Abstract
This study explores challenges faced by women's rights NGOs in preventing violence against women (VAW) among Pashtuns in Pakistan. Using qualitative methods, in-depth interviews were conducted with purposively selected 11 participants from five women's rights NGOs in Peshawar, Pakistan. Guided by Sylvia Walby's theory of patriarchy, findings show that entrenched patriarchal mindsets and Pashtunwali norms of male honor are major barriers. NGOs’ efforts are often framed as foreign-driven and culturally threatening, limiting their effectiveness. The study offers insights for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners on socio-cultural obstacles that perpetuate VAW, contributing to a deeper understanding of the factors shaping Pashtun women's rights and lived realities.
Introduction
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are widely recognized as nonprofit, voluntary groups operating at local, national, and international levels, often addressing social, economic, and political issues in the public interest (Powell & Steinberg, 2006). These organizations typically function within civil society, staffed by professionals and supported by domestic or international funding (Mercer, 2002; Mohanty, 2002; Xavier, 2019). NGOs play a critical role in both advocacy and service delivery, especially where state institutions are weak or absent (Lewis, 2010; Mertens, 1999). Often referred to as part of the “third sector,” their contributions are increasingly acknowledged in development and human rights discourses (Lewis, 2010).
This study specifically focuses on women's rights NGOs operating in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province of Pakistan, which are engaged in advancing women's rights through service provision, legal advocacy, policy influence, and research. These organizations form a critical part of Pakistan's civil society landscape, working to counter systemic gender-based discrimination and violence.
The origin of women's NGOs in Pakistan can be traced back to the early years of independence. In 1949, Begum Ra’ana Liaquat Ali Khan founded the All-Pakistan Women's Association (APWA), which addressed a broad spectrum of women's issues, including access to education, health services, legal aid, and protection from domestic and sexual violence (Charania, 2014). APWA's influence extended into the legislative arena, supporting the introduction of the Family Law Ordinance of 1961 in Pakistan, which curtailed polygamy, introduced procedural safeguards for divorce, and upheld women's right to inheritance (Ahmed, 2014). As noted by Mumtaz and Shaheed (1987), such advocacy was often seen as emblematic of women's broader struggle for autonomy in Pakistan.
However, the progression of women's rights in Pakistan faced severe setbacks during the military regime of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977–1988), who invoked religious orthodoxy to curtail women's public presence and legal rights. The imposition of the Hudood Ordinances, particularly the Zina Ordinance of 1979, decriminalized marital rape and raised the evidentiary burden for rape survivors (Weiss, 1998). Zia's era marked the systemic reinforcement of patriarchal values through legal and ideological apparatuses, which constrained women's mobility, visibility, and rights. Consequently, women's NGOs proliferated in the 1980s as civil society actors advocating against the gendered repression institutionalized by the state (Haeri, 2002; Shaheed, 2019).
The international donor community's response to Pakistan's regressive gender policies catalyzed the emergence of advocacy-oriented women's NGOs, particularly during the 1990s and 2000s (Weiss, 1998; Zia, 2009). Prominent figures within Pakistan's women's movement, such as Asma Jahangir, 1 Hina Jilani, 2 and Farida Shaheed, 3 played key roles in institutionalizing women's rights activism through organizations like the Aurat Foundation, AGHS Legal Aid Cell, and Shirkat Gah. These NGOs advocated for legal reforms, supported survivors of violence, engaged in gender sensitization, and influenced policy frameworks at multiple levels (Bari, 2005; Khattak, 2010). While women's NGOs have expanded significantly in Pakistan during the last few decades, their progress has not been uniform. It is estimated that over 45,000 NGOs operate across the country, many focusing on gender-related issues. There are 23 women's rights NGOs in Punjab, 18 in Sindh, 14 in KP, 13 in Baluchistan, 14 in Gilgit-Baltistan, 23 in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), 23 in Islamabad, and 16 working across multiple regions (Adil, Malik & Batool, 2023). Among these, 89% of NGOs work on women's education, 70% on health, 64% on empowerment through skills and entrepreneurship, and 50% on women and children's rights. This distribution reflects both the geographical spread of feminist activism and the need to tailor interventions to specific regional socio-cultural and political dynamics. Despite resource constraints and political opposition, these NGOs serve as catalysts for social change, bridging grassroots needs with feminist policy advocacy at the national level. However, in regions like KP, and particularly among Pashtun communities, women's rights NGOs face heightened challenges due to religious conservatism, cultural patriarchy, and political hostility (Jamal & Baldwin, 2019; Rafaqat et al., 2024). Here, NGOs are engaged in advocacy, political awareness, child protection, and disaster relief.
This research investigates the barriers experienced by women's rights NGOs in addressing violence against women (VAW) among Pashtuns. Specifically, it explores how the cultural code of Pashtunwali, which emphasizes male honor and control over women, hinders NGO-led interventions. Pashtuns are one of the largest ethnic groups in Pakistan. They are primarily located in the KP, Baluchistan province, and tribal districts formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Their social code, known as Pashtunwali, emphasizes values such as honor, revenge (badal), and protection of women (namus). While Pashtunwali is often romanticized as a moral and cultural code, it has also been critiqued for sustaining gendered hierarchies and reinforcing patriarchal control (Sanauddin et al., 2015). Within such contexts, women's visibility and autonomy can be tightly regulated, presenting significant challenges to women's rights organizations operating in these areas
The study also situates these challenges within Sylvia Walby's (1990) framework of public and private patriarchy to understand how patriarchal structures persist across institutional and domestic domains. Moreover, the study incorporates insights from contemporary research, including critical feminist perspectives on how local resistance frames gender equality initiatives as Western or anticultural (Kandiyoti, 2016; Mohanty, 2002). By highlighting the multi-level constraints facing NGOs, from cultural norms and state institutions to ideological opposition, the research aims to contribute to policy and scholarly debates on strengthening gender justice in conflict-prone and patriarchal societies. Ultimately, the study underscores the resilience and transformative potential of women's NGOs operating under difficult socio-political circumstances. Documenting their challenges and strategies, it offers vital insights for policy actors, researchers, and civil society stakeholders concerned with gender equity in culturally sensitive contexts.
Theoretical Framework
The complex interplay of the norms of Pashtunwali, the patriarchal structure of Pashtun society, and the religious extremism in the region determines the social status of Pashtun women. It is expected of the Pashtun women to be restricted to the boundaries of the home. Although the norms of Pashtunwali are equally applicable to Pashtun men and women, the honor and dignity of Pashtun men arising from Pashtunwali keep men in a privileged position, while women at a subordinate position, making them a site of performance of one's manliness. They are subjected to a range of physical, sexual, economic, psychological, and verbal abuses, including honor-based violence, forced and early-age marriage, controlling and/or isolating behaviors, intimidation, and humiliation (Bangash et al., 2021; Metheny & Stephenson, 2019; Sanauddin et al., 2015; Wazir, 2010).
For this study, the concept of patriarchy by Sylvia Walby (1990) is adopted to analyze the challenges faced by women's rights NGOs in the struggle to address VAW among the Pashtuns. The purpose of using Walby's theory of patriarchy is that she has discussed both the private and public patriarchy, which is applicable in the context of this study. Patriarchy is defined as male dominance and power relationships through which men rule women (Millett, 1969). Walby argues that patriarchy can take different forms (private and public); hence, it is not a universalistic notion. It exists as a system of social relations at the most abstract level, shaping the social expectations to maintain male dominance over women. Also, the concept of patriarchy has been used extensively within the women's movement while looking into the principles underlying women's oppression (Beechey, 1979).
Walby (1990) has used the term “social structure,” which rejects biological determinism and the belief that every individual man occupies a dominant position while every woman occupies a subordinate position. In her theory of patriarchy, she suggested patriarchy comprises six structures: (1) Patriarchal mode of production, (2) Patriarchal relations in paid work, (3) Patriarchal relations in the state, (4) Male violence, (5) Patriarchal relations in sexuality, and (6) Patriarchal relations in cultural institutions. These six structures identified by Walby are fundamental, deep structures that influence each other and are fundamental for capturing inequality in gender relations. She has traced the movement from private to public patriarchy within the six patriarchal structures.
Women's NGOs encounter the adverse effects of such deep structures of patriarchy in contemporary society, both in the public and private domains. Male VAW, Walby (1990) explained as a behavior experienced by women (at all levels of structure and spheres) from men. It is systematically considered a domestic issue and hence overlooked and legitimated by the state's refusal to intervene against it. Nevertheless, in some exceptional instances, such as rape, sexual harassment, and wife-beating, the state has policies to address them. But she further argues that the state itself is patriarchal, racist, and capitalist. It serves as the public site of patriarchy. The structure of patriarchal relations in culture is significant for the construction of masculinity and femininity. It includes discourses of religion dictating correct forms of conduct, an educational system favoring men, and media shaping women's lives. Patriarchal culture comprises a diverse set of patriarchal practices. Walby argues that they are vital in creating gendered subjectivity.
Research Methodology
The study employed a qualitative approach to capture the nuanced aspects of challenges faced by women's NGOs in preventing VAW among Pashtuns. A qualitative approach is well-suited for this study as it allows for an in-depth exploration of this complex and context-specific issue. This study is significant as it sheds light on the often-overlooked struggles of women's NGOs working to prevent VAW among the Pashtuns in KP, a region with strong patriarchal norms and limited institutional support. By exploring the socio-cultural and operational challenges encountered by these organizations, this research seeks to highlight the perspectives of their members.
Data was collected through in-depth interviews with 11 participants from five women's rights NGOs working in Peshawar city of KP. Interviews were conducted by the author, who is a social researcher, as well as is native Pashtun and resident of Peshawar city. She is familiar with the cultural and linguistic context of KP that facilitated access to participants and supported the development of rapport during interviews. Interviews were conducted with the senior employees and administrative staff of the selected organizations. The researcher had no formal supervisory or organizational relationship with participants prior to the study. Access was facilitated through professional contacts and organizational gatekeepers; however, participation was entirely voluntary. The selection criteria for NGOs were based on their provision of services and advocacy related to women's empowerment, women's rights, and gender equality. Accordingly, organizations with at least 5 years of experience working within Pashtun communities on the prevention of VAW were purposively selected. From these organizations, participants were further selected based on their individual experience; specifically, they had more than 5 years of professional engagement in the field and had participated in at least two projects addressing VAW. While this study does not claim that the sample fully represents all the women's NGOs in Peshawar, the selected participants possess sufficient experience to articulate the challenges they encounter in their efforts to combat violence against women among the Pashtun community.
The interviews lasted between 60 and 90 min. All the interviews were conducted face-to-face with the research participants at their respective offices in Peshawar. The same open-ended qualitative tool was used for all participants. The interviews were conducted in the Urdu language (the national language of Pakistan) and were audio-recorded with the consent of the participant. Recognizing that qualitative interviews are shaped by interactions between the researcher and the participant, efforts were made to minimize potential reactivity using open-ended questions, assurances of confidentiality, and the creation of a nonjudgmental interview environment. In addition, reflexive notes were maintained throughout the research process to document methodological decisions and reflect critically on how the researcher's (author) positionality may have influenced data collection and interpretation.
The study followed the ethical research guidelines of the Universiti Malaya Research Ethics Committee (UMREC). The participants were informed that their participation in the study was voluntary. For confidentiality and anonymity, pseudonyms are used instead of the original names of NGOs and the participants.
The recorded interviews were later transcribed and translated into English by the author with careful attention to preserving meaning, context, and participants’ original expressions. And for a rich and detailed analysis, a thematic approach was employed (Burnard et al., 2008; Lyons & Coyle, 2016; Rubin & Rubin, 2011), which is a widely used technique in qualitative research. It provides a flexible and useful research tool and a structure to describe the data in different themes according to the research objectives (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
The author conducted the entire analytical process, including transcription, translation, coding, and theme development, ensuring methodological consistency and coherence throughout the study. Following repeated readings of the translated transcripts for familiarization, initial codes were generated manually by identifying meaningful data segments aligned with the research questions. These codes were subsequently reviewed, compared, and refined through an iterative process, leading to the clustering of related codes into broader categories and, ultimately, the development of analytically robust themes capturing recurrent patterns across the dataset. This exclusive engagement by a single researcher enhanced analytical consistency and reduced potential interpretive variability associated with multiple coders, thereby strengthening the credibility and reliability of the findings through sustained, in-depth immersion in participants’ narratives.
Findings and Discussion
This section presents key themes that emerged from the data collected through interviews with the participants from sample NGOs. The findings are divided into three themes, reflecting the challenges faced by these organizations while struggling to address VAW among Pashtuns.
Talking About VAW: A Western Agenda
In a patriarchal society, the discussion on women's rights and VAW is mainly seen as a Western construct. The NGOs and their members are usually accused of being Westernized or being under the influence of Western nations. “It is true that when we use the term VAW, the first view is that the NGO has come with a Western agenda,” said P1 (NGO 5). The nonaligned nature of NGOs, which are independent from the government, and their source of funding make it difficult for them to operate in patriarchal structures, as P4 (NGO 4) shared in a disappointed tone when she was asked about the significant challenges they faced. The name of the NGO is stigmatised here (in KP). If government officials raise the same issue [VAW], it will be considered [accepted], but NGOs have foreign funding, so the community has a perception that NGOs follow the Western agenda. (P4, NGO 4)
The marginalization of these organizations can be understood as an expression of public patriarchy, where institutional power structures, particularly the state and cultural institutions, regulate and control discourses on gender. This marginalization as alien or Western-influenced mainly arises from a broader cultural framework that perceives gender equality as an external imposition, thereby reinforcing the patriarchal status quo. Walby's concept of public patriarchy highlights how state institutions (e.g., government offices) are granted the authority to define and legitimize gender issues, whereas nonstate actors, like feminist organizations, are commonly excluded from the same legitimacy. Consequently, even when NGOs address the same gender issues, their narratives are dismissed as intrusive. This selective legitimization serves to uphold patriarchal control by shaping which voices are allowed to speak on women's issues and which are silenced, thereby preserving the ideological and structural dominance of male-centered authority in the public sphere.
Among Pashtuns, there exists a disconnect between the local perceptions and the actual intent of these organizations. “We don’t have any Western agenda. We ask them (the community) if their daughter is beaten up, will they let her be beaten, or will they stop it? Is this any Western agenda?,” mentioned P11 of NGO 4. The use of terms like “violence” and “women's rights” has negative connotations among the Pashtuns. As on participant shared her experience, If we use the term ‘tashadud’ (violence), they do not like it … once we went to Sawabi district, there we asked a question about violence. Furthermore, the community people got aggressive towards our male staff and forced us to leave immediately! Working on gender-based violence is not appreciated. Instead, it is considered nothing except a topic for the NGO women. (P8 (NGO 2)
These narratives underline how both institutional structures and cultural norms collectively suppress the advocacy of VAW. This resistance further explains how the patriarchal mindset treats VAW as a private matter, opposing efforts to bring it to the public sphere. Through cultural patriarchy, norms function to maintain male dominance by privatizing violence and resisting its exposure in the public sphere (Walby, 1990).
Further, feminist discourses are generally portrayed as threats to religious and cultural values in patriarchal structures. Framing the struggle of these organizations as un-Islamic or immoral is a common practice, revealing how patriarchy operates through cultural and religious narratives that regulate public discourse and control women. “NGOs are making dollars, making their women liberal, and taking them toward evil,” stated P6 (NGO 3), when asked about the common challenges she faced in the field. Besides this, there exists a general perception among the Pashtuns that NGOs and their workers are anti-Islam; their motive is to spread vulgarity, seduction, and indecency among the women, and they are not noble. Also noted by Jamal and Baldwin (2019), that women working in NGOs are not respected in Pashtun society because of their disregard for the cultural norms of purdah.
Subsequently, women working in NGOs are also stigmatized, as “western aurtain (western women), kharab aurtain (bad women) and bahar ki auratian (foreign women). And then if you call yourself a feminist, it is a huge disgrace!” said P10 (NGO 1). Talking about women's rights is labeled as feminist talk that is perceived as unfavorable and threatens cultural norms and social values (Kay, 2000). Such perceptions contribute to the risk these organizations encounter in the field. It is because of the internalization of views that the West is the enemy of Muslim states, and these NGOs are their agents working to destroy religious values and cultural norms and make their women liberal.
Patriarchal and conservative communities usually disapprove of the interference of women's rights organizations in their societal affairs, viewing such interventions as threats to cultural and religious values (Sperling et al., 2001). Such resistance sets a significant and persistent challenge for NGOs working to prevent VAW among Pashtun communities. This attitude is a visible challenge to NGOs preventing VAW among Pashtuns. Notably, this mindset is not restricted to less-educated people; rather, highly educated individuals in positions of authority also participate in reinforcing patriarchal norms by dismissing women's rights as a foreign agenda: I met with the VC (Vice-Chancellor) of a public university. Our organisation was handling the case of harassment (a senior male professor harassed his student), and in that meeting, VC said, Bibi (Madam), please shut your things, and this is a Western agenda; do not apply it here. I got annoyed that this is the thinking capability of a man sitting in a senior position in academia! (P9, NGO 1)
The above narrative reflects the stronghold of private patriarchy, where male power is exerted through direct power and silencing women's voices (Walby, 1990). The outlining of harassment as a nonlocal issue aligns with the patriarchal cultural narratives that discredit the feminist critique by other feminist scholars. This notion aligns with Kandiyoti (1988, 2016), who discusses how patriarchal bargains in postcolonial contexts often interpret gender justice as a Western phenomenon to challenge liability. Similarly, Mohanty (2002) critiques how women's oppression in less developed countries is rejected as externally imposed, reinforcing local patriarchal norms. Similarly, the narratives of participants illustrate how institutional patriarchy merged with cultural narratives to control dissent and maintain gendered hierarchies in all structures.
Challenges From Pashtunwali, the Patriarchal Culture
The findings of this study highlight that another potent tool used against women's rights organizations is the deliberate framing of their struggle to improve the status of Pashtun women as a threat to Pashtun identity. Notably, all participants recognized that some norms of Pashtunwali perpetuate VAW, yet they face backlash when bringing awareness about it. One participant recounted an alarming experience when discussing swara (the exchange of women to settle disputes), We went to the district of Mardan of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to discuss swara. The district council warned us that the people of Mardan can’t cooperate on swara, or they will sit and listen to us. Moreover, we faced too many issues when discussing this topic. The intensity reached a hazardous level … we had to stop and pack immediately. (P7, NGO 2)
Such incidents underscore how gender issues remain non-negotiable within the rigid framework of Pashtunwali. Pashtuns view external critique of the culture as a threat to communal identity and particularly male authority, which is seen as a core element of the Pashtun men's life. A participant echoed this in her interview by saying, In strict Pashtun areas, NGOs are not even allowed to work, and if allowed to work, then they are forced not to work on women's rights. The rights of women are not something negotiable among the Pashtuns; it is against their Pashtunwali. (P5, NGO3)
It is aligned with Walby's argument that patriarchal systems often equate feminist critique with cultural betrayals, which has been observed in the literature on gender activism in patriarchal societies. Such as Wazir (2026) and Jamal and Baldwin (2019) found similar results by saying awareness of women's rights in the tribal region of KP is frequently dismissed as reinforcing male authority. Moreover, the community has a low tolerance level toward cultural criticism and pro-women norms. For example, an NGO member said, We went to a village for an awareness-raising program on honour killing, exchange marriage, bride price, child marriage, etc., and the reaction of the community was extreme (negative). They forced us to leave the village. One of the community elders started yelling that we were acting against the Pashtunwali and that we were kafir (infidel). (P5, NGO 3)
Another participant also validates it by saying, We do not work on gender justice in the FATA region; we provide humanitarian assistance there. FATA has FCR (1901 Frontier Crime Regulation), Malik, and Jirga systems. So, they do not allow organisations to intervene in their cultural setup. The consequences are very extreme. (P3, NGO 5)
The local elder, religious clerics, feudal, and maliks actively oppose any gender equality initiatives in their community, outlining them as threats to social order. They positioned themselves as the guardian of culture to maintain gendered power hierarchies, becoming a significant barrier not only for the NGOs but also to the change in Pashtun women's lives. Perhaps the most extreme example of this challenging relationship between women's rights NGOs and Pashtuns is the murder of a female worker of a prominent NGO who was running a campaign on VAW.
Additionally, the resistance to challenging patriarchal norms and traditions is deeply embedded in the mindset of Pashtun men, who often expect women to remain submissive and within the confines of traditional gender roles. “The community does not accept any criticism of their centuries-old tradition and customs,” said P10 (NGO 1). It is not wrong to state that “convincing these mindsets is a big challenge in itself,” claimed P11 (NGO 4). It reflects Walby's concept of private patriarchy, where patriarchal control is exerted through household structures, restricting women's mobility and voice. The restriction of women to the home and observing purdah reinforces their exclusion from the public sphere and development activities (Elahi et al., 2015). Within this patriarchal framework, any deviation from traditional gender roles is considered an attack on cultural integrity, enabling systemic control over women while delegitimizing feminist and developmental efforts: Men do not allow their women to participate in the NGO activities or talk because of the purdah, but the truth is that they know if women learn about their rights, men will lose control over them. (P9, NGO 1)
It underscores how coercive control, as theorized by Stark (2007), operates through the systematic restriction of women's access to public spaces, education, and empowerment initiatives. By embedding such exclusion within cultural norms like purdah, men effectively manifest the exercise of control as traditional values. Demonstrating Walby's concept of patriarchal bargains, where women's subjugation is justified through cultural norms while serving male interests. These patriarchal bargains are maintained by both private and public forms of patriarchy, where men justify control through appeals to honor, modesty, and cultural integrity. The broader societal endorsement of this control through ostracization, moral policing, and resistance to NGOs undermines intervention efforts. Consequently, NGOs working to address gender issues face intensified challenges. Those are not only institutional barriers, but also widespread ideological resistance from communities, seeing gender equality as a threat to established power relations (Wazir, 2026).
Challenges From the State
Despite positioning themselves as agents of gender justice, this study finds that women's rights NGOs in KP frequently confront institutional resistance and bureaucratic hurdles imposed by the state, which significantly constrain their ability to operate effectively.
One of the most contested issues raised by participants was the practice of early-age marriage among Pashtuns. Almost all interviewees highlighted the institutional resistance they face, particularly in advocating for legislative reforms. As P3 (NGO 4) noted, “It is un-Islamic to restrict the age of marriage,” reflecting the ideological opposition rooted in religious interpretations. P1 (NGO 5) also emphasized the legislative stagnation in the province, contrasting it with developments in other provinces. She mentioned, All provinces have revised their legislation during the 18th Amendment, but we (KP) still follow the British rules. The age of marriage is 18 years in Punjab and 16 years in Baluchistan and Sindh. However, we (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) have not yet decided, and the conflict is still ongoing here. (P1, NGO5)
This reveals how state-level indecision and religious conservatism intertwine, obstructing efforts to protect girls from child marriage and denying them the legal safeguards available elsewhere in Pakistan. Religious fundamentalism is a significant challenge to all women activists and women's rights NGOs in Pakistan (Shaheed, 2010). Child marriage cannot be viewed in isolation from the cultural and religious context in which it persists. Among the Pashtuns, early marriage is deeply embedded in cultural practices and is often legitimized through religious discourse: Our huge conflict is with the molvis (religious leaders) right now! They are taking the support of ‘religion’ in this, and then Pashtuns unquestioningly favour these molvis. (P10, NGO 1)
This intersection of patriarchal culture and religious fundamentalism mirrors what Shaheed (2010) describes as the instrumentalization of religion to uphold gendered power hierarchies, where women's rights are negotiated within male-dominated religious interpretations that are culturally normalized. Moreover, masculine domination is expressed in the legal system, which manages and directs society, and instructs cultural values and practices (Dougé-Prosper, 2026). It is expected of the state to maintain fair law and order structures. However, the narratives of participants show that these representatives of state institutions also exert patriarchy. By rejecting the actions that question the male honor or lead to the subordination of Pashtun men: In 2011, a girl came to our NGO. She was physically tortured by her husband. Her head was bleeding … We referred her to the police station to file a report against her husband. At the police station, the police officer convinced her not to report by saying that it was a domestic issue, so it must be solved at home. Our police are not sensitised in this aspect. (P6, NGO3)
In 2004, the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act was enacted by the Government of Pakistan to address honor crimes. However, despite this legislative effort, there have been multiple challenges in the implementation of this act due to legal gaps and a lack of awareness: The remarks of the District Police Officers were discriminatory, lawyers were not aware of this law, police were unaware, and the community was unaware of it. So, when the lawyers who pursue the case are unaware, the police who investigate are unaware, so from whom must we expect the implementation of the law, then? (P8, NGO 2)
This lack of institutional awareness exemplifies the public patriarchy in the structure of the state, where gender issues are undervalued and not resolved. These differences toward the protection of the legislature by the actors of law effectively support the continuation of gender-based violence. And further discourage the women's rights NGOs from adopting the legal frameworks as tools for social change. It reduces their ability to support the victims and survivors or hold perpetrators accountable. Consequently, despite legislative progress, the implementation gap generated by patriarchal state structures rigorously confines the capacity of these organizations to perform efficiently. They work as pressure groups to bring about change in male-dominated institutions. But the “support for masculinity (male honor) is visible in their (judges’) decisions,” said P4 (NGO 4). She further uttered the words of the law minister, which reflected the importance of male honor, “If such a type of (elope) cases happen, so what you expect from us, of course, she has to be killed!”
Public patriarchy operates through formal mechanisms, policies, and institutional cultures, resulting in a structure that not only fails to support these organizations but also creates hurdles in their work. The members of such organizations often face allegations, such as those visible in the following narrative: These NGO women are talking about harassment; they want to pass this law (of anti-harassment). These women stay nights with unknown men at the hotels. (P7, NGO2)
It shows how some men in authoritative positions of state structures seek to undermine the credibility of these activists through character assassination. This attitude and environment of suspicion exhibit Walby's concept of public patriarchy, wherein state institutions become the primary sites for maintaining patriarchal powers. And working in parallel to it is challenging, The government itself is confused about what it wants from the NGOs. NGOs need the government's support in physical infrastructure, but if they assist, they also force NGOs to implement their policy, forgetting that NGOs are independent bodies. Creating a tension between administrative support and organizational autonomy that effects collaboration. (P7, NGO 2)
There exists uncertainty in the state's attitude toward such organizations, replicating a broader structural contradiction. They are invited to provide essential services but are censored when addressing gender equality and women's rights. Particularly in the strict tribal regions, the operation of these organizations is restricted. Participants of this study also highlighted that the government often withholds No Objection Certificates (NOCs), thereby declaring projects nonoperational: The security agencies allow the organisations to provide services … but strictly forbid us to talk about human rights in specific areas … Of course, the security agencies are patriarchal. (P3, NGO 4)
Sperling et al. (2001) also reported a similar institutional resistance when NGOs attempt to explain the importance of women's rights and gender-based violence. As Walby (1990) argues, the state is not a neutral arbiter but a gendered institution that often operates in the service of male interests. Through limiting access, enforcing ideological conformity, and delegitimizing feminist discourse, the state reinforces women's subordination. And further restricts the transformative potential of civil society actors struggling to prevent VAW.
Limitations
This study has few limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the relatively small and purposively selected sample limits the breadth of perspectives captured. Although purposive sampling was appropriate for identifying information-rich participants, the predominance of senior NGO personnel may have resulted in the underrepresentation of grassroots workers and frontline practitioners whose experiences could provide additional insights into the issues under investigation. Second, the study was conducted exclusively in Peshawar, which may limit the transferability of the findings to other Pashtun contexts characterized by different socio-cultural, political, and organizational dynamics. Consequently, the findings should be interpreted within their specific contextual setting. Future research could address these limitations by incorporating a more diverse range of stakeholders, including grassroots actors, and by extending the analysis to other Pashtun regions to enable broader comparative insights.
Conclusion
This study highlights the persistent and profound challenges that women's rights NGOs are exposed to while addressing VAW among Pashtuns. The findings of this study conclude that both public and private patriarchy serve as hurdles for these organizations in their work to uphold justice for women. NGO members have validated from their experiences that among Pashtuns, men's dominancy is not confined to the domestic sphere; it is equally reflected in the structure of the state, that is, legal institutions and religious councils. Where the control over women is monopolized by male actors such as religious clerics, political leaders, and tribal elders. They not only resist the efforts of these NGOs but further delegitimize them, labeling their efforts for uplifting Pashtun women's lives as culturally and religiously inappropriate and as a threat to Pashtunwali. The analysis of narratives showed consensus that these organizations and their members are recognized with deep distrust among the Pashtuns. Their struggle is mainly echoed by the Western agenda, anti-Islamic, anti-Pashtun, and propagation of vulgarity. The study found that these organizations are appreciated for providing skills and financial support to women, but that must not contradict the Pashtuns’ cultural norms (such as male honor). It indicates male violence as a structural component of patriarchy, which is not simply an act of aggression, but a form of power adopted by Pashtun men to maintain gender hierarchies.
The change will not require only awareness of women's rights and empowering women but also transforming the patriarchal mindsets of Pashtun men, the institutions, and the broader cultural landscape. Though the struggle of NGOs is ongoing and gradual, they serve as a critical agent of change in the pursuit of addressing VAW and gender justice. To combat the VAW effectively, these organizations must develop culturally sensitive strategies that acknowledge the honor codes of Pashtunwali. As the main challenge arises from the mindset of some men—particularly those who hold authoritative positions—involving them in this effort could be crucial to dismantling the patriarchal structures both in the public and private spheres.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The author would like to acknowledge the participants who generously shared their experiences and perspectives, making this study possible.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declares no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.