Abstract
By analyzing online surveys completed by 22 women in the UK, this study investigates women's experiences of sexual violence in nightclubs and the effects on self-perception and behavior. Through thematic analysis, findings reveal that nightclubs are often exploited as venues to target vulnerable women, taking advantage of them both within and beyond club settings. All forms of sexual violence were discovered to have short- or long-term effects on women; the most reported effect was anxiety, with self-blame identified as a significant consequence. The responsibilities of women are evident and discussed, and inadequate support from bouncers after sexual violence was identified.
Introduction
Women face the normalization of sexual violence, while being in an environment consisting of inadequate support and pervasive stereotypes that portray women as “dramatic” and culpable for their victimization. Recent literature has identified a high prevalence of sexual violence, with women changing their behavior to avert potential victimization, taking responsibility for men's actions, and minimizing their experiences (Brooks, 2011; Kavanaugh, 2013; Kelly & Radford, 1990). Previous literature has additionally discussed the inevitability of sexual violence, the nightlife environment, the impacts of sexual violence, available support to women, and highlights sexual violence as a cultural issue (Gunby et al., 2020; Hester & Lilley, 2018; Nicholls, 2019; Quigg et al., 2024).
This paper presents and analyses original primary data on women's experiences of sexual violence in the night-time economy and its effects. Similar to other recent studies, this research is positioned in the United Kingdom (UK) context (Anitha et al., 2021; Gunby et al., 2020; Quigg et al., 2024). Sexual violence has also been explored in the United States of America (Kavanaugh, 2013; Tinkler et al., 2018) as well as Australia (Fileborn, 2012; Mortimer et al., 2021). By drawing on 22 online surveys completed by women students who volunteered to participate, this study focuses on augmenting the existing body of knowledge on women's experiences of sexual violence in nightclubs, and how these experiences influence their behaviors, self-perception, and interactions within social environments. Through analysis of this study's findings, themes of self-blame, normalization, a woman's responsibilities, available support, and the longer-term effects of sexual violence can be discussed.
Defining Sexual Violence
This study adopts Fileborn's (2012, p. 244) definition of sexual violence, which refers to unwanted sexual attention as “any unwanted advances or behavior that participants interpreted as being sexual in nature or intent”. This allows participants to share their experiences beyond the constraints of legal definitions, or expectations around what “counts” as sexual violence. According to Kelly's (1988) continuum of sexual violence, such acts encompass “any physical, visual, verbal or sexual act” (Kelly, 1988: 41; cited in Fileborn, 2012); many of which may fall outside the legal definitions of sexual offences (Kelly, 1988; cited in Gunby et al., 2020). For instance, in England and Wales, isolated non-physical unwanted sexual advances are not criminalized (Gunby et al., 2020), yet these behaviors adversely affect many women.
When discussing “lesser” forms or “less serious” forms of sexual violence, this refers to all sexual violence excluding assault by penetration and rape. This characterization does not diminish the severity and impact of other forms of sexual violence; rather, it aims to differentiate between what are commonly perceived as “more serious” and “lesser” forms, acknowledging the complexities involved in these classifications.
Inevitability of Sexual Violence
Hobbs et al. (2003; cited in Roberts, 2006) popularized the term night-time economy (NTE), referring to an increase of bars and clubs operating with extended licenses, typically from the evening into the early morning (Roberts, 2006). This has been associated with binge drinking, anti-social behavior (Graça, 2008), and violence (Nicholls, 2019). Existing literature around sexual violence in the NTE often finds that individuals perceive it as an inevitable, unavoidable, and “normal” part of nightlife (Anitha et al., 2021; Gunby et al., 2020; Kavanaugh, 2013; Tinkler et al., 2018). Quigg et al. (2024) reported that over half of their participants had experienced sexual violence on a night out, with 44% experiencing this within the past year, and Kavanaugh (2013) found that 80% of women interviewed reported at least one incident where they had been sexually victimized when participating in nightlife. Additionally, the national union of students (NUS) (2019) discovered that 75% of respondents had encountered unwanted sexual experiences across various contexts, including educational settings, relationships, social media, or other environments. This demonstrates that sexual violence is a prevalent part of women's lives both within and outside of the night-time scene.
Common forms of physical sexual violence include men running “their hands over women's backs, grab[bing] their bottom” (Anitha et al., 2021, p. 2052), “touching, slapping… grinding on you” (Gunby et al., 2020, p. 32) and groping (Kavanaugh, 2013). Verbal sexual violence was also found to be prevalent, where men would comment about women's breasts (Gunby et al., 2020), verbally harass women, and attempt to coerce them (Kavanaugh, 2013). It has been inferred that the normalization of sexual violence leads to certain behaviors becoming expected (Gunby et al., 2020; Kavanaugh, 2013). In Anitha et al.'s (2021, p. 2052) research, participants stated that they are “not shocked” when men violate them. An implication of this is that it is often not recognized as aggression, and due to its frequency, many men categorize it as “normal” and “unremarkable” (Tinkler et al., 2018, p. 43). The normalization of men's deviant behavior impedes women's ability to identify it as unhealthy sexual behavior (NUS, 2019). While the notion of “uncontrollable male urges” persists, it is essential to acknowledge that “masculinity” is socially constructed (Campbell, 2005). The meanings of “masculinity” and “femininity” are shaped during interactions, as well as through visual representations, but these meanings can vary depending on time and place (Clark et al., 2021), and therefore can be reshaped (Campbell, 2005).
'Safekeeping” Behaviors
The perceived inevitability of negative male behavior toward women in nightlife has led to high levels of awareness amongst women regarding their personal responsibility for their safety (Brooks, 2011). Research indicates that men are predominantly identified as perpetrators of sexual violence, with Quigg et al. (2024) noting that 91.6% of participants reported their perpetrator was male. This indicates the disproportionate rate at which men perpetrate sexual violence compared to other genders. Consequently, women often modify their behaviors and engage in “safekeeping” acts to protect themselves from men (Anitha et al., 2021; Brooks, 2011; Campbell, 2005; Gunby et al., 2020). Media coverage of night-time violence in British cities amplifies concerns about “stranger danger,” featuring themes of “horror stories” and safekeeping advice; however, for most women, the threat predominantly exists with known males (Sheard, 2011).
Women engage in cognitive, emotional, and bodily labor to manage this fear of crime (Lennox, 2021). Frequently discussed behaviors include being observant to vulnerable strangers (Gunby et al., 2020), signaling friends for help (Fileborn, 2012), moderating alcohol consumption, leaving early, humoring men, wearing practical shoes, not accepting drinks from strangers, watching drinks (Brooks, 2011), and abandoning unattended drinks (Sheard, 2011). Campbell (2005) proposes that the power of this ever-present fear lies in its effectiveness at reproducing a certain self-disciplined feminine identity. Individuals perceived “free choices” are influenced by power dynamics and specific discourses affecting women's everyday lives and becoming part of personal routine (Foucault, 1980; cited in Campbell, 2005). Fear of victimization therefore may inhibit women's autonomy (Campbell, 2005) and engaging in “safekeeping” behaviors may not only exacerbate this fear but produce appropriate femininity in which women regulate their behaviors to prevent victimization (Lim & Fanghanel, 2016).
The most prevalent strategy to evade unwanted sexual attention by men involves having a boyfriend, pretending to have one, or having protection from male friends (Anitha et al., 2021; Gunby et al., 2020). When women have men as “protectors,” this reduces the likelihood of an unwanted encounter with another man (Gunby et al., 2020) because men tend to back off when women have their “own males” looking after them (Anitha et al., 2021, p. 2057), asserting the idea that men only respect other men, not women. Safekeeping behaviors become ingrained responses, reflecting a feminine reaction to a perceived inherent vulnerability to sexual violence (Campbell, 2005). Lennox (2021) noted that participants regarded safekeeping behaviors as normal, necessary, learned performances aimed at avoiding attention and mitigating threats, yet many expressed feelings of incapacity for self-defense due to physical limitations.
Although discussions around rape prevention target women to reduce the risk of sexual violence, Campbell (2005) suggests that this is counterproductive as it functions as a disciplinary mechanism inadvertently reinforcing a binary understanding of gender; certain bodies are framed as naturally vulnerable, creating a context where rape seems unavoidable. Such rhetoric can be dangerous as it reinforces the idea of female vulnerability, positioning women as suitable targets for perpetrators (Campbell, 2005).
Women's Responsibility and Male Behavior
Women often engage in “emotion management” when dealing with male friends or acquaintances, prioritizing the comfort of men over their own feelings (Fileborn, 2012; Gunby et al., 2020). This phenomenon involves adopting emphasized femininities (Gunby et al., 2020), characterized by compliance, nurture, and empathy as a response to male dominance. Additionally, this includes pleasing men aesthetically and emotionally, whilst attempting to maintain the “good girl” image (Currier, 2013; cited in Kincaid et al., 2022). The consequences of deviating from these expectations can be dangerous; women who reject male advances face severe backlash (Gunby et al., 2020), and if a woman responds aggressively towards a man, this increases her risk for physical aggression against her (Parks & Scheidt, 2000). Societal perceptions tend to blame women for “escalating” the situation, while absolving men of accountability for their aggressive reactions (Fileborn, 2012).
Many women internalize blame for their victimization; Kavanaugh (2013) identified a tendency amongst women to feel responsible for unwanted advances. This “blame culture” places the onus of men's behavior on women, linking alcohol consumption, clothing, and how they dance to the justification of sexual violence (Amnesty International, 2018; Amnesty International UK, 2005; Hohl & Stanko, 2015; Parks & Scheidt, 2000; Tinkler et al., 2018). Amnesty International (2018) reported that over ¼ of people in the EU believe that rape can be justified in certain circumstances, such as if a woman is wearing revealing clothing, not saying “no” or fighting back, if they are drunk or using drugs, or if they are voluntarily going home with someone. Such beliefs reveal how deep-rooted rape myths are, one being that only “certain types of women” are raped, for example, women who dress in “skimpy clothes” (Bohner et al., 2009), and suggests that men's sexual desires are beyond their control and women tease men with their sexuality (Tinkler et al., 2018). The behaviors and responsibilities of men and women highlight many discourses for young women, who are told to be independent, but not “feminist,” get drunk with men but do not “drink like men,” are expected to look sexy, but to not dress like a “slut” (Griffin et al., 2012).
Men operate within the framework of “hegemonic masculinity” which accentuates “masculine” behaviors prioritizing control, aggression, and the belief that masculinity is achieved through the domination of femininity; this mindset also encompasses acts of sexual violence (Rennison, 2014). Duque et al. (2020) discovered that men identify potential conquests based on their perceived likelihood of success, viewing women as mere numbers rather than individuals. This hypermasculine mentality, characterized by misogynistic attitudes and the pursuit of status through sexual conquests (Kavanaugh, 2013), aligns with radical feminist theory, which encompasses patriarchy as a fundamental concept. This theory posits that society perceives women as the property of men, who utilize physicality to assert aggression and power, primarily in sexual contexts (Rennison, 2014). Phipps (2020) further notes that patriarchy is achieved through the threat and the action of violence, in private and in public, and is essential to social reproduction. The pervasive knowledge that sexual violence occurs instils a fear of victimization, thereby keeping women in subordinate positions and reinforcing male dominance, with acts of sexual violence interpreted as instruments of social control (Rennison, 2014).
Environment
Brooks (2011) asserted that none of the women in their study could characterize bars, pubs, and clubs as safe spaces for women, underscoring the pervasive fear and expectation of sexual violence in these environments. A nightclub can be seen to hold different standards of acceptable behavior than other environments (Anitha et al., 2021; Fileborn, 2012), with inappropriate sexual contact often normalized in nightlife venues; a stark contrast to how such behavior would be perceived in a university setting (Gunby et al., 2020). This contradiction highlights the cultural and legal tolerance for sexual violence in the NTE, with many individuals believing that mere participation in nightlife implies consent to unwanted sexual contact (Tinkler et al., 2018). Anitha et al. (2021) further emphasizes this issue by illustrating how bouncers frequently overlook sexual harassment against women while intervening in physical altercations between men, as these are regarded as more harmful.
Despite the risks, it is crucial to acknowledge the reasons women continue to engage in the NTE. Sheehan and Ridge's (2001) participants intertwined the risks of drinking with their overall experiences rather than viewing them in isolation. Women accept these risks to socialize, enjoy alcohol, relax, boost confidence, and temporarily escape from routine and reality (Brooks, 2008; Sheehan & Ridge, 2001; Hayward & Hobbs, 2007; cited in Nicholls, 2019). The NTE also facilitates a platform to develop new identities (Shaw, 2001; cited in Nicholls, 2019), listen to music and dance, get drunk, let off steam, or engage with recreational drug use (Gunby et al., 2020; Hutton, 2006). While women describe socializing with alcohol in this context as leisure, they remain aware that such liberties are accompanied by vulnerabilities, where vigilance is required (Brooks, 2008).
Impact and Minimization
Although many women expect sexual violence in nightlife, this does not eliminate its impact. Anitha et al. (2021) report that women feel a profound sense of violation from sexual violence, often accompanied by feelings of disgust, anger, and discomfort. Additionally, Gunby et al. (2020) reported that sexual violence instils fear in women and puts them on guard. More than two-thirds of Gunby et al.'s (2020) participants argued that sexual attention became unwanted when men disregarded women's communications, either by not taking them seriously, or not stopping after they were told to, as this is when women felt threatened. Fileborn (2012) discovered that sexual violence against young women adversely affected their self-confidence, increased fear of making friends, and caused self-blame and self-doubt. This questioning, blame, self-doubt, and the experience of being violated was found to have a significant impact on students, where over one third of respondents reported feeling anxious, depressed, and avoided social events, as well as some experiencing suicidal ideation, and contemplating self-harm (NUS, 2019), underscoring the severe ramifications of sexual violence.
A frequent theme in the literature is women minimizing their experiences of physical and sexual violence to say that “nothing really happened” (Kelly & Radford, 1990). For instance, a black woman downplayed racist sexual comments by stating, “he didn’t do anything” (Kelly & Radford, 1990, p.44), while another woman who was molested and hit by a man on the tube considered herself “lucky that nothing actually happened” (Kelly & Radford, 1990, p.45). This minimization often stems from fear of invalidation (Kelly & Radford, 1990). Anitha et al.'s (2021, p. 2053) research further illustrates this with a participant who remarked, “he only touched a bum… did I really get harmed?” Using words such as “only” demonstrates the minimization of what are often considered minor acts of sexual violence. Kelly and Radford (1990) argue that in male stream thinking, these experiences are “nothing,” and clichés about how women make a “fuss about nothing” make these incidents difficult for them to deal with. When women say, “nothing really happened,” they are comparing their experiences to the possibility of rape as the worst scenario; if they were not raped and were able to contain the threat, they minimize their experiences (Kelly & Radford, 1990).
The literature has explored important themes surrounding sexual violence, but there is limited scholarly attention focused on the longer-term effects of women's experiences when referring to “lesser” forms of sexual violence. This study aims to add to the existing body of knowledge surrounding this topic. The subsequent sections will delve into the findings of the current study, shedding light on the ways in which women's experiences of sexual violence shape their self-perception and behavior in both the immediate aftermath, and over time.
Method
Most studies examining sexual violence against women have employed semi-structured interviews for data collection (Anitha et al., 2021; Duque et al., 2020; Kavanaugh, 2013; Tinkler et al., 2018), some utilized focus groups (Fileborn, 2012; Gunby et al., 2020), interviews and observations (Duque et al., 2020), and researchers seeking a larger sample have often opted for surveys (Amnesty International, 2018; NUS, 2019). Given the sensitive nature of this topic, online qualitative surveys present a safer, less intrusive (Bernard, 2011) space for participants to share their experiences than other methods, allowing respondents the autonomy to answer questions at their own pace, free from the pressure of direct interaction. Fileborn (2012) highlights that certain aspects of focus group discussions were deemed “too sensitive” for that context, limiting the exploration of specific themes, and Kavanaugh (2013) mentioned that some women in their interviews expressed discomfort in providing detailed accounts of their experiences.
Online surveys mitigate the likelihood of individuals feeling obligated to respond in a manner that pleases the researcher or that stems from unequal power imbalances. While social desirability bias may still influence responses (Phillips & Clancy, 1972), for example, individuals downplaying the impact of an experience to appear “strong,” this effect is less likely when using online surveys compared to interviews or focus groups. It is acknowledged that although participants using online surveys cannot seek clarification if they did not fully understand a question, and the researcher is unable to ask participants follow-up questions (Ball, 2019; Bernard, 2011), this method eliminated interviewer-bias as all participants received identical questionnaires (Bernard, 2011). Online surveys may provide a sense of security to participants (Bernard, 2011) which they cannot get from interviews or focus groups because the researcher is unaware of who participated in the study. Due to this, answers gained may be more detailed.
Twenty-six questions were included in the survey, with approximately half being open-ended questions to facilitate exploration of women's experiences of sexual violence and its effects. Conversely, the remaining questions were closed-ended to determine the frequency with which individuals had encountered sexual violence in nightclubs. Other themes included participants’ expectations of sexual violence, feelings of guilt associated with the incidents, whether participants disclosed their experiences and to whom, and the reasons for not sharing. Additional themes covered witnessing sexual violence and its effects, personal responsibility, changes in behavior, and ideas to reduce sexual violence. The responses provided rich and detailed data, with many participants offering 3 to 6 lines of text per question, and some responses extending up to 9 lines of free text. Additionally, participants contributed to the final question, which openly invited them to share any further insights regarding the prevalence, experiences, and effects of sexual violence in nightclubs.
Sampling
The names of UK-based students in three university WhatsApp chats and one university society were obtained. These students were sent an email inviting them to participate in a study on sexual violence in nightclubs. The email included a concise description of the study, a link to the online survey, and an attached participant information form. As a primary aim of this study was to explore women's experiences of sexual violence in nightclubs, the criteria for participation included individuals identifying as a woman and going clubbing at least once a month. To participate, individuals were required to click the provided link in the email to complete the survey, and they could withdraw at any time by closing their browser or not submitting the survey.
Given the sensitive nature of sexual violence as a topic, volunteer sampling was employed to ensure individuals wanted to participate and were ready to write about their experiences. It can be posited that individuals who volunteer for such a study may possess a heightened interest in the subject, potentially resulting in more comprehensive responses. This may however act as a limitation; those who volunteered may have been more profoundly impacted by sexual violence than those who did not, leading to a higher frequency of sexual violence occurring for individuals in the study compared to the general population. The final sample comprised 22 women: 77% white, 14% Indian, and 9% mixed race (white and Chinese, and white and Black Caribbean). The slightly lower number of participants was not deemed problematic as the responses gained provided rich, detailed data. It is unknown whether any participants identify as transgender, and their exact ages are undetermined; however, it is reasonable to infer that they are aged between 18 and 23, considering the limited and decreasing number of mature students at the selected university. Generalizability frequently poses a challenge with volunteer sampling (Alvi, 2016), and the findings of this study are not generalizable to other populations or geographic areas. This is due to the study's small sample size and all participants being from the same university (see Fileborn, 2012; Kavanaugh, 2013).
Ethical Considerations
To ensure the participant's safety, it was essential that individuals who volunteered for the study provided informed consent prior to participation. Individuals were emailed a participant information form stating the study's aims, the process, potential risks and benefits, data usage and storage practices, discussed confidentiality, and detailed their rights to withdraw or skip any questions if uncomfortable. To ensure individuals wanted to participate in the study, they were required to tick a box confirming they had read and understood the information sheet and consented to participate.
Given the risk for participants to experience stress during the online survey, no deception was involved, and their right to withdraw was reiterated multiple times. All email recipients for the study, including those who opted not to participate or to withdraw, were emailed a list of appropriate services to either contact or find additional information regarding short- and longer-term support for sexual violence. When considering ethics, the potential benefits to respondents and communities outweigh the risks associated with this study (Mortimer et al., 2021; World Health Organisation, 2007). A wide range of experiences were shared resulting from the open questions asked, demonstrating that women were afforded a safe space to anonymously articulate their experiences. Participants may even use this research as a preliminary step to seek support, as empowering, or as a component of their healing journey (Draucker, 1999).
It is crucial to maintain the anonymity of the results and ensure strict confidentiality concerning participation in the study; participants may harbor concerns about negative repercussions for disclosing their experiences, potentially from those responsible for perpetrating the sexual violence. The World Health Organisation's (2007) safety and ethical recommendations include gathering information in a way which presents the least risk for participants, and online surveys are the safest option as the data is anonymized from the outset of the project. Approximately 100 people were emailed, resulting in 22 responses, which aligns with typical response rates of 20% and 30% for online surveys (Bernard, 2011). These responses were automatically anonymized, and all names referenced are pseudonyms.
Data Analysis
Thematic analysis was adopted to identify, analyze, and report patterns (Braun & Clarke, 2006), and allow new themes to emerge from the collected data. This analysis method was selected due to its highly flexible approach, its ability to summarize key features of large data sets (King, 2004; cited in Nowell et al., 2017), and to allow for in-depth analysis (Javadi & Zarea, 2016). It provides a wide range of analytic options (Braun & Clarke, 2006) but can create a theoretical issue of interpretivism (Javadi & Zarea, 2016); during the process of interpreting the data, the results may be examined through the understanding, beliefs, and assumptions of the researcher, which may produce bias. Although there is awareness of this, and an aim to interpret the results objectively, there is still a risk of individuals’ stories not being represented as they intended.
Findings and Discussion
After analyzing the collected data, several themes emerged relating to women's experiences of sexual violence in nightclubs, and the effects on their self-perception and behavior. Notably, self-blame was identified as a significant effect of women's experiences of sexual violence. This theme encompasses emotions, and the reasons for self-blame, which provides an insight into women's self-perceptions. Following this, women's experiences of sexual violence are examined more closely by looking at how male behavior impacted women, and the normalization and desensitization to sexual violence. The final theme encompasses the effects of sexual violence on women's behavior. This includes women's changes in behaviors to protect themselves, support from “professionals” such as bouncers, the factors contributing to women's reluctance to disclose their experiences to others, and the long-term effects of sexual violence.
Self-Perception
Self-Blame; Emotions
In the past year, nearly all participants in this study experienced physical sexual violence, and the majority encountered verbal sexual violence. Notably, those discussing their most predominant experience of sexual violence referred to a physical violation, suggesting that physical violence has a more significant impact on women than verbal violence. This finding has differing results in the literature, with Fileborn (2012) finding that some individuals perceive verbal comments as more threatening than inappropriate touching, while others found touching more distressing than comments, and Gunby et al. (2020) concluding they are both perceived as equally harmful. When reflecting on the emotional impact of sexual violence, the most frequently reported emotions were frustration, anger, and annoyance, followed by feelings of fear and discomfort. In contrast, those recalling their most significant experience of sexual violence cited guilt, shame, embarrassment, and doubt, followed by feelings of anger, frustration, and fear. These results indicate that the experiences which affected women the most were the ones in which there were feelings of self-blame, doubt, guilt, or embarrassment. [I felt] extremely guilty, doubtful of myself, embarrassed and ashamed. I also felt quite patronised by him. It actually got in the way of my sleep, because I was constantly replaying the scenario in my mind asking myself, ‘what really happened?’ (Charlotte) [I felt] guilty as at the time I had a boyfriend (Sophia)
The profound impact of these experiences may stem from the uncertainty felt by women, wherein they question their experiences and culpability, or as Sophia discussed, the fear of being unfaithful and the guilt that comes with this, despite the non-consensual nature of the violence. NUS (2019) reported that over one-third of students who felt self-doubt or self-blame reported feeling anxious, depressed, and avoided going to social events, further illustrating the detrimental impact of sexual violence and uncertainty on women's self-esteem and confidence.
The high frequency of emotions such as anger, frustration, and fear can be attributed to the recognized lack of consequences for perpetrators, with Jade stating that men “can just get away with it”. This anger, also noted by Anitha et al. (2021), may be linked to the high prevalence of sexual violence, and the combination of anger and guilt may result from powerlessness; individuals could neither prevent it nor attain justice, with Hailey recounting two occasions where she felt furious a stranger ruined her night and had the power to do so. This situation aligns with Brownmiller's (1975; cited in Rennison, 2014) discussion around reframing rape as a crime of power and control which is integral to the broader tactics used to dominate and oppress women. Brownmiller's (1975; cited in Rennison, 2014) research highlighted the patriarchal system of gender inequality which both perpetuates and justifies sexual violence and coercion.
Reasons for Self-Blame
More than half of the participants believed that the sexual violence they experienced was, to some extent, their own fault, but there are conflicted responses. Those who felt responsible cited reasons such as being too drunk, the clothing they wore, and how they danced. Studies by Amnesty International (2018), Hohl and Stanko (2015), Parks and Scheidt (2000), and Tinkler et al. (2018) support these findings. I think that sometimes I’m asking for it because I’ve been told by men that I dress like a slut (Isabel)
This highlights the existing blame culture that shifts responsibility for men's behavior onto women and leads women to internalize this blame, echoed in the work of Fileborn (2012). Self-blame may lead to feelings of guilt and shame and exacerbate the existing barriers of reporting such behaviors due to fear of disbelief or being held at fault. Addison helps illuminate how deep-rooted blame culture is within society; she discusses that despite growing up with a mother who supported survivors of sexual violence, and being reassured that if anything ever happened, it was not her fault, she still felt “like it was my fault I drank too much the night I was spiked, and I could have stopped it had I been more careful.”
Elena's statement reflects the belief that women's behavior provokes male actions by asserting that women “gotta give them the idea in the first place” (Elena). This belief absolves men of responsibility and reinforces the myth that only “certain types of women” are victimized, such as women who dress revealingly (Bohner et al., 2009). Many participants thought they should have been strong enough to stop it, and they should not have been so easily pressured, but did not fault the men who coerced them into unwanted situations. Numerous women articulated that sexual violence was their fault because they were “too friendly” (Bella), “nice” (Ava), and they “engaged in conversation” (Zoe), although refraining from such behaviors may have triggered a backlash and put them in a more dangerous situation (Gunby et al., 2020).
Several participants reported mixed feelings, partially blaming themselves while recognizing they were not at fault. Because I feel as though me looking a certain way (clothing) or acting confident means I am asking for it—even though I know rationally this is not true (Harper) I was a bit too drunk… so I may have created the environment for it to happen. But of course it is not my fault as I didn’t ask or consent to anything (Willow)
These sentiments highlight societal pressures to “keep yourself safe,” which places the burden of responsibility on potential victims. However, this may conflict with media narratives, such as the #MeToo Movement in 2017, which asserts survivors are not to blame. Both Harper and Willow recognize that they did not provide consent, and that the accountability for acts of sexual violence lies with the perpetrators; yet there remains a significant struggle concerning self-blame in the aftermath of such trauma. Nevertheless, many participants assigned full responsibility to perpetrators, indicating improvement from historical viewpoints. It doesn’t matter what you are wearing or how much you’ve had to drink, people have no right to treat you that way (Mia) …I am not the problem, they are. I am not the cause of it, they are. I am not consenting in it, they are forcing it on me. (Phoebe) It's not about me, it's about the person committing sexual violence (Ivy)
These responses indicate an ongoing transition; women are increasingly recognizing that their “anger and sadness are valid” (Hazel) and they are not at fault because the circumstances do not pertain to their attire or the quantity of alcohol consumed. It also illustrates that there is still a way to go to shift blame away from survivors and onto perpetrators.
Experiences of Sexual Violence
Male Behavior
Numerous women discussed their most impactful experience of sexual violence as instances where men disregarded their refusals or pursued actions beyond their comfort levels. Gunby et al. (2020) suggest this may be in response to feeling threatened by their behavior. Hazel expressed feeling “disgusted and unnatural in my own skin” after a man initially kissed her with consent but subsequently engaged in unwanted sexual contact by putting his hand up her top and touching her above and below the waist. Additional participants shared accounts of men who continued to touch them, dance with them, or kiss them after they, and sometimes others, had told them to stop. This reinforces Rennison's (2014) discussion around hegemonic masculinity, where men believe they achieve their “masculine” identity through dominance and control, which can manifest as acts of sexual violence. Boys… think they have a right to access women, doesn’t matter if they force it or not… (Jade)
This underscores a societal framework in which men are socialized to perceive such behavior as acceptable and within their entitlement. This perspective resonates with radical feminist theory which suggests society views women as the property of men (Rennison, 2014). Kavanaugh (2013) notes that sexual conquests are a means for men to gain status, a sentiment echoed by a male participant stating women are just a number to men (Duque et al., 2020). This study aligns with these previous findings revealing that gendered power relations are still operating in favor of patriarchy and male hegemony where men dominate women (Scott & Usher, 1996). This dynamic is evident in accounts of three participants who were taken home without the capacity to consent; one woman was taken home drunk, and two women had been spiked. Perpetrators of one of these assaults seemed to view it as fun, or a game, creating a chart to document multiple non-consensual incidents they had subjected her to. Sexual violence remains alarmingly prevalent inside nightclubs, with Quigg et al. (2024) finding that females are four times more likely to experience sexual violence than males in these environments; however, the experiences in this research also illustrate how men exploit these environments to target vulnerable women to take advantage of beyond the confines of a club.
Normalization
When exploring the effects of sexual violence on women, participants were invited to write about this in relation to their most predominant experience, but some participants reported experiencing minimal or no long-term effects. The reasons behind this express the normalization of sexual violence in UK nightclubs; women have not only learned to live with these experiences but have developed coping mechanisms for them. Most participants reported clubbing an average of 1 to 2 times per week, and one participant frequented clubs an average of zero times per week. In their lifetime, nearly all participants have experienced unwanted touching, more than half have faced sexual comments and verbal harassment, and around one-third have been subjected to unwanted kissing and stalking. Out of the 22 women who volunteered for this study, the majority stated that they expected sexual violence to be perpetrated against them while clubbing. This is consistent with existing literature which portrays sexual violence being seen as inevitable and “normal” (Anitha et al., 2021; Gunby et al., 2020; Kavanaugh, 2013; Tinkler et al., 2018). It doesn’t affect me now, I’m not too sure why but I manage to never think about it (Sofia) …I’ve become a bit desensitivised [desensitised] to it… I’ve sadly become used to distracting myself from such events in order to continue with my life (Hazel) A little bit, but it happens often so you get used to it (Hannah) Not really, kind of just saw it as a harmless kiss. Was a bit weird tho (Elena)
Participants noted distracting themselves from incidents of sexual violence and managing to avoid thinking about them, something which may serve as a coping mechanism for moving forward. Participants also described being accustomed to and desensitized to sexual violence, which may be attributed to its high prevalence and subsequent normalization. Elena labeled the unwanted kiss by a man “a bit weird” and “harmless”, implying that she did not see the act as deviant despite its non-consensual nature. This aligns with Tinkler et al.'s (2018) discussion, accentuating how sexual violence is often not seen as an aggression due to its frequency. This perception is concerning; labeling any form of sexual violence as “harmless” may reduce reporting and accountability for perpetrators, undermining justice for survivors. Additionally, it can dismiss the experiences of survivors and invalidate their emotions and reactions. The distraction from and normalization of sexual violence may be a needed coping mechanism, or a consequence of the idea that these things “just happen,” but if sexual violence continues to be normalized, the potential for cultural change in the UK will remain limited. When men… walk past you they tend to hold you by the waist or shoulders which makes me feel uncomfortable and honestly a bit disgusted as well. I can walk perfectly fine without the need to be touching people, and I have never experienced this behaviour from a woman (Willow) …I know women can perpetrate sexual violence as well, but women don’t brush unnecessarily close to you in the club. Women don’t squeeze your shoulder as they walk by. Women don’t look you up and down like some sort of object. Women don’t put their arm around you randomly when you have no idea who they are. But men always do. (Hailey)
These examples bring forward the consideration that sexual violence being seen as “normal” may be due to its “lesser” forms setting the agenda for more serious types of sexual violence, and these “lesser” behaviors are too easily overlooked. While one participant pointed out her negative experiences with non-consensual touching by a woman, and it is crucial to acknowledge that women perpetrate sexual violence as well as men, Willow and Hailey bring up “normal,” more subtle behaviors from men which they have never experienced from women. This is supported by Quigg et al.'s (2024) study, in which 91.6% of participants reported that their perpetrator was male, while 7.2% identified their perpetrator as female. This data highlights a significant disparity, indicating that although individuals of all genders may engage in such behaviors, men perpetrate sexual violence at a disproportionately higher rate compared to women.
Women's Behavior and Responsibilities
Changing Behaviors
Clothing, drinking less, watching drinks—I changed these behaviours out of fear that I will be taken advantage of (Harper)
All participants in this study felt they were at least to some extent responsible for both their own and their friend's safety when clubbing, illustrating a concerning trend where the responsibility of preventing sexual violence falls on women, rather than on men to refrain from perpetration. A significant majority of participants reported modifying their behavior, such as wearing “less revealing” clothing, being careful who to dance with, and not chatting with or smiling at boys to try to prevent unwanted sexual violence, a finding supported by Brooks (2011). Participants modifications of behavior reflect how powerful the fear of sexual violence is. It is useful here to consider Tinkler et al.'s (2018) discussion on how women tease men with their sexuality, and if women fail to take safety precautions, they have not fulfilled their gender roles properly (Brooks, 2011) and may be considered responsible for sexual violence.
Women expressed concerns about drink spiking, with a small number of participants reporting that they had previously been spiked and a few participants unsure if they had been spiked or not. To mitigate this risk, individuals monitored their drinks, consumed drinks only at the bar, did not accept drinks, and wore “long sleeves in the club” (Zoe), “especially when there was an issue last year with needle spiking” (Sofia). While Brooks (2011) documented similar concerns, the current findings underscore an additional behavioral adaptation where women wear longer clothing to try to prevent needle spiking. This highlights that twelve years later, the fear surrounding spiking in clubs is still at the forefront of many women's minds. Hazel described drinking less and watching drinks as things she does “automatically” as a preventative measure, demonstrating how often women execute these behaviors and the necessity for them to remain vigilant. This aligns with Lennox's (2021) results where participants recognized safekeeping behaviors as normal and needed.
Support from Bouncers
Although two participants found support after sexual violence helpful, for example, where bouncers removed aggressive men, most participants who asked for support following sexual violence found it inadequate. The most frequent form of attempted support was asking for help from bouncers. My friend was missing at a nightclub and when we told a bouncer they didn’t take it seriously at all. Even was making jokes. Turns out she had been spiked and had to be taken to hospital. If the bouncers had helped, we may have been able to find her sooner… (Olivia) I once told a bouncer about a man who kept following me around the club… he seemed very dismissive and oblivious to how upset I was. He told me he would get someone to sort it but he did nothing and no one came to help me… (Hailey)
Participants further reported that bouncers laugh at them and rarely listen, and two participants highlighted that the bouncer acknowledged their concerns but ultimately “did nothing” (Hailey) and tried “to make me forget about it by discussing other things” (Hazel). These testimonies illuminate a pervasive issue of bouncers failing to take women's concerns seriously, reinforcing the harmful stereotypes that label women as dramatic. Anitha et al. (2021), whose study was also conducted within the UK, discusses how bouncers view sexual harassment as unproblematic because it is less physical than a fistfight between men; this study adds to this observation to suggest that bouncers also seem to be “oblivious” to the prevalence and effects of sexual violence, underscoring the imperative for enhanced training and increased awareness regarding these issues. Conversely, bouncers may choose not to intervene due to the prevalence of sexual violence in nightclubs; it is expected, therefore there is no need for intervention. The inadequate professional responses discussed by participants demonstrate a lack of support for survivors and a trivialization of women's experiences when addressing incidents of sexual violence within nightlife settings. This can ultimately undermine confidence in seeking support and contribute to feelings of isolation and mistrust in authority figures. Supporting this assertion, Gunby et al. (2020, p.38) demonstrates that individuals are hesitant to report unwanted incidents to the police or venue staff for fear of being “laughed at” or “shrugged off”. Similarly, Quigg et al. (2024) reported that two-thirds of their participants did not report the incident to anyone, and fewer than 1 in 20 reported to the police. These findings further reinforce the notion that the expectation of being dismissed discourages individuals from reporting incidents of sexual violence.
Reasons for Not Sharing
Participants who chose not to disclose their experiences of sexual violence with anyone cited various reasons. Individuals answered that they “brushed off the arm strokes and was fine” (Freya) or tried to forget or move on, suggesting a societal expectation for women to live with these experiences like nothing happened. Further responses emphasize the emotional burdens placed on women by societal standards; Zoe expressed feelings of shame and partial responsibility for being assaulted due to alcohol consumption and interacting with the perpetrator. This highlights the double standards that hold women accountable for sexual violence in contexts involving alcohol, while exonerating men for enacting this violence if they have had a drink; Tinkler et al. (2018, p.50) noted that participants struggled to identify which sexual harassers were “creepers” and which were “just drunk guys,” highlighting individuals’ perception of deviance in nightlife, where intoxicated men are permitted to be sexually aggressive because that is just “what men do.” Zoe's fear of being seen as dramatic, despite enduring severe violations including spiking, rape, and sexual assaults by multiple people, demonstrates how women are made to feel overly emotional and like “drama queens” in such situations. This apprehension of being perceived as dramatic, combined with Ivy stating that she “didn’t think anything would be done,” highlights sexual violence as a cultural problem, also seen in the 2.7% charge rate for rape (Rape Crisis England & Wales, 2025).
Another significant factor contributing to women's silence was when the perpetrator was a friend or an acquaintance. Participants expressed a desire not to want to “make things uncomfortable” (Willow) or make it “a thing” (Elena), something also noted by Fileborn (2012) and discussed as “emotion management” by Gunby et al. (2020). One participant did not realize she was assaulted until months after the incident, perhaps due to the initial belief that a mutual friend would not engage in such behavior. This relates to Mason and Lodrick's (2013) discussion around rape by a person known to the victim, as the element of betrayal is high (Freyd, 1996; cited in Mason & Lodrick, 2013), and the woman raped may question everything she thought was “true,” even her judgement (Salter, 2003; cited in Mason & Lodrick, 2013). An additional explanation for this participant not realizing she experienced sexual assault may be due to normalization and minimization; Kelly and Radford (1990) discuss how women compare their experiences to rape as the worst-case scenario, so if this participant was not raped, she may not have realized her experience “counted” as sexual assault, demonstrating the importance of education around this issue. When I was in a nightclub, a random man touched my bum… all my male friends said it was probably by accident. It was only my female friend who believed me. (Hailey) …there are people who will just gaslight
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you and try to mansplain your experiences back to you, which I don’t really want to happen again. As such, I’ve learnt who I can tell these things to, and who will know how to respond appropriately and help me… I have only shared my experiences with female friends, as they empathize more and truly know the impact of these incidents. (Hazel)
These experiences demonstrate the contrasting responses of women and men to sexual violence against women in the UK. While men tended to defend other men by referring to the incident as an “accident” or tried to “gaslight” participants, women tended to “empathize” and “believed” other women. Hazel uses the words “again” and “I’ve learnt” which indicates she has encountered negative responses to her disclosures of sexual violence at least once. Not talking to men about it was a learned behavior, not an initial assumption of a negative response, demonstrating one rationale for women's reluctance to report, or even talk about, their experiences of sexual violence.
Long-Term Effects
The most severe long-term effects were from instances of rape, although the results varied significantly. One participant articulated that the rape no longer affects her; it just makes her fed up with men. Conversely, Zoe reported the longer-term effects of her rape and assault from five months ago by describing three distinct forms of trauma. The first was the “practical trauma” of relocating from her flat merely two days after moving in due to her perpetrators also occupying this space, as well as the months-long reporting process. Zoe described “the mental trauma” categorized as flashbacks, night terrors, sleep disturbances, and anxiety when clubbing. Lastly, Zoe described the physical trauma manifested in the mark on her arm from being spiked with a needle, serving as an “inescapable reminder” of the attack. A substantial body of literature surrounding the long-term effects of sexual violence focuses on the emotional impacts, indicating a higher risk of suicidal thoughts and self-harm, increased substance use, and risks of PTSD following sexual violence (Bentivegna & Patalay, 2022; Khalifeh et al., 2015; Kilpatrick et al., 1997; cited in Hughes et al., 2019; Mason & Lodrick, 2013; NUS, 2019). However, there is a gap in the literature regarding the physical or practical repercussions of rape and assault, which prevents a comprehensive understanding of the long-term effects of such experiences. Survivors may face physical trauma that presents as physical injuries, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), or even pregnancy. The effects of trauma can also influence various physical symptoms, including disrupted sleep, fatigue, nausea, trembling or sweating, and body aches and pains (Rape Crisis England and Wales, 2023). This was not something specifically focused on in this study, but it is important to consider when reflecting on the physical effects of sexual violence. …I just wanted to scrubb all my skin off and rinse my mouth with bleach. I haven’t worn that top since that night. (Hazel) I was not in a good place mentally at the time of the incident so it added to my anxiety and decreased my self-worth (Isabel)
These two examples were from women whom men in the club had groped. Hazel's intense desire to scrub her skin and cleanse her mouth indicates a want to erase the incident due to feelings of violation and uncleanliness. The top serves as a physical reminder of the assault, underscoring Hazel's ongoing struggle with this memory. Isabel mentions how the incident exacerbated her anxiety and decreased her self-worth; these emotional impacts are corroborated by existing research into the effects of sexual assault (Hughes et al., 2019; Khadr et al., 2018; Mason & Lodrick, 2013). These examples emphasize that the effects of so-called “less severe” sexual violence can be as detrimental as the effects of acts deemed more severe, depending on the individual. There remains a notable deficiency in the literature addressing the impact of these “lesser” forms of sexual violence, reinforcing the argument that sexual violence should be seen as less of a hierarchical construct but rather as a continuum where all forms are recognized as harmful. This perspective is already recognized by scholars in the field; for instance, Kelly (1988) asserted that her use of the term “continuum” in the context of sexual violence does not insinuate a hierarchy of experiences, but all forms of sexual violence warrant our focus and reception (Kelly, 1988; cited in O’Callaghan, 2025). It is essential that this attitude permeates both academic discourse and extends into broader societal contexts.
In this study, one of the most frequently reported long-term effects of sexual violence was anxiety. Women consistently expressed feelings of anxiety when inside and outside of clubs, with additional concern and fear regarding the possibility of encountering their perpetrators either around the university or waiting for them when they leave the club. Gunby et al. (2020, p. 35) states that sexual violence puts women “on guard,” thereby explaining their anxiety. The anxiety mentioned by women can affect their confidence, their enjoyment of nightlife, and their sense of agency, which can further impact on social interactions and participation in this setting. I don’t feel happy clubbing with men often now, I prefer to club on nights where I know there will be less men (Bella)
This reinforces findings by Brooks (2011), where women could not describe UK clubs as safe for women, and demonstrates how the fear of victimization inhibits women's autonomy (Campbell, 2005). Since the times of the aforementioned studies, there has been no discernible change regarding feelings of safety or enhanced autonomy experienced by the women in this study. The anxiety, wariness, and avoidance of clubbing with men illuminates the adverse short-term and long-term effects of all forms of sexual violence, from the unnecessary holding of women's waists and squeezing of shoulders described by participants to rape. The variability of long-term effects suggests that individual differences—such as personal resilience, discovered coping skills, differing experiences, and available support networks—play a significant role in shaping the effects of sexual violence.
Conclusion
This study contributes to the body of knowledge surrounding the experiences and effects of sexual violence in nightclubs by exploring how these experiences shape women's self-perception and behavior. Findings recognize that sexual violence occurs not only within nightclubs, but that these venues often serve as starting points for such violence, where men may seek out women with the intention of exploiting them outside of the club environment. This research illuminates the complexities of sexual violence beyond the legally defined boundaries, revealing that unwanted sexual attention is pervasive and deeply ingrained in nightclub culture.
The findings underscore the normalization of sexual violence as an expected component of nightlife, challenging the dichotomy of “serious” versus “lesser” forms of sexual violence and highlighting the impacts of these. A significant societal transition in the UK is suggested, characterized by an increasing trend among women to hold perpetrators accountable for sexual violence against them. Nevertheless, by documenting themes of self-blame, responsibility, and the emotional consequences faced by women, it can be seen that substantial progress remains necessary to challenge and dismantle cultural values which normalize sexual violence and perpetuate victim-blaming attitudes. Upon examining individuals’ experiences with “professionals” such as bouncers, it becomes evident that this societal transition is not happening, as the support available to survivors remains inadequate or completely absent. Instances of sexual violence occurring merely days after individuals commenced university emphasize the cultural issue of sexual violence, where men are socialized into this behavior much before university and younger than eighteen. The ramifications of all forms of sexual violence, such as unwanted touching and rape, can have both immediate and prolonged effects on women. This study highlights the importance of considering individual differences here.
Further research into sexual violence should adopt a qualitative approach to gain detailed insight into the results; notably, it should involve a larger participant pool to enable generalizable results within the target population. Future research around sexual violence would be advantageous, for example, the effectiveness of support services, individuals’ experiences with the CJS, the long-term mental health impacts of sexual violence, or the link between mental health and physical health for survivors. Research could examine men's viewpoints and experiences of sexual violence, explore the training provided to “professionals” such as bouncers and whether they feel equipped to identify and act on sexual violence, or look at the education available in schools regarding consent around not only sex, but bodily autonomy, and whether improvements to the curriculum need to be made. These research avenues are all currently under-explored but could contribute to a cultural and societal shift regarding the attitudes towards sexual violence in the UK, which may ultimately reduce its prevalence. Without this needed cultural shift, laws may remain ineffective.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The author would like to express her sincere thanks to Dr Teodora Todorova for her guidance, insight, and continued support throughout the course of this research. She is particularly grateful to all those who participated in the study and entrusted her with their experiences. She greatly appreciates their time, openness, and willingness to share their stories, which made this research possible. Finally, she would like to thank her family, friends, and colleagues for their ongoing encouragement and support.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.