Abstract
BACKGROUND:
Urban, ethnically/racially diverse, impoverished men are predisposed to experience unaddressed depression and anxiety. The overlap of these factors creates significant mental health inequity.
AIMS:
This study sought to capture men’s impressions of the factors that contributed to their experience of depression and anxiety as well as barriers that they experienced in pursuing intervention.
METHODS:
Using community-based participatory research, in the context of long-term partnerships between a department of nursing and three urban, racially/ethnically diverse, and impoverished neighborhoods, the researchers recruited 50 men ages 23–83 years. Data were collected via six homogeneous, Zoom-based focus groups composed of Black, Hispanic, and White men, respectively.
RESULTS:
The men identified multiple themes pertaining to modifiable and non-modifiable contributing factors that played a role in their development of depression and anxiety as well as barriers related to stigma, resource issues, and a lack of knowledge of mental illness that they faced when seeking intervention.
CONCLUSIONS:
Understanding men’s perspectives on the contributing factors and barriers to mental health intervention can provide an evidence base with which to address mental health inequity via tailored care, policy, and research agendas.
Keywords
Introduction
There is clear evidence that depression and anxiety unduly affect urban, ethnically/racially diverse, impoverished men. Urban areas pose numerous challenges to mental health including loneliness, violence, crime, homelessness, noise, traffic accidents, and drug abuse (Okkels et al., 2018). Relative to race/ethnicity, the March 1–March 13, 2023, CDC Household Pulse Survey reported that symptoms of anxiety or depression, over the past 7 days, were reported by 35.1% of Hispanic adults, 34.4% of Black adults, and 32.2% of White adults, and 41.9% of multiple race adults. Relative to gender, in this same period, 28.8% of men reported symptoms of anxiety or depression (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2023). Poverty also intersects with mental health status. African Americans and Hispanics living below the poverty level are two times more likely to report psychological distress compared with same ethnicity peers over twice the poverty level (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Minority Health, 2021, 2023). Clearly, the overlap of urban living, race/ethnicity, and poverty creates significant mental health inequity.
Contributing Factors to Men’s Depression and Anxiety—Modifiable and Non-Modifiable
To address this health inequity, it will be beneficial to understand the state of the science relative to factors contributing to men’s depression and anxiety. Financial and economic issues have been linked to depression, substance use, and suicidal behaviors (Apesoa-Varano et al., 2015; Currier et al., 2021). A systematic review and meta-analysis found that unemployment was significant in poor prognosis depression while home ownership resulted in an improved prognosis (Buckman et al., 2022). Similarly, a lack of work was found to be a significant source of stress for African American men, specifically relative to being unable to support one’s family and having nothing to do, and led to depression, low self-esteem, suicidal ideation, and anger (Robinson et al., 2021). In another line of inquiry, Cole and colleagues point to the health implications of environmental risks including traditional (heavy pollutants, poor social conditions), transitional (decontamination, new amenities), new (gentrification, access to amenities), and emerging (displacement, climate-related risks, re-emergence of traditional exposures) exposures that lead to poor mental and physical health and to new patterns of health inequity (Cole et al., 2021). Furthermore, in a study of White non-Hispanic and Mexican-origin men aged 60 and older, 52% pointed to declining health, 48% to grief/loss, and 46% to children/extended family conflicts as contributing to depression (Apesoa-Varano et al., 2015). Finally, COVID-19 was found to be a significant factor disproportionately affecting young adults as well as Hispanic and Black persons. A comparison between the second quarter of 2019 and June 2020 revealed that symptoms of anxiety disorders and depressive disorders were approximately three times and four times greater, respectively, and suicidal ideation was also elevated (Czeisler et al., 2020).
Barriers to Mental Health Intervention
The literature documents several barriers to mental health intervention for urban, impoverished, racially/ethnically diverse men. First, in a broader exploration of medical mistrust as it relates to African American men’s preventive health care, the authors found that factors outside health care, such as everyday racism, were most predictive of this group’s service utilization—even more so than lack of health care insurance or access to care—and must be addressed in any quest for health equity (Powell et al., 2019). Specific to mental health intervention, age may be relevant although the literature is mixed with one study noting that younger men are reluctant to seek help (Lynch et al., 2018) and another indicating that older men were more hesitant (Parent et al., 2018). Fear of negative social ramifications of help-seeking and a clash with traditional masculine ideals were other barriers (Lynch et al., 2018).
The additive impact of race/ethnicity and potential barriers to help-seeking may be useful to consider as well. Initially, it is apparent that help-seeking follows unique patterns across racial/ethnic groups. For example, one study found that White participants sought mental health intervention more frequently than Black and Mexican American participants while Black participants sought help significantly more than Mexican American participants (Parent et al., 2018). As a potential elaboration on this, access to mental health services was found to be limited for Black men as a result of stigma, a culture of perceived self-sufficiency, and limited financial resources (Tchouankam et al., 2021). The intersection of race and stigma was also cited in several studies and concluded that mental illness stigma around common mental disorders is higher among ethnic minorities (Eylem et al., 2020; Wong et al., 2021). Interestingly, Lynch et al. (2018) documented stigma linked to the Catholic Church with its emphasis on help-seeking through prayer and confession. Furthermore, a state-wide mental health anti-stigma campaign revealed differential responses across racial/ethnic groups suggesting that efforts to combat a barrier such as stigma must be specifically tailored to the recipient group (Wong et al., 2021). Finally, an interesting dynamic was reported around race/ethnicity and poverty. Income–poverty ratio was unrelated to help-seeking among Mexican American men, negatively related to help-seeking among Black men, and positively related among White men (Parent et al., 2018).
In pursuit of mental health equity and expansion of the science, this study’s objective was to understand perspectives of urban, racially/ethnically diverse, impoverished men on contributing factors to depression and anxiety and barriers to intervention.
Method
Research Questions
Study Design
Using community-based participatory research (CBPR) as the overarching framework, the current investigation utilized a qualitative design. Qualitative designs explore an entire phenomenon (Polit & Beck, 2021) which can be critical to understanding the complexities of a topic like men’s anxiety and depression. CBPR is a philosophy of inquiry that empowers community members to promote social change by identifying their most pressing health concerns and corresponding solutions (Minkler & Wallerstein, 2011). For more than 20 years, a Midwest baccalaureate department of nursing has structured their curriculum around CBPR so as to partner with three urban neighborhoods, create meaningful learning experiences in the neighborhoods, undertake research that benefits residents, and in this manner enhance neighborhood health and address health inequities (Zandee et al., 2015). This study is an element of the nursing program’s continuing commitment to CBPR. Ongoing community assessments and feedback from an existing, CBPR-derived Mental Health Ambassador program suggested that men’s mental health was a significant and largely unaddressed issue in these three communities. The community feedback led to this study on men’s mental health.
Focus groups served as the vehicle for data collection. Focus groups have been identified as an excellent way to understand the perspectives of as many neighborhood residents as possible (Cyr, 2019) while blending them with CBPR facilitates the acquisition of a collective perspective from a homogeneous community (Bush et al., 2019). The research team constructed a semi-structured interview guide that neighborhood residents then evaluated and piloted. The focus group questions explored two spheres: the conceptualization of contributing factors to men’s depression and anxiety and the barriers preventing men from seeking intervention for depression and anxiety.
Setting and Sample
Institutional review board (IRB) approval was granted for this study by the authors’ university on November 23, 2020, via project #20-032. The men were recruited from the three partner neighborhoods which are predominantly Black (52%), Hispanic (70%), and White (65%), respectively, and have 29% to 40% of residents below the poverty level (City Data, 2023). Eligible participants were male residents who were 18 years or older. A convenience sample of 50 men, ranging in age from 23 to 83 (mean age of 45.18 years), was assembled. Forty-six percent of the men were Black, 24% were White, 22% were Hispanic, and 8% identified as other. Thirty-six percent of the men reported annual incomes of less than $15,000, while 44% indicated that their educational level was 12th grade or less.
Procedures
Given COVID-19 considerations, the researchers conducted six Zoom focus groups during the months of June and July 2021. Consistent with neighborhood racial/ethnic demographics, two homogeneous focus groups were offered in each community. In the Hispanic neighborhood, one of the focus groups was in Spanish while the other five groups were in English. Facilitators were selected for their skill sets as well as their demographic match (gender and race/ethnicity) to the participants and were oriented to the project by a member of the research team. Six to 12 men joined each of the focus groups. Groups lasted about 90 min, and upon completion, each participant received a $30 gift card to honor his time investment. To remove barriers to participation, the research team offered devices and Zoom tutorials. Qualtrics was used to obtain informed consent and collect demographic information on each participant prior to commencement of the focus groups. The research team committed to sharing the findings with participants and soliciting their involvement in designing the solution.
Analysis
All focus groups were videotaped, transcribed verbatim, and validated by the researchers. The Spanish tape was transcribed by an undergraduate research assistant, who is fluent in Spanish, and a native Spanish speaker. For the purpose of situating verbal statements in their context, undergraduate research assistants took field notes during the focus groups. The process of thematic analysis was supported by NVivo software and the framework method for analysis of qualitative data in multidisciplinary health research (Gale et al., 2013). Data analysis occurred during the fall of 2021. Themes were labeled as such if they occurred in all six focus groups while subthemes had to have arisen in at least four of six groups. It should be noted that racism subthemes were called out even when fewer than four groups reported given that two of the six focus groups were conducted with White men who likely do not experience this phenomenon.
The research team was cognizant of the overarching importance of trustworthiness of the data. To that end, the researchers focused on credibility and dependability as essential to trustworthiness. Korstjens and Moser (2018) outlined numerous approaches to operationalize credibility. Accordingly, the researchers used several types of triangulation including data triangulation (collection of data on various days and at various times throughout the day), facilitator triangulation (three facilitators, under the direction of the two co-investigators, gathered data while a 4-person team participated in coding via independent and comparative/collaborative analysis), and method triangulation (recorded responses and corresponding field notes were assembled). The strategy of member check was implemented by sharing the saturated themes back to a subgroup of men from each neighborhood for confirmation. Dependability was assured by means of an audit trail (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). The team clearly delineated the study design, outlined processes for constructing the research questions, developed consistent procedures for data collection, and used the framework method (Gale et al., 2013) for the analysis of the resulting qualitative data.
Results
These findings are a component of a more comprehensive investigation on men’s mental health. This segment focuses on the contributing factors to men’s depression and anxiety and barriers to mental health intervention. The results are supported with quotations which are denoted by a “P” indicating participants’ contributions to a theme or subtheme. Table 1 gives a full listing of the themes and subthemes found in analysis.
Overview of Themes and Subthemes.
Themes occur in all six focus groups. b Subthemes occurred in at least four of the six focus groups. c Social determinants of health as outlined by Healthy People 2030 (2023). d Racism themes were counted even in instances where less than four groups reported given that two of the six focus groups were conducted with White men who likely do not experience this phenomenon.
Contributing Factors to Men’s Depression and Anxiety—Modifiable
The men identified three themes and three subthemes around modifiable factors that contributed to their experience of depression and anxiety. The first theme identified as a modifiable contributing factor to men’s depression and anxiety was
Negativity is always a trigger . . . constant forms of negativity over and over . . .
. . . thinking too much in failure . . .
People that don’t let the past go . . . dwelling on the past, past hurts . . .
Fear of the unknown. Fear of taking action. Scared of failure.
. . . people who over worry or overthink . . . Because the more they keep thinking about it, the more they keep stressing they self out, instead of just letting it fly by . . .
Clearly, the men were articulate about specific types of thought processes that contributed to their depression and anxiety.
The second modifiable theme identified as a contributing factor to men’s depression and anxiety was a social determinant of health—
Three out of the four times that I was in bad bouts of depression had to do with money.
I either lost my job or I was working for companies that were doing very badly financially. I got so worried that I was going to lose my job and lose everything that we have here at home.
Not having a job is really hard on a man . . . It brought on that depression of man, I can’t pay my bills, I can’t take care of my family . . . everybody’s hungry but ain’t no money to feed ’em.
The only way to gain freedom in this country is financial education . . . without financial education, you can’t change your surroundings . . . our people don’t have financial education . . . our parents didn’t go through learning about 401s and mutual funds . . . Black men need to make sure we have life insurance . . . because we don’t have financial education, it adds to everything we’re talking about.
Finances played a central, contributing role in the development of depression and anxiety and the lack of financial education appeared to further exacerbate the situation.
The third modifiable theme identified as contributing to depression and anxiety was also a social determinant of health—
. . . we had social problems at school . . . or someone dies and there’s no one there to give us a hand and take us out of that small depression . . . so we deal with it the best way we can. Based off of . . . how you were raised, when you face bigger problems, it could bring you to depression.
I feel like another reason with a lot of young men . . . is because of growing up without fathers.
. . . for example, a household is dealing with drug addict parents, alcoholic parents, right? So, they get accustomed to seeing things, whether it’s domestic violence, whether it’s just not knowing how to love or not been shown love in that household . . .
Trauma . . . I was a victim of a thing that happened to me . . . it’s always going to be there . . .
. . . the relationship between partners . . . or with your kids . . . conflict with other people . . . family issues . . . and I went through a divorce a couple months before that . . .
Conflicts at work . . . having a bad boss can really create some anxiety and frustration.
Multiple interpersonal factors, including upbringing and relationship conflicts, were identified by the participants as playing a role in their anxiety and depression.
Four of the six groups identified a subtheme around the modifiable causes of depression that falls under the social determinant of health—
. . . if you look at our communities, we have less of everything. And it needs to be more of everything. More basketball courts, more pools, more things for the kids to do.
. . . Environmental depression . . . when you walk out of your house and . . . you look over to your neighbor to the left and then across the street and you see the same disparities.
. . . I was so used to going through the stuff that I thought it was natural. Like, when we hear gunshots . . . we don’t even duck no more . . . That’s not normal, but to us that’s normal . . .
I think a lot of killings and . . . a lot of suicide . . . things like that go to depression and anxiety . . .
Sometimes it be fear. Because everywhere I walk, you feel like I gotta walk around wondering if I’m gonna be either robbed, killed, or arrested . . .
Neighborhood disparities and violent crime contributed to mental health issues for these men.
Four of the six groups identified an additional subtheme around the modifiable causes of men’s depression that falls under the social determinant of health—
The expectations of performing . . . whether it’s the male expectations or employment expectations or earnings . . . this can be the beginnings of depression and anxiety.
As men, we are already, because of society, set at a disadvantage because the quality of men is raised to an unrealistic standard of expectation . . . .
As Black men, we’re always supposed to be the strong ones. We can’t be weak. You can’t show emotional, we can’t feel no type of way. So that makes it even worse ’cause we are forced to put on that façade . . . So that digs us further into that hole.
Start letting them be a person. Stop putting the pressure of being a man on us all the time. . . . we have so much pressure to be a man and we don’t even know what it’s like to be a person.
I guess I’ve had anxiety or depression. It’s when I feel like I’m not doing what I’m supposed to do as a man . . . my grandpa, I seen how he raised us and I feel like that’s a high bar to achieve. A lot of times when I don’t do that, I felt depressed about it.
The men felt pressure to adhere to specific gender-based standards which contributed to their depression and anxiety.
The final modifiable contributing factor to men’s depression and anxiety was captured in a subtheme under the social determinant of health—
It’s been keeping us back for a long time because that’s part of the design of the system. If you don’t talk about what’s normal, then it don’t seem like nothing’s wrong.
It’s all a game to keep us mentally locked up in the mind. They want us to buckle under pressure . . . society keeps on pushing us in a corner . . .
And you feel like no matter how hard you’re trying to climb up . . . and it feel like something or somebody’s in the way to knock you down and feel happy about it.
. . . we in a community, in an environment that is not built for us.
But the minute that you leave out that front door, that side door, or that back door, it’s gonna be up to you how you walk around here with that target on your chest, as well as on your back.
. . . the interaction between the residents and the law enforcement historically that’s been a very contentious relationship . . . that’s a lightning rod when you’re talking about anxiety to see folks who are supposed to protect and serve the community and to actually have the opposite happen to you . . . so every time you see them riding around, you have a level of anxiety because you don’t know what the outcome is going to be . . .
These respondents identified societal processes, racial targeting, and law enforcement-citizen encounters as major contributing factors to their depression and anxiety.
Contributing Factors to Men’s Depression and Anxiety—Non-Modifiable
The men identified one theme and one subtheme that were non-modifiable contributors to their depression and anxiety. The theme, expressed by all six of the groups, was that of
I think my depression started after my father died when I was 12 years old. And I’m 40 now.
I have been through a lot, man. Yeah, I had my pops died, I done had cousins died . . . But when my baby’s mama passed away, it hit me hard. So, I got a real depression mode on that point.
I had a cousin commit suicide a few months ago, which was terrible.
Loss tends to trigger anxiety.
These men experienced a staggering amount of loss that they attributed to their experience of anxiety and depression.
The subtheme in the area of non-modifiable contributing factors to men’s depression and anxiety was that of the COVID
I think that we are all susceptible mainly now because of the pandemic. There has been an increase in these situations.
Also, what happened with the pandemic. We were kept inside. This caused anxiety and desperation . . . people don’t really know their neighbors.
. . . we’ve seen an awful lot of anxiety in the past 15 or 18 months with everything that’s happened with COVID.
The pandemic appears to have exacerbated the mental health vulnerability of these men further.
Barriers to Mental Health Intervention
The men identified one theme and three subthemes related to barriers that they recognized around accessing mental health intervention. These barriers provide significant opportunities for intervention. The theme, identified by all six groups, involved
We are not allowed . . . ’cause we’re taught from a child . . . to be a man is to be tough, strong.
If men show emotions, we’re weak. We don’t got no balls. What man wanna come off as being weak? . . . But honestly that toughness ain’t been working for us.
It’s a topic that we don’t talk about in our families at home. It’s a topic that’s taboo. To speak about depression is something bad.
Many men are concerned with machismo. A man does not give up and does not want to let others know that there is a problem. I feel this mentally . . . emotionally.
It’s about puncturing the cultural wall of silence for men to be able to talk about feelings.
. . . in our culture a lot of guys aren’t that open about their emotional state. My friends and I, we don’t tend to have like deep conversations about our own well-being. If someone’s having a hard time, we’d make it a joke. It’s a little uncomfortable now so we move on.
The men cited stigma, linked to culturally inculcated implicit and explicit gender norms, that prevented them from acknowledging and addressing depression and anxiety.
The final three subthemes around barriers to mental health intervention were each identified by four of the six groups. Two of the subthemes relate to resource issues—the first being a
There seems to be a lack of understanding about currently available resources.
I mean I don’t know the resources that exist.
The resources that are a part of the city or the community, I think they are hard to find.
There’s a myriad of resources out there, it’s just that people don’t know how to find them. Or where to look for them. Or sadly they, because of their current situation in the throes of depression or wrapped up in their anxieties, find themselves unable to do the due diligence to research for these resources.
Participants felt that mental health resources were not known and thus difficult for community members to utilize when needed.
The second resource subtheme is that of
I would like to point out that there’s a big deficiency in resources . . . in the community.
I don’t know many or any places that a man can go to and receive therapeutic help.
Employers . . . give out those numbers that you can call. During the pandemic everybody lost those services when they lost their jobs. So those things haven’t been accessible for over a year.
I tried the whole AA thing and I feel like it’s too religious based. I feel like a lot of these places that try to help you like try to feed you Jesus. That’s not something that’s for me.
It’s a lot of things that the community could do for Black men, but they chose not to . . . So I truly believe there aren’t real resources available for an overwhelming amount of Black men . . .
The participants were vocal about the fact that there were insufficient mental health resources and that some existing resources were ill-suited for segments of the population.
The final subtheme related to barriers to intervention is that of a
I wouldn’t be able to tell you what anxiety is. It’s possible that I’ve had it, but I don’t know what it is and I don’t have this information.
I suspect that the lack of definition is . . . one of the problems we’re talking about . . .
So, what I hear is that XXX had to look up the word in the dictionary . . .
I would like to know more about what the symptoms are.
The only way you can fight something like that . . . it’s education.
The men spoke of a striking lack of familiarity with descriptions, definitions, and symptoms of depression and anxiety that created yet another barrier to intervention.
Discussion
This study is significant in that it reinforces existing science around depression and anxiety in urban, racially/ethnically diverse, and impoverished men. For example, economic issues (Apesoa-Varano et al., 2015; Buckman et al., 2022; Currier et al., 2021; Robinson et al., 2021), family conflicts (Apesoa-Varano et al., 2015), and neighborhood issues (Cole et al., 2021) were identified previously and again in this study as causing depression and anxiety. They constitute relevant social determinants of health that must be addressed to make progress toward mental health equity. Grief/loss (Apesoa-Varano et al., 2015) and COVID-19 (Czeisler et al., 2020) were also reinforced in this study and highlight the role of these non-modifiable contributors that likely are disproportionately experienced by these vulnerable populations. Similarly, mental health stigma linked to culturally inculcated male gender roles (Eylem et al., 2020; Lynch et al., 2018; Tchouankam et al., 2021; Wong et al., 2021) were identified both prior to and in this study as creating barriers to mental health intervention. This evolving evidence base emphasizes the need to address mental health stigma broadly as the inputs are deeply rooted and multi-faceted. Thus, the current findings are significant in that they reinforce the results of prior studies and solidify the science.
The findings also expand the science by identifying new insights on depression and anxiety in racially/ethnically diverse men. While economic issues have been previously identified as contributing to men’s depression and anxiety, participants were articulate about the role that a lack of financial education plays in producing generational poverty and subsequent depression. A recent study of Chinese households provided empirical evidence that financial literacy can reduce relative/long-term poverty in a developing country context (Wang et al., 2022). It will be critical to explore the contention that financial literacy can reduce poverty and perhaps, in so doing, depression and anxiety as well in racially/ethnically diverse American families. The results of this study also clearly elucidated the cyclical nature of culturally inculcated gender roles in both contributing to men’s anxiety and depression and preventing help-seeking. In a Lancet comment piece, the contribution of gender norms to adverse men’s mental health outcomes was acknowledged, concern expressed about the lack of consideration of gender in policies pertaining to the mental health of boys and men, and preliminary Australian male norm-altering program trials were highlighted (Rice et al., 2021). This study provides data to suggest that such interventions and subsequent research are urgently needed. Furthermore, while systemic racism has been identified as a social determinant of health, the results of this study articulately link it to men’s depression and anxiety. A recent article asserts that while racism is significantly linked to poor health, including mental health, the impact of racism in psychiatric research and clinical practice has not been sufficiently explored (Schouler-Ocak et al., 2021). These results provide an impetus to do so. The study participants were also insightful about the role of health behaviors in the development of symptoms of depression and anxiety. These results suggest the potential to empower men around mental health self-care by altering these thoughts. Finally, the barriers posed by a lack of knowledge of mental illness and lack of awareness of community resources provide new detail that can engender optimism as they hold the potential to be addressed via community awareness campaigns and education—so long as these are constructed in a culturally congruent manner. Thus, these results add new and unique elements to the science that can lay the foundation for addressing this health inequity.
There are two apparent limitations to this study. First, the research relied on a convenience sample which is decidedly less robust than other sampling strategies and can create sampling bias. Second, the research was conducted in a Midwest urban area in the United States. Given this, caution must be exercised when attempting to apply these findings to analogous groups of men elsewhere in the country. If this study expanded to multiple cities in different geographical areas across the United States, this would improve generalizability and reduce risk of sampling bias inherent in convenience sampling.
The implications of these findings for psychiatric nursing practice are many. For example, cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) techniques, such as STOPP and thought substitution, could be employed to combat the negativity and ruminative cognitive health behaviors that men identified as contributing factors. The steps of the grieving process could be taught to provide permission as well as a framework for processing the significant loss that the men have experienced. Conflict management strategies, accompanied by role playing, may be useful to address the interpersonal factors that play a role in men’s mental health issues. The lack of knowledge around mental illness could be addressed by educational programming. Specifically, a holistic perspective on the emotional, social, spiritual, and physical aspects of depression and anxiety could support men in their efforts to understand and address symptoms. In addition, clinicians can actively work to enhance community awareness of existing mental health resources. Culturally sensitive delivery methods will need to be considered in that these interventions could be done in-person, online, individually, or in a group setting with racially/ethnically/linguistically homogeneous or heterogeneous participants.
The policy implications of this study are obviously aligned with the “health in all policies” initiatives (American Public Health Association [APHA], 2022; World Health Organization [WHO], 2023). These initiatives, advocated by the APHA and the WHO, recognize that health considerations must extend far beyond the health care delivery system and include housing, transportation, education, economic development, and the environment. The men in this study were articulate about the fact that health equity must be pursued in a multifaceted manner that includes local economic opportunities, neighborhood resources and safety, trusting relationships between citizens and law enforcement, and social structures that discourage systemic racism. If health must be considered in all policies, nurses must expand their roles to include involvement in neighborhood associations, city and county commissions, economic development boards, and planning commissions. That said, it should be noted that these social determinants of health, while theoretically modifiable, present enormous challenges and hold the very real potential for advocacy burnout. For this reason, it will be important to consider practice, policy, and research implications of this study as a whole.
Finally, the research implications of these results are critically important. Methods of addressing gender expectations that contribute to anxiety and depression and stigma that prevents treatment must be explored. Mental health anti-stigma initiatives, tailored to men and specific racial/ethnic groups, need to be investigated for effectiveness. And, while racism has been clearly linked to health outcomes, further interdisciplinary research is warranted relative to potential strategies to address this social determinant of health. For example, the interplay between systemic racism and the neighborhood/built environment constitutes an essential area of inquiry. The systems, laws, regulations, and policies that provide funds for safer, greener, and healthier neighborhoods are likely “stacked against” neighborhoods like these and research may be able to elucidate this further. In addition, the Pew Research Center documented that Black Americans have a clear view of the need for reforms of the prison system, policing, the courts and judicial process, political system, economic system, and the health care system to reduce structural racism (Greenwood, 2022).
Conclusion
The results of this research expand the science relative to the mental health challenges that urban, impoverished men experience. The research captured the perceptions of Black, Hispanic, and White men who need their collective voice amplified so that existing mental health inequities can be addressed. Understanding men’s perceptions relative to contributing factors and barriers to mental health intervention can assist in the development of tailored care, policy, and research agendas.
Footnotes
Author Roles
Both authors contributed to the conception or design of the study or to the acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of the data. Both authors drafted the manuscript, or critically revised the manuscript, and gave final approval of the version that was submitted for publication. Both authors agree to be accountable for all aspects of the work, ensuring integrity and accuracy.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by Corewell Health Healthier Communities, Grand Rapids, Michigan. The funding source had no involvement in the study design, in the collection, analysis, and interpretation of data, in the writing of the manuscript, or in the decision to submit the article for publication.
By the end of this article, the reader will be able to:
1 contact hour. To receive contact hours, you must read the entire article, complete an evaluation, and earn a passing score on the post-test. You will have 5 tries to correctly answer the questions on the post-test and a score of 80% is required to pass. You will be able to print or email a certificate once all steps are completed.
The American Psychiatric Nurses Association is accredited as a provider of nursing continuing professional development by the American Nurses Credentialing Center’s Commission on Accreditation.
