My husband tells me he bought me; thus, I have no other choice; I only leave everything to GOD, God is the answer. (Afia, 33 years old)
Theft From husbands
Some women said they coped with economic abuse by stealing from their husbands when they were refused housekeeping money. Lilly explained: “Well, he has refused to provide housekeeping money on several occasions; when I realize he has money but lied, I also steal from him [laughter]. Besides, he can’t complain about his missing money when he boldly told me he didn’t have any” (Lilly, 33 years old). Irene claimed, “I only steal from him when I ask for money, and he denies me; it is not easy to sleep without food” (Irene, 33 years old).
Family support
Many participants said they relied on their families to manage and survive abusive relationships. Some women received advice and encouragement from their parents and in-laws to cope with their abusive partners. Comments included the following: Concerning the incident of the food he poured away, I told my dad, and he said one could not enter another person's community to judge a case without permission from the community head. He then informed the assemblyman, so the assemblyman intervened but yielded no results. Afterward, he came over himself together with my father-in-law and spoke with him. They told him I would run into debt and out of business if he continues to do that. (Akua, 60 years old) Whenever I tell my mother, she usually tells me to exercise patience and that my husband will change. But for his parents, I don’t think they know who he is; they doubt what I usually tell them. So I don’t worry myself to report him to them, I just live with him. (Floo, 35 years old)
Trivialization and normalization of abuse
Some of the women trivialized abusive behaviors to survive the relationship. For example, some said it was normal for their husbands to steal their money. Alen said, “Oh… I don’t feel anything when he stole my money. It's normal for my husband to take my money. After all, I am his wife” (Alen, 29 years old). Others indicated their husbands had no choice but to steal from them, as these abusive men were themselves experiencing hardship. Yna said, “It was hardship. He had nowhere else to get money from, and I was the only one he thought could help; that's why he stole from me” (Yna, 43 years old). Several women thought their husbands were unaware of the harm their actions caused: “Hmm! Some men are not aware of their actions when they maltreat and abuse their wives, and even when they do things, the women don't want” (Naa, 27 years old).
Discussion
What Are the Consequences of Economic Abuse?
Physical violence is a consequence of economic abuse, according to the study's findings. Previous research indicates that economic abuse does not occur in isolation, but coexists with other forms of intimate partner violence, such as physical and verbal abuse (World Health Organization, 2012). Consequently, women who reported economic abuse in the study also described incidents of physical abuse. This phenomenon is explicable for many reasons; for one, physical abuse and verbal attacks are ways an abuser exerts power and control (Abraham & Tastsoglou, 2016; Scott-Storey, 2011). In their examination of intimate partner violence and child marriage in Ghana, Amoah et al. (2020) concluded that the various types of violence are inseparable, and they found economic abuse among couples reporting physical abuse. Krigel and Benjamin (2021) explained the relationship between economic abuse and other forms of violence. According to them, the physical pressure, attacks, and aggression used to extort money or the duress caused when a man steals from the survivor and destroys her items may provoke physical and emotional violence. They further noted that the survivor's resistance may incite physical violence, such as hitting, beating, or slapping, resulting in other forms of violence and injuries.
Our findings suggest economic abuse not only depletes women's resources but also contributes to their poor health. Women in the study experienced various adverse health effects as a result of economic abuse, including chest pains, high blood pressure, and depression. This is consistent with other intimate partner violence studies (Dekel et al., 2020; Gobin et al., 2013; Sedziafa et al., 2018; Tenkorang & Owusu, 2018). Like physical, sexual, and psychological/emotional abuse, economic abuse has health implications. In a survey analysis of the health outcomes of survivors of economic abuse in Ghana, Tenkorang and Owusu (2018) found women who experienced economic abuse lived with various forms of cardiovascular disease and psychosocial problems and generally reported poor health outcomes. Voth Schrag et al. (2019) similarly found that violence resulting from economic abuse had severe health implications, including hearing impairment, chest pains, and high blood pressure, validating our findings. Another study reported that survivors of economic violence have poorer physical functioning and symptoms of weakness, and they generally stay in bed longer than those who have not experienced abuse (Stockman et al., 2015). In their study of economic abuse in Ghana, Sedziafa et al. (2017) found that abused women experienced various health problems, such as hypertension, when they demanded financial accountability from their husbands. By the same token, some women in our study suffered depression because they worried about economic insecurity in their relationship, and this could lead to various degrees of post-traumatic stress disorder. A study in Ghana revealed that women who refused sex due to economic abuse were abused physically by their husbands, with subsequent adverse health impacts (Amoah et al., 2020).
Our results suggest economic abuse harms women's economic self-sufficiency and security in diverse ways. Participants reported cases of abusive behaviors that negatively impacted their ability to obtain or maintain employment. Research shows that abused women may be injured and confined to bed for extended periods; this affects their ability to work or participate in other economic activities, resulting in economic insecurity (DuMonthier & Dusenberry, 2016). Moreover, economic deprivation, exploitation, and employment sabotage lead to a lack of economic self-sufficiency or security among survivors of abuse. In their study of school sabotage as a form of economic abuse, Voth Schrag and Edmond (2017) concluded that when a survivor's education is sabotaged, employment sabotage follows, because the survivor's job prospects become limited, hindering her economic progress. They noted that employment sabotage negatively impacts women's future earnings and stability, creating long-term economic insecurity. At the same time, battered women may lose income by staying at home caring for their injuries and by using their financial resources on health needs. Breiding et al. (2014) asserted that about one in five women, that is, 20% of intimate partner violence survivors, report poor health signs and symptoms, limiting their ability to continue education or work. At times, survivors have to relocate or replace damaged items, which comes at a cost, affecting their financial well-being. Breiding et al. further discovered that when perpetrators withhold financial information, deny women money, destroy their items, issue threats, commit physical abuse, and prohibit them from working, they limit their partners’ options and render them financially dependent. These abusive behaviors leave women with high out-of-pocket costs to replace damaged items, rendering them poorer and more economically insecure.
Research on food security and intimate partner violence is scant, and a significant finding of our study was that victims of economic abuse face severe food insecurity. Economic abuse may lead to food insecurity when victims are denied money and financial resources, and male partners refuse to provide for their families. Power (2006) found that economically abused women in Canada slept on an empty stomach, ate smaller portions of food, or ate low-quality foods. A study by Sharp (2008) noted that women in the United Kingdom who experienced economic abuse had meager budgets, lived on credit, and reported food insecurity. Many depended on family and friends for food. While leaving the relationship or seeking a divorce may be a solution, research shows women who leave abusive relationships may also face poverty, leading to higher levels of food insecurity (Power, 2006; Sharp, 2008; Voth Schrag et al., 2019). A Ghanaian woman may avoid leaving an economically abusive relationship for fear of poverty and hunger, especially when children are involved. The patriarchal society of Ghana confers the breadwinner status on the man, with the woman seen as the homemaker who makes no or little contribution to family finances (Acheampong, 2018; Hassim & Razavi, 2006; UNICEF, 2007). This may lead to a reduction in women's purchasing ability, with food insecurity as a consequence.
What Are the Coping Strategies of Women Who Experience Economic Abuse?
The research findings show that despite the entrenched cultural and structural norms that empower men to abuse women, women develop ways to cope in violent relationships. Religion was one coping mechanism used by our participants. In Africa, religion permeates all aspects of human life, and Ghana is no exception. Takyi and Lamptey (2020) explained that Ghana is the most religious sub-Saharan African country. The 2021 Ghana Population Census corroborates this, as over 70% of the Ghanaian population identified as religious (Ghana Statistical Service, Ministry of Finance, 2022). Therefore, it was not surprising that religious doctrines served as coping mechanisms for survivors of intimate partner violence. Religion in Ghana is a system of beliefs and practices that shape individuals’ attitude and behaviors; this belief can be in God, gods, or Allah. Previous research has shown that women employ spiritual coping strategies to escape their traumatic lives (Arnette et al., 2007; Drumm et al., 2014). We found religion served as a coping mechanism for abused women in significant ways. Participants explained that their relationship with God gave them the strength to endure abuse, and they used scripture to support their decision. Some women turned to prayers, while others quoted the Bible. They remained in an abusive relationship because the scriptures abhor divorce. This is consistent with Drumm et al.'s (2014) finding that faith in God was a major reason for enduring and coping with abuse among Seventh-Day Adventist women. They further noted that these women believed God was an important reason for coping with abuse and staying in an abusive relationship.
Some women in our study stated that stealing from their husbands was a coping mechanism they used when they were refused money for food. This is consistent with Sharp's (2008) finding that women steal from their spouses to cope with economic abuse in intimate relationships. However, survivors of abuse who steal from partners may be subjected to other forms of violence, including physical and emotional abuse.
The family seems to play a crucial role in helping women escape the pressure caused by intimate partner violence. According to the literature on economic abuse, abusers distance survivors from family and friends, seeking to silence them (Kelly, 2011; Simmons et al., 2011). That notwithstanding, family and friends were important sources of support for women we interviewed. Participants said their parents offered consolatory words, and some offered to speak with the abusive men to reconcile the broken relationship. In a study of economic abuse and its impact on women and children, Sharp (2008) found parents and friends provided financial support to victims. These findings are not surprising; in Ghana, marriages are unions between the families of the man and the woman. A vital function of both families is to intervene and help solve marital problems to avoid divorce, thus serving as a mechanism of strength and hope for survivors of abuse regardless of its severity.
Lastly, even though our participants complained about stealing, sabotage, control, and deprivation, some trivialized economic abuse. This finding is in line with various studies on economic abuse, which advocate for ways to help survivors problematize this type of abuse (Adams et al., 2008; Postmus et al., 2016; Sedziafa et al., 2017; Sharp-Jeffs, 2015; Stylianou, 2018). Ghana's entrenched traditional gender roles may explain this trivialization. For instance, a married man is responsible for providing the family's basic needs, serves as the head of the family, and is revered. As the head of the family, he is expected to lead and make decisions, and he has the right to punish anyone who defies his directives (Lloyd & Gage-Brandon, 1993). These responsibilities culturally assigned to men in marriage obscure abusive behaviors, making it challenging for survivors to problematize economic abuse. Survivors of abuse in the study trivialized economic abuse because they could not problematize it. The findings suggest survivors overlooked abusive actions because these behaviors reflected entrenched patriarchal norms and gender roles internalized during socialization. For instance, women are socialized in Ghana to be submissive to their husbands; therefore, a woman who receives orders from her husband not to work will, without protest, quit her job, even though the request is abusive.
Conclusion
Previous research has established that economic abuse is widespread, with severe social, financial, and health implications for its victims. Our study explored the narratives of 16 women in intimate relationships who were from the Greater Accra, Ashanti, and Upper East regions of Ghana. All had experienced intimate partner violence. We sought to give a detailed and nuanced account of the consequences of economic abuse and the coping strategies used by Ghanaian women to deal with this type of abuse. The participants identified physical violence, health implications, food insecurity, and economic insecurity as effects of economic abuse. Physical violence connected to economic abuse had adverse health impacts, including chest pains, hearing impairments, high blood pressure, and mental and psychological effects. Some women explained that their husbands undermined their educational aspirations, hampering their educational attainment. This had long-term effects on their employability and thus led to long-term economic hardship and financial insecurity.
The participants had developed a variety of coping strategies to deal with economic abuse. Religion was a major coping strategy, with some women attributing economic abuse to the devil. Others resorted to stealing to satisfy their financial needs. While some survivors sought help from family members, others trivialized economic abuse, thinking their experience was normal.
We recommend several policy suggestions for curbing economic abuse, given its impact on Ghanaian women in intimate relationships. First, the government should invest in financial and economic awareness programs in communities across the country. These community awareness programs may focus on providing women with information on economic abuse and equipping them with skills to navigate the entrenched social and gender norms that perpetuate abuse. Media campaigns against economic abuse must be intensified. Traditional and digital media can be used to promote gender equality and prevent economic abuse; the dissemination of information could include discussions of economic abuse and domestic violence and their warning signs, causes, consequences, and adverse effects. Respected persons, including public figures, should be engaged as ambassadors against economic abuse, focusing on radio, print media, and social media platforms. Members of Ghanaian society outside the reach of the media can be targeted through folk media, including storytelling, drama, songs, drumming, and dancing, to expose the negative impacts of economic abuse and its ramifications at the local and national levels. As women use religion to cope, religious bodies in the country should partner to mobilize information on economic abuse to members and the general public.
Women must be encouraged to see men as partners in decision-making and not as the heads of the family. They should be encouraged to be involved in all financial matters. This can help women exercise their financial power and not be restricted by the relationship. Also, programs/interventions that re-socialize and educate men about economic abuse are needed. Enforcing these measures will help prevent women from being economically abused by their husbands and will empower female survivors to report cases of economic abuse to authorities.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
