“No One Can Feel My Pain”: The Experience of Black Women Survivors of Homicide Victims and System Agents’ Perspectives on the Impact of Homicide in the Boston Area

Abstract

Black communities are disproportionately affected by homicide and the family and friends of homicide victims, known as survivors of homicide victims, are left behind to cope with their loss. These survivors of homicide victims must deal with the trauma of the death and obtaining justice for their loved one. Also, homicide deaths impact the whole community. There is limited research on the experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims. This exploratory phenomenological qualitative study examines the experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims in the Boston area, the impact that homicide deaths have on survivors, and the perspectives of systems agents directly involved with the aftermath of the homicide. The study was guided by the conceptual framework Model of Coping for African American Survivors of Homicide Victims (MCAASHV) and took into consideration the contexts and systems survivors interact with (ecological theory) and the ideologies shaping them (Critical Race Theory). Qualitative interviews were conducted with three Black family members of homicide victims and three system agents directly involved with homicide deaths that occur in Boston, Massachusetts. A narrative approach was used to identify themes in the data. Findings indicated that the Black survivors’ experience in Boston is characterized by dealing with simultaneous trauma and grief caused by the murder and navigating weak relationships with law enforcement and criminal justice systems. The findings also revealed that survivors and systems agents have differing opinions on why homicides are unsolved in Black communities. These findings have implications for research and the development of support services and interventions that are appropriate for Black survivors.

Keywords

homicide Black homicide survivors grief coping trauma

In the United States, despite increased awareness, protests and movements against systemic racism and its effects on Black lives (e.g., George Floyd protests, Black Lives Matter), Black communities continue to be disproportionately affected by homicide (Violence Policy Center, 2022). Homicide survivors or the family and friends of homicide victims may experience simultaneous grief and trauma, which increases the risk of developing psychopathology (Kenney, 2003; Sharpe, 2015). Even though Black communities are disproportionally affected by homicide, there is very limited research on the complexity of the Black homicide survivor experience (Sharpe & Boyas, 2011). There is even less research on how the contexts and systems that Black survivors interact with influence survivors’ experiences related to this traumatic loss.

This exploratory phenomenological qualitative study investigated (1) the lived experience of Black survivors of homicide victims in Boston, MA; and (2) the impact of homicide on the Black survivors and the community. The study was guided by the conceptual framework Model of Coping for African American Survivors of Homicide Victims (MCAASHV) (Sharpe, 2015) (see Figure 1) and took into consideration the contexts and systems survivors interact with (ecological theory; Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and the ideologies shaping them (Critical Race Theory; Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Black survivors and informants from the police, media, and homicide support services. The findings have implications for community service organizations serving Black survivors of homicide victims in urban contexts as well as research and policy.

Homicide in Black Communities

According to 2019 FBI data, the Black homicide victimization rate (18.08 per 100,000) was four times the national homicide rate (4.79 per 100,000) and almost seven times the White homicide victimization rate (2.69 per 100,000) (Violence Policy Center, 2022). Black homicides tend to occur in urban contexts such as Boston, Massachusetts. In Boston, a majority of homicides occur in predominantly Black or majority-minority neighborhoods—Roxbury, Dorchester, and Mattapan (BPD, 2018). 50%, 46%, and 72% of residents in Roxbury, Dorchester and Mattapan respectively identify as Black. Dorchester and Mattapan alone accounted for 55% of all homicides (BPD, 2018). Black homicides are more likely to be unsolved. In the past 11 years, fewer than one in three Boston homicides resulted in arrests and the widest gap in arrests are between Black and White victims (Rich et al., 2018). As a result, Boston has the highest percent of unsolved homicides in the U.S. with over 1,000 homicides between 1970 and 2016 remaining unsolved (Planas, 2015; Rich et al., 2018). Because of the nature of the death and the significant likelihood that the homicides will be unsolved, Black survivors in Boston and other urban communities experience a specific type of grief and coping process that includes grieving a traumatic loss and hoping for justice for their loved one (Sharpe, 2015). These statistics demonstrate that Black communities are disproportionally affected by homicide, however, there is very limited research on the complexity of the Black survivor experience (Sharpe & Boyas, 2011). There is even less research on how the contexts and systems that Black survivors interact, such as the police and media influence survivors’ experiences related to this traumatic loss. Therefore, this study focused on these experiences.

Contextual Influences on Black Survivors’ Experiences

To holistically understand the experiences of Black survivors, their interactions with contexts and systems, which influences motivation, resources, and behavior, should be considered (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). For survivors, the communities they live in may simultaneously be responsible for the loss of their loved one and provide supports needed to cope with their loss. Many of the urban cities in the US that have the highest rates of homicide, also are “disproportionately Black and disproportionately poor” (Currie, 2020, p.19). There is “excess risk of violent death for Black Americans,” which in turn puts that community at high risk for experience loss of life (Currie, 2020, p.21). Factors such as a decline in community support for police work (such as witnesses coming forward to provide information) and desensitization to community violence have an impact on the likelihood that homicide cases will be solved (Braga & Dusseault, 2018). Survivors interact with police and media as they seek justice; interactions with these system agents may provide support for them or additional challenges. The ideologies within contexts and systems indirectly and directly influence the experiences that individuals have (Brofenbrenner, 1979). Critical Race Theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007), an interdisciplinary theory on the relations between race, racism, and power, states that the ideology of racism, specifically systemic racism, is pervasive in survivors’ contexts and systems they interact with.

Systemic racism within law enforcement and the criminal justice system is responsible for Black individuals being disproportionately stopped and/or arrested by the police, shot by the police and incarcerated (Lett et al., 2021; Nellis, 2021; Pierson et al., 2020). When homicides occur in Black neighborhoods, police and media often assume that the death was tied to illegal activity (Sharpe, 2015), stigmatizing Black homicides. Similarly, the media’s narrative about Black homicides tend to portray Black males as criminals and negative characteristics are attributed to the victims (Hertz et al., 2005; Neely, 2015). In addition to stigma, Black homicides are disproportionately likely to remain unsolved. For example, in Boston, homicides with a White victim have been solved at twice the rate of those with a Black victim since 2007, 90% versus 45%, respectively (Rich et al., 2018). Lastly, limited mental health services and homicide support available to survivors is a result of the underfunding of social services within Black communities (Rich et al., 2018; Sharpe, 2015; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2018).

Black survivors of homicide victims must interact with these institutions, shaped by racism, to learn about the death of their loved one and seek justice. After being notified about the murder, either by the police or media, homicide survivors must identify the body at the morgue or in the hospital and will most likely be questioned by the police. Once the body has been released, the family must begin to make funeral arrangements. During this time, they may be assigned a victim advocate as their point of contact regarding the progress of the investigation. Survivors may seek support from grief and mental health service organizations as they cope with their grief and trauma and navigate institutions. How the agents within these institutions and organizations perceive the survivor’s loss and loved one can influence their interactions. Negative experiences with the police, media and service organizations may result in further trauma. For these reasons, in our study, we interviewed a police officer, a reporter, and a homicide support service provider, along with survivors, to learn of their perspectives on Black homicides, how institutions interact with homicide survivors and communities, and the effect of homicides on Black communities. The Black survivor experience is complex and begins from the moment they are informed about the sudden death of their loved one.

Aftermath of Homicide

Our examination of Black homicide survivors’ perceptions and experiences is guided by the Model of Coping for African American Survivors of Homicide Victims (MCAASHV; Sharpe, 2015). MCAASHV is a conceptual framework that describes the sociocultural lens “by which African American survivors of homicide victims appraise the impact of experiencing the homicide of a loved one and assess available and approachable resources to cope with it” (Sharpe, 2015, p. 51). The main components are (1) cultural trauma, (2) homicide, (3) culture of homicide, (4) racial appraisal, and (5) coping strategies of African American survivors of homicide victims.

Homicide Survivor Experiences

The homicide survivor experience includes the dual process of grieving and fighting for justice. As survivors navigate systems that may deny them the justice they seek, they deal with their grief and the grief of others who knew the victim, which takes a heavy toll (Sharpe, 2015). There is little research on how Black survivors deal with the dual process described above (Sharpe & Boyas, 2011), especially considering the cultural trauma they experience. Their perspectives, interactions, and processes are shaped by historical and current experiences of trauma such as racism and oppression (Currie, 2020); in other words, cultural trauma. The MCAASHV component, cultural trauma, consists of two constructs, ancestral survivorship, which is the ability to pass on tools needed to survive adversity, and anticipated hardship, the idea that racial inequality will continue to fuel oppression and tribulations, and be an everyday occurrence for Black populations (Sharpe, 2015). Black survivors’ responses to sudden loss are significantly affected by cultural trauma.

Grief is a normative process that occurs with the loss of a loved one (Piazza-Bonin et al., 2015). However, survivors deal with trauma and grief simultaneously (Piazza-Bonin et al., 2015), complicating the grief process. Researchers use terms such as complicated grief and traumatic grief to describe the complex grief process related to homicide (Neria & Litz, 2004). In this paper, we will use the term traumatic grief, which is the unique experience of losing a loved one due to sudden, violent, or accidental means (Neria & Litz, 2004). In addition, because of the stigma associated with homicide, especially Black homicides in media and society, survivors also experience disenfranchised grief. Disenfranchised grief is grief that is not or cannot be openly acknowledged, socially validated, or publicly supported (Doka, 2002, p. 37). Some survivors struggle with guilt because they felt they should have prevented the murder. There are also feelings of anger when cases remain unsolved.

This traumatic grief is described in the MCAASHV component, culture of homicide, which is the characterization of Black survivors of homicide victims as being a part of a culture where feelings of shame, blame, stigmatization, and lack of justice are the norm (Sharpe, 2015). The combination of experiencing traumatic and disenfranchised grief as well as guilt and anger increases the risk of developing alcohol use disorder, depression, complicated grief, and post-traumatic stress disorder among survivors (Kenney, 2003; Sharpe, 2015). The coping strategies that Black survivors use in response to this complex grief may decrease or increase their likelihood of developing negative bereavement outcomes. Therefore, Black survivors engage in racial appraisal which includes both determining what coping strategies are available to help manage the stress of the traumatic event of homicide, and racially determining the impact of experiencing homicide within systems that cause feelings of stigma, blame, and lack of justice (Sharpe, 2015).

Black populations feel they are already stigmatized due to their racial identity. Additional stigma occurs when media and society assume that the homicide was tied to illegal activity (Sharpe, 2015). Additionally, there are disparities in the number of murders that are solved. In Boston specifically, the neighborhoods where the most homicides occur have predominantly people of color, and have low arrest rates (Rich et al., 2018). MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015) states that because of the high incidence of unsolved murders, Black survivors feel betrayed by police officers and the criminal justice systems that are tasked with protecting and serving them. Oftentimes, the police are the first interaction that Black survivors have with the criminal justice system (Englebrecht et al., 2014). Survivors feel let down and frustrated by the police because of their lack of compassion and revictimization of their family (Englebrecht et al., 2014). They also feel betrayed by police and the criminal justice system because of the high incidence of unsolved murders (Sharpe, 2015). Black survivors are more likely to experience a lack of justice which may be exacerbated by the tension between the police and Black communities (Graham et al., 2020; Sharpe, 2015). Homicide survivors spend significant time interacting with the police after their loved one is murdered. Therefore, it is important to understand their experience working directly with survivors. Gaining the police perspective as a key informant can shed light on why families feel injustice and why homicide is so rampant in Black communities. Little is known about the strategies Black survivors use to cope with these experiences and emotions.

Coping Strategies

Researchers have found that communities of color use collectivistic coping strategies in stressful situations (Jacob et al., 2022; Moore & Constantine, 2005; Sharpe, 2008). The MCAASHV component, coping strategies of African American survivors of homicide victims, identifies four coping strategies that Black survivors may use. They are (1) spiritual coping and meaning making (survivors turn to their connection with God and spiritual resources such as church peers, or personal prayer to cope), (2) maintaining a connection to the deceased (access to physical reminders such as tattoos of the deceased loved one that allow the survivor to remain connected), (3) collective coping and caring for others (e.g., a close family member caring for the survivor by providing support), and 4) concealment (e.g., suppressing feelings around the death (e.g., not outwardly showing emotions). Some identify with spiritual coping and maintaining a connection to the deceased through rituals and keeping physical objects (Sharpe, 2015). During the grieving process, Black communities tend to rely more on friends and family members or collective coping and caring for others than White communities (Austin & Sutton, 2014). More research is needed to understand which coping strategies Black survivors may use in response to traumatic and disenfranchised grief, whether they have unique coping strategies, and the effectiveness of these strategies (Sharpe et al., 2014).

Present Study

Our study used an exploratory qualitative approach to investigate the experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims and the systems that they interact with such as the police and media. This approach centers the voice of the participants and allows the researcher to understand and interpret individual or group experiences (Austin & Sutton, 2014). Our study was also guided by MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015) and is one of the first to seek empirical support for this conceptual framework. This study had two aims.

The first aim of this study was to understand the experiences of Black survivors in Boston, MA. Using semi-structured interviews, we explored the aftermath of the homicide, traumatic grief, and the coping strategies they used. Survivors were asked about their reactions, how they cope, what support they utilized, and relationships with police and media. They were also asked their perspective on the reasons behind high homicide rates in Black communities.

The second aim was to understand how the communities that survivors reside in and interactions with institutions such as law enforcement, the media, and homicide support services influence their experiences. Survivors were asked how and why homicide affects their communities, their interactions with law enforcement and the media, and the accessibility and quality of homicide support services. We also conducted semi structured interviews with system agents or key informants—police officer, reporter, and homicide support provider, guided by Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (1979), and what the literature says about relationships between these key informants and Black survivors. They were asked similar questions as the survivors as well as the reasons behind the disproportionately high number of unsolved cases.

Methods

A phenomenological qualitative approach was used to investigate the experiences of Black survivors and the informants they interact with in this study. A phenomenological study captures the lived experiences of several individuals related to a specific concept or phenomenon and the meaning they make of experiencing this phenomenon (Creswell, 2007; Wertz et al., 2011). Elements of the narrative qualitative method were also incorporated into the study. This approach can be used to examine social phenomena and create a shared narrative of the overall experience of Black survivors in Boston (Fraser, 2004).

Reflexivity Statement

Both authors, who identify as Black women, have lost a family member or friend to homicide. The first co-author has lost friends and family due to homicide while growing up in a community characterized by poverty, high rates of violence and limited supports. As an adult, in 2018, she lost her aunt due to homicide. Being a Black survivor herself, and witnessing her family go through the same processes that she explores through this study helps her to approach this research with a sense of understanding and humility about the complexity and intensity of survivors’ experiences. The second co-author grew up in a community affected by violence and limited supports. However, she did not lose any loved ones to homicide until she was an adult. In 2006, she lost her childhood friend due to homicide in the neighborhood where she grew up. Like many Black homicides, the case remains unsolved. The investigation of unsolved cases and the responses to the lack of justice among Black survivors particularly resonate with her and gives her insight into the multiple aspects of grief and coping. Both co-authors reflected upon and were cognizant of how their experiences could affect their investigation in this study.

Participants

This study was comprised of a purposive sample of two surviving family members, two key informants representing law enforcement and the media, and one participant who was both a survivor and a key informant representing homicide support services. The inclusion criteria for the homicide survivors were: (a) being over the age of 18; (b) self-identified as African American or Black descent; (c) lost a family member to homicide; and (d) live in the city of Boston.

The survivors were three self-identified Black women residing in one of the three Boston majority-minority communities, ages 64, 70, and 55. The loved ones they lost were male and were ages 38, 25, and 39 at the time of their death, respectively. The homicides occurred in 2017, 2005, and 1996. The relationships to the deceased included mother (2) and spouse (1).

The inclusion criteria for the key informants were: (a) being over the age of 18; and (b) employed or involved with an organization that is directly involved in the aftermath of a homicide. The key informants were a White male reporter from a Boston newspaper, a Black male commander in the Boston Police Department, and a Black female homicide support services organization director, who was also a survivor. Participants were recruited through the network of the founder of a Boston homicide support service serving women of color. Pseudonyms were created for each participant to maintain confidentiality.

Procedures

Informed consent procedures were explained to participants, and each was given a copy of their signed consent form. Six individual one-on-one interviews were conducted and recorded at locations convenient for each participant. Two different semi-structured interview guides were used, one for homicide survivors and one for key informants.

The homicide survivor interview guide drew upon trauma and grief literature on Black survivor of homicide victims, elements of the MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015), and Bronfrenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (1979). The theories’ components used was determined by the research questions of this study which focus on both understanding the experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims and the impact of homicide in Boston. The elements from MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015) that were used in development of questions was: Lack of Justice, Stigma, Shame and Blame and the four coping strategies considered to be major coping strategies for Black survivors. The homicide survivor interview guide consisted of 25 open ended questions. The homicide survivors were asked questions about experiencing the homicide of a loved one (“In as much detail as you can remember, please describe how the death occurred,” “When did the death occur?,” and “How old was the victim when the death occurred?”), including their reactions to the murder (“Please describe how you felt physically when you first heard the news” and “Please describe how you felt mentally when you first heard the news”). They were also asked about coping strategies they used (“When you first heard the news, what type of support did you need?,” “When ____ was killed, who did you go to for support?,” “When you first heard the news, how did you cope (deal) with your grief?,” Has the ways in which you cope (deal) with _____ death changed since the homicide occurred?”, “Who or what has been the most helpful?,” and “Are the ways in which you cope with _____ death different or the same as how you deal with other stressors?”).

The semi-structured interview guide for the system agents or key informants was based on the research on survivor interactions with institutions such as police, media, and homicide support services. Like the homicide survivor guide, it based on MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015) components, specifically Lack of Justice, and Stigma, Shame and Blame, which describes the relationships and interactions that Black survivors have with entities such as the police and media. Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory (1979) was used to develop questions related to exploring the environment that survivors live in after the murder of their loved one. The guide had 25 open-ended questions. It included questions about working with families who have lost a loved one to homicide (“What is your interaction or involvement with homicides in Boston?”) and knowledge of homicide support services (“Does your organization provide support services to surviving homicide families and friends in the Boston area and if so, what are they?,” “Do you feel that your support services are accessible and appropriate for Black families in the Boston area? Why or why not?,” and “Are there adequate support services for surviving homicide family members and friends in the Boston area? Why or why not?”). They were also asked about the prevalence of community violence (“What do you think are main factors that contribute to violence being manifested in Black communities?,” and “What are the barriers to solving homicide cases that occur in the Boston area?”). Both survivors and informants were asked about the impact that homicide has and perception of murders in these communities (“What are the messages that you have seen get communicated to the public when a homicide of a Black person has happened?,” and “What does _________ [name of the deceased] death mean for you? For your family? For your community?”). Participants did not receive monetary incentive upon completion of the interview. Digital recordings were transcribed by an external transcription service. This study was approved by the Boston University Institutional Review Board.

Data Analysis

Interviews were analyzed using inductive techniques (Creswell, 2007). Concepts were compared and analyzed in participants’ narratives to identify central themes that define the lived experience of Black survivors. Themes were determined through a combination of the narrative research process (Fraser, 2004), and the thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) to gather information about Black family members surviving the homicide of their loved one.

We read each interview to identify initial patterns twice (Fraser, 2004). Narrative summaries were then generated for both survivors and informants applying themes from MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015), the Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfrenbrenner, 1979) as well as unique themes that emerged from the data (Fraser, 2004). An initial code book was developed using themes from MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015), the Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfrenbrenner, 1979), as well as other relevant themes based on coping and trauma literature for Black populations (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Using NVivo, we coded each interview. After coding was completed, preliminary themes were identified. Once the preliminary themes were identified, we looked through those themes and narrowed down to a smaller set of themes that fit the data most accurately by referring to the narrative summaries. This was done by grouping together all the coding excerpts that were associated with a particular theme. We determined which themes from the initial group best captured survivor experience, impact of homicide, and the interactions with law enforcement, media and support services and developed final themes by removing those that did not fit the data well and grouping together similar themes (Fraser, 2004). Due to the scope of the study (an exploratory, qualitative study), data saturation was reached because both the survivors and informants provided enough information in their interviews to answer the research question (Bowen, 2008). To check reliability and validity, each author coded the data independently. We then compared coding to determine reliability and verified the themes in meetings (Atkinson, 2001). Any disagreements on coding were discussed in meetings and were rectified by identifying the coding that more accurately matched the definitions provided in the code book. This process was used to ensure that the themes fit the data well. We also completed member checking once we developed the final themes, which included the process of reaching out to the study participants and sharing the finalized themes and asking for their feedback. This also was done to ensure that our interpretation of the data and development of final themes was accurate.

Results

We identified several themes in our examination of the lived experience of Black survivors of homicide victims in Boston and the impact that homicide has on survivors and community. The identified themes were: (a) culture of homicide, which contains the sub themes blame, stigma and lack of justice; (b) coping strategies, which focused on maintaining a connection to the deceased and collective coping and caring for others; (c) reasons behind homicides and unsolved cases, and (d) living in a culture of homicide, which addresses being part of a survivor community and need for homicide survivor supports. Survivors and key informants had similar and differing opinions in several of these themes (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Crosswalk Comparison of Black Survivors’ and Key Informants’ Perspectives.

Theme	Perspectives of survivors’	Agreement	Perspectives of key informants(System agents)
Reason Behind Homicides	Race	Youth roaming the streets and lack of parental discipline	Gangs, guns and drugs
	Jealousy	Lack of youth employment options
Reason Behind Unsolved Cases	Elected officials will not address unsolved cases		Community members with information will not speak up
Support Needed for Survivors	Barriers to access mental health support for Black survivors	There is unaddressed trauma in Black communities
	Majority of support services are for mothers’ only
Coping Strategies	Staying connected to loved one is very important
	Support from family and friends is pivotal in the grieving process
Lack of Justice	Frustration with the police due to lack of updated on case		Cases do not get solved due to lack of information
	Bad interactions with the police are common

Culture of Homicide

Like the MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015) framework, homicide survivors discussed blame, stigma, and lack of justice. However, none expressed shame.

Blame

Some survivors blamed themselves for the murder of their loved one. This was mostly in reference to the survivor not being able to prevent the murder. Keisha (HS3), a surviving mother, felt that she could have saved her son:

Just that how could somebody kill my child, and why did my child get killed. . . My mind is always on him ‘cause I feel like I failed him. I should have been there to do something to help him like take his pain away or whatever. That’s my mind set I guess. Until it’s all said and done.

Similarly, Bertha (HS2) wondered what would have happened if she asked her older son to wait for her younger son, who was killed. She also felt responsible for her son’s murder because she was not able to prevent it. In addition, she felt feelings of blame because her son was killed in their home, and had they lived in a different area, his fate may have been different. She said,

So, my son, the older son was waiting for him to come home. Because they was planning to do something. And I told him, 12:00, I said, “[name of older son], I’ve got to go to work.” And I didn’t want to leave him in the house. Maybe I should have, but I might have lost two sons if I had”.

In contrast to Bertha and Keisha, Helen was blamed by others for her husband’s death. She described how they even suspected that she was behind his murder to get money from a life insurance policy. Initially, community members were sympathetic but as time went on, that changed. Helen (HS1) said:

There was another story about I had like a million-dollar life insurance policy on him, and I had someone kill him so I could get the money. Then there was another story that I killed him, and the police knew I killed him. Just lies, lies, lies. . . It still happens today. Someone just two years ago mentioned to me, “Oh, I know it’s not true, Helen, but yeah there was a rumor going around that you killed your husband for insurance money.”

Stigma

When asked about how the murder of her husband was perceived by the public, Helen acknowledged that he could have been perceived negatively but was not. However, she was frustrated that the media stated that her husband was in the wrong place at the wrong time. She stated:

“One thing I can say is victim was never viewed as someone who was doing something wrong, or a drug dealer, a gang member. No, it was a story about a dad and a husband coming home from work. They say he was in the wrong place at the wrong time. No, he wasn’t. He was supposed to be there. He lived there. He owned a home there. He had a wife and kids in the house waiting for him, and his dinner was in the oven. So, no, he wasn’t. The perpetrators were at the wrong place, not victim.”

Lack of justice

All the survivors discussed how the murders are unsolved and they are waiting for the perpetrators to be caught. When asked how she felt about the unsolved nature of her son’s case, Keisha said:

Angry. And then all these homicides that have been happening now, they got so many. It’s like everyday somebody else getting murdered. Every day somebody else getting murdered. So, I don’t even know if they’re gonna ever solve his murder. And that’s how I feel. Are they gonna ever solve it?

Bertha felt that the police have not done enough to find the perpetrator. There were periods of time where there was lack of communication from the detective assigned to her son’s murder. This included long stretches of times (months) with no updates on the case, which was disheartening. She said:

More could be said about what they found out about his death. The homicide, but I don’t, you know, as far as I’ve been told, they haven’t uncovered nothing. Nothing has come across their desk leading up to any information on his homicide. . . The detectives. You know, I wish they had kept in more contact with me. . . It’s been 13 years now.

Survivors discussed how their cases have been handled by the police and criminal justice system as well as their interactions with them. Helen reflected on a bad experience she had during a meeting with the detective assigned to her case at one point, describing it as “strange” and “upsetting.” The detective came in with a file box containing her husband’s case information and she felt like he was “teasing her with the box.” He made remarks such as “Oh, I really checked on yours, but he was clean. We couldn’t find anything on him.” He also criticized her for wanting to be involved in her husband’s case. He told her “just don’t worry about it” and “we don’t need you to do anything.” She remarks that “Boston is the city if you want to murder somebody and get away with it, because we cannot solve our homicides.” Similarly, Keisha had issues getting updates on her son’s case. She became frustrated with the lack of information provided by the police. She says:

In the beginning everybody’s [homicide detectives] condescending. They wanna know what you know, not to know what they know. They’re only gonna tell you so much, and if you ask questions they’ll say, “I can’t answer that question. Do you have anything you wanna ask me?” Well if you’re not gonna answer my questions that I’m asking, so why would I answer the question. But then as time went on if I called him he would say, “There’s no update.” Or “They’re working on this. . ...

Helen also felt that survivors, in general, do not have a voice and are failed by the police. She says that the “subject of homicide” in the black community is not something that the women want to “speak up about.” She attributes this to the significant number of mothers who have lost sons due to gangs and the high number of unsolved cases.

Coping Strategies

Maintaining a connection to the deceased

Tangible reminders of their loved ones such as videos, personal belongings, or remains, and recalling good memories helps survivors cope with their loss and stay connected to the victim. They also stay connected by honoring their loved one through a memorial, activism, or having a tombstone on the grave site. Bertha, a surviving mother stated,

I have his ashes in an urn. I have a little thing that’s setup. And every year on his birthday, I light the candles. And one night, well I gave a memorial in February. For him. It was very well attended. . .. it was his birthday, so my sister came up, and we celebrated his life at the bar.

Helen, a surviving wife shared why she provides support and advocacy for other survivors. She believes that she had a calling to help other women and to prevent others from having the challenges she experiences related to obtaining justice for her husband’s murder. She said:

I feel like it’s a calling. I feel like it’s the purpose for my pain. I needed to do this to ease my pain and to bring attention to unsolved murders, which have piled up in black communities since 1970. It’s over a thousand of them, and [the loved one] is included in that list.

Keisha discussed the importance of getting her son’s headstone. His gravesite was not “complete” to her until this step was done. Once his gravesite was completed, she felt some relief in her grieving process. She stated:

Now he has an actual stone and we can go and anybody can make a stay out the grave. . . It does help me and it helps me now more so because I feel like he’s okay because he’s never been a person that if he’s gonna buy shoes, he’s gonna buy shoes, he’s gonna buy pants, he’s gonna buy everything new from underwear to socks. Everything is gonna be new. So everything has to be in order, and I felt like he wasn’t in order.

Collective coping and caring for others

Two survivors discussed how they received support from their family and social networks. Bertha received support from those within her social network. She said, “I didn’t reach for no outside support, because I had it from my family. And my friends. And my job, you know, I just kept myself busy with my life.” Helen also received support from her family, community, and a system agent. She stated,

Looking back, I needed the support of my church, my family, and the police department. Out of those at that time, I had that support of all three because Detective [name] was awesome. I was at a great church, and my immediate family was there for me.

Reasons Behind Homicides and Unsolved Cases

Homicide

Survivors and key informants agreed and disagreed about causes of homicide. Bo, a homicide detective, stated that youth roaming the streets and lack of parental discipline explain significant violence in neighborhoods of color. He said:

The parents aren’t being parents. They don’t wanna make difficult discipline decisions. They wanna be friends with their kids. There’s no boundaries. There’s no monitoring of these kids and they are free to roam the streets all hours of the night. There’s no curfew on them.

Keisha, a survivor, agreed that parenting was at the heart of the problem, specifically society’s response to physical discipline, as well as lack of youth employment options. The “kids of today” do not have enough structured activities in her opinion, which can cause them to become involved in bad situations. She also feels that there is a lack of respect of children toward their parents or caregivers. She said:

‘Cause I think that some of these kids don’t have nothing to do. They don’t have jobs. . . The parents don’t have control of their kids so now the streets is where these kids [are]. . . Once your kid can speak and they can dial a phone, then society has where if your mother hits you, you can call. And if your mother won’t give you what you want you call. Now they’re out of your home and they’re in society now. So society now teaches them that whatever happens it’s okay ‘cause you can call, but they’re not nurturing, they’re not giving them things that they really truly need. So they’re in the streets. Society and the streets are raising them. So now they’re all over the place doing whatever. It wasn’t like that when I was growing up. I think that I’m a better person because my mother did beat me. Or whoop me. Whatever you wanna call it. It’s not like she kicked me or whatever. It didn’t kill me. It made me strong. It made me strong and a better person. That’s not how it is today.

Similarly, one of the reasons Helen listed was “lack of fathers.” She also proposed other reasons such as “Race. Good schools. I think that music is a part of it. . . Plays a really big part of it.”

Steve, the reporter, felt that guns, gangs and drugs were the reasons. He stated:

Access to guns is probably number one. If you didn’t have access to so many guns, you wouldn’t have so many murders. A lot of the guns are illegal guns. . . Drugs and the sale of drugs. A lot of violence around drugs. Gang activity.

Bertha proposed that:

I guess jealousy, people. . . I guess personal conflicts that these people have. Territorial. And that’s the only way I think that these people know how to solve their differences.

Unsolved cases

Survivors and key informants had differing opinions about why cases remain unsolved. Helen believes that elected officials and organizations serving Black communities are the problem.

We have thousands of murders collecting dust. So, and then you have these elected officials, but they won’t address this issue. You have NAACP. Where are they on this issue? Where, again, where is the black church? They’re nowhere to be found.

In contrast, Steve, a reporter, blamed community members who have knowledge of the murder but keep silent. He believes that this makes it more difficult for cases to move forward and eventually get solved. However, he understands why they do not talk to the police, which stems from feeling unsafe in their communities if they speak up. He stated,

People are very wary of if they’ve witnessed it or have key details, that they themselves could be in danger. . . Rightfully so. I don’t care who you are, where you live, if you witness a murder, you’ve seen the most traumatic event you could possibly witness, and it takes a lot of courage and a lot of support to stick up forward and testify. I would say that’s the number one impediment to any case, is detectives need information. They’re not there, they didn’t witness it, if there’s not video of the incident, I mean what are they supposed to do, they need to piece it together

Keisha, a survivor, agreed with him. She said, “In the beginning, I was hopeful. . . somebody’s gonna tell something. But people don’t never tell.” However, Bo, a police officer stated the community members are helpful when investigating murders. He stated,

They [residents], one, initially, they call the police. When we show up on the crime scene, they assist us in witness statements. They assist us with video. They assist us with whatever information they can.

He did not discuss why cases remain unsolved.

Living in a Culture of Homicide

Being a part of the survivor community

Survivors emphasized that the homicide survivor community is diverse and widespread. Helen discussed how her perspective on who becomes a survivor shifted and described what the survivor community is. She expressed:

Before this all happened, I didn’t even know about homicide. That happened to other people. Seriously, that’s what I thought. Oh, I don’t have that. That’s for people who are in gangs and do things. No. We weren’t any of that. We were just a regular family, and someone came in and took someone away, and now we’re in the middle of this thing. . . I think part of my journey was to bring survivors to the forefront as this real population of women, whether who lost their sons to this problem, husbands, so on and so forth. This is a specific group of people. There’s thousands of us in every single state. We come in every color, every faith, every economic bracket, every political party.

Bertha discussed her friends becoming part of the survivor community. Since she was involved in advocacy work, she encouraged other women in her situation to get involved. She also supported them right at the time of their loved ones’ murders. She shared:

A few of them [friends] since then, that I know, have lost their loved ones, their kids. . . Yeah, like two of my, one lady I work with, her son was killed, the lady, two of her sons got shot. One died. They was getting in a car. I talked to her, I went to the funerals. What can you say? You know, just look at them and shake your head. And just say, you know, you can’t feel what they feel. . .. Nobody can feel what I feel.

Helen, in her role as a homicide support organization director, discussed the diversity of survivor community. She says that a survivor is “every woman,” meaning that homicide transcends all backgrounds and roles. In her opinion, anyone can be impacted by homicide, especially in the Black community. She stressed:

When you look at the school the church people’s workplaces ask how many survivors how many people are there that have been impacted by murder? We’re everywhere you know I say this thing We’re every woman. Survivors are every woman. She’s a mother she’s a wife um she’s a student she’s a manager she’s an entrepreneur she’s a school teacher she’s a preacher

Support needed for homicide survivors

After the homicide, Keisha and Helen sought formal mental health support. Both talked about the barriers in accessing those services as Black women who had a loved one killed. Keisha shared:

Well I didn’t go to my doctor until after I buried him, and then I started talking to her, and she sent me to somebody. I never felt like. . . I was just angry. . . So I talked to her, and I did talk to another social worker every week after that. . .

Helen realized that there were few services for survivors, especially ones like her; she stated, “because I was not a mom who lost her son, there weren’t any services.” Therefore, she founded one of the few organizations that provides support and advocacy for homicide survivors.

Services, especially long-term services are still needed. Steve, the reporter, noted:

What people don’t see, and it’s kind of what I decided from the beginning, is the trauma just doesn’t go away. It actually can be worse as the days and months and years go on. So they’re looking for. . .So many people have come to realize that you need to take care of the people, the witnesses, the loved ones.

Helen agreed with Steve about unaddressed trauma in the community. She also thinks that there is a huge gap in the services currently being provided. She stated:

There are hundreds of women in this city who are not getting services, and they need them. Whether it is for PTSD that impacts them around the homicide, or whether it is to help them pay another month’s to get through another month’s rent. These ladies, these women, these survivors have nothing.

Discussion

In our study, we explored the lived experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims in Boston, MA, and the impact of homicide on survivors and communities. As stated previously, there is a dearth of research on the experiences of Black survivors including coping strategies, interactions with systems and institutions, and contextual influences. Our findings significantly contribute to research in several ways. Although a conceptual framework for the Black survivor experience exists (e.g., MCAASHV; Sharpe, 2015), few studies have investigated its components. Furthermore, this is one of the few studies that provides social, cultural, and system-level context for Black survivors’ experiences by interviewing survivors and systems agents, providing insight into the perceived reasons behind Black homicide and how it is addressed. Therefore, our study contributes to expanding this research and has implications for providing support and advocacy for survivors, improving interactions between homicide survivors and system agents, and addressing the roots of homicide.

Our study had several findings. An examination of the MCAASHV framework (Sharpe, 2015) indicated that survivors reported all culture of homicide aspects except shame and two coping strategies, maintaining a connection to the deceased, and collective coping and caring for others. The sub-theme, being a part of the survivor community, provided complexity to the culture of homicide by focusing on the community trauma. Survivors discussed their interactions with systems including their reactions to them. Lastly, survivors and key informants agreed and disagreed about the reasons for high rates of Black homicide and unsolved cases.

Culture of Homicide

Blame and stigma

Survivors’ narratives illustrate that the Black survivor of homicide victim experience in Boston is characterized by stigma and blame, as described in the MCAASHV framework (Sharpe, 2015). Some survivors blamed themselves for not preventing their loved one’s death. Only one survivor reported that her loved one’s death was stigmatized, which is consistent with existing research on Black survivors (Sharpe, 2015; Sharpe & Boyas, 2011). Black survivors experience being doubly stigmatized due to being racialized, and the deaths of their loved ones are often associated with gang or drug activity, which can be burdensome for families (e.g., McGuffey & Sharpe, 2015; Sharpe, 2015). Because Black homicide survivors’ experiences are unique, formal supports should be culturally tailored and address dealing with trauma, stigma, and grief simultaneously.

Lack of justice

All the survivors are still waiting for justice for their loved ones’ homicides, as none of the cases are solved. They reported that the police made negative assumptions about the manner of their loved ones’ death and survivors’ motivation to solve the case. Survivors felt that the homicides will remain unsolved due to limited access to their assigned detective and information on the case as well as the lack of communication and urgency by the police. When discussing their loved one’s cases, two survivors mentioned that they were aware of other Black homicides that remain unsolved. All the survivors discussed how they feel anger and frustration because law enforcement failed them.

The lack of justice as well as the anger and frustration reported by Boston Black survivors are consistent with the narratives of Black survivors across the country. In general, homicide survivors tend to have tenuous relationships with law enforcement and criminal justice systems because they report that the systems have failed them (Braga & Dusseault, 2018). For Black survivors, lack of justice can be attributed to the systemic racism that permeates every aspect of their lives (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Many of the urban areas like Boston, MA that suffer from high rates of violence, also suffer from “urban abandonment,” suffering from issues such as low resource allocation, and high poverty rates (Currie, 2020, pg. 29). As a result, it is more likely that their cases will be mishandled and the police will not be concerned about the lack of leads in open investigations (Sharpe et al., 2014). Black survivors’ anger about the lack of justice may be exacerbated by their awareness of the high rates of homicide in their community and the likelihood that these cases will be unsolved (Sharpe, 2008). Many families also lack the financial resources to obtain legal assistance to demand better treatment from the police and criminal justice systems or that their cases move forward (Armour, 2003).

Although the conceptual model captured the experiences described above, it did not include system agents’ notification about the loss of their loved ones in the lack of justice component. The survivors talked about how they were the last to be notified, and that hospital staff or law enforcement kept information from them or were rude when initially informing them. The initial lack of information subsequently shaped their relationship with the detectives assigned to the case, and negative interactions with detectives added to their trauma. This common experience for Black survivors in Boston may indicate the need for more direct support during the notification process, and additional training for police officers about sensitively informing survivors of their loss.

Coping Strategies

To address grief, trauma, and lack of justice, survivors used different coping strategies. Only two of the four coping strategies mentioned in the MCAASHV framework (Sharpe, 2015) were discussed amongst the survivors. Survivors shared that maintaining a connection to their deceased loved ones and relying on family members for support helped them to cope with the loss and to honor their loved one’s life. Research on coping among Black survivors indicated that visiting the gravesite, keeping items or photos, videos, and urns visible in the home are some strategies that help maintain a connection (Sharpe & Boyas, 2011). One survivor mentioned activism and advocacy to maintain connection; whether other Black survivors use this strategy should be explored. Survivors did not mention any additional coping strategies. Staying connected to loved ones and relying on family support seem to be an important part of Black survivors’ experiences and should be taken into consideration by service providers supporting survivors.

Reasons Behind Homicides and Unsolved Cases

In addition to questions about coping and the aftermath of their loved ones’ homicide, survivors as well as informants were asked for the reasons behind high homicide rates and unsolved cases in Black communities. Their reasons for high rates of homicide included breakdown of family structure, lack of parental discipline, youth not having structured activities causing them to roam the streets, lack of community resources, personal conflicts, and music. Regarding unsolved cases, one survivor thought that lack of advocacy by elected officials and Black serving organizations was the problem. A key informant, the reporter, and another survivor thought that community members’ silence about the homicide was to blame.

The perspectives of both the survivors and the informants are important. The survivors’ perspective on homicide in their community can give insight into where to focus violence prevention efforts as well as the influence of the presence of homicide in communities and interactions with system agents on survivors’ coping. Individuals’ life experiences are shaped by their interaction with different systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Informants shape and/or adopt societal beliefs about homicide in Black communities which influences whether solving cases is a priority and the amount of support available to Black survivors. Different perspectives among survivors and systems on the causes of community violence may lead to strenuous relationships, miscommunication, ineffective community violence interventions, and differential approaches to supporting Black survivors living in a culture of homicide.

Living in a Culture of Homicide

The culture of homicide, as described by Sharpe (2015), focuses on the aspects of the survivor experience—shame, blame, stigmatization, and lack of justice—that are unique to Black survivors. The culture of homicide components is shaped by systemic oppression and racism, which have and continue to plague the communities they live in and impacts the everyday lives of Black individuals (Delgado, 2017). As result, Black survivors’ experiences are racialized, adding additional trauma and complexity to the homicide survivor experience. In this study, survivors added another aspect to this culture of homicide by situating their experience within the Black “survivor community.” Survivors discussed how they heard of or encountered many other Black survivors in their neighborhoods, which can be attributed to disproportionally high Black homicide rates. One survivor mentioned the pain, which is unique to each survivor, present in this community. A more thorough investigation of the Black survivor community could increase our understanding of resilience within the survivor community and how survivors support each other. Whether Black survivors in other contexts mention being a member of a survivor community as a part of their experience needs to be further studied.

Both survivors and informants also described the lack of formal homicide support services, especially long-term, available to the survivor community. Survivors’ experiences in accessing support services varied; one survivor mentioned that she could not use support services because they were only for mothers who lost children. Our findings add to this understudied area but significantly more research about the type, accessibility and appropriateness of homicide support services is needed (Sharpe et al., 2014).

Limitations

The limitations of this study should be considered. First, the sample was very small containing only three women survivors of homicide victims and three key informants (with one of the informants serving as both survivor and informant) from the Boston area. Despite the limited sample, the study provides insight into the complexity of survivors’ experiences and their interactions with system agents. Studies with larger samples sizes in a variety of urban contexts are needed to determine if the identified themes are like other Black survivors’ experiences. Second, all survivors were female. The identified themes may be different from male survivors’ experiences, which should be examined. Also, the perspectives of younger survivors were not represented, as all participants were over the age of 50. Additionally, these survivors also did not represent the perspective of children who are left behind when their parents are killed. Lastly, because two of the homicides were 10 years ago, the length of time and long-term trauma may have affected survivors’ recall (Sharpe & Boyas, 2011). Further study of the Black survivor experience should include those whose loved ones’ homicide occurred within the past 5 years.

Implications and Future Research

This study contributed to knowledge about the experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims living in the Boston area inclusive of coping strategies and relationships with system agents as well as the communities and systems they were embedded in. Our findings have implications for research, practice, theory, and policy. Research about the Black survivor experience should be contextualized, and consider how individuals, organizations and systems within those contexts influence those experiences. Furthermore, studies should include interviews with system agents such as the police and service providers because their beliefs and perspectives on Black homicide influence the aftermath of the homicide and survivors’ experiences.

Because survivors may express loss of voice and choice, especially when interacting with system agents, mental health practitioners should empower survivors and ensure that they shape their treatment and treatment goals. More research is needed to understand the resilience within the Black survivor community, which could inform a more strength-based approach to homicide support. Furthermore, practitioners should engage with survivors to determine if services provided are culturally appropriate and consider their experiences in the context of racism. Practitioners and community leaders should actively work to improve relationships between survivors and systems, and collaborate with law enforcement, the criminal justice system, and media outlets to develop a streamlined support network for Black survivors.

This study also has implications for theory. The MCAASHV (Sharpe, 2015) theoretical framework captured well the experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims, especially the ideas behind shame, blame, stigma and lack of justice, which all characterize the specific things that Black survivors go through after the loss of a loved one to homicide. Additionally, there is room for further exploration of the Black survivor of homicide victim experience that goes beyond the individual level experiences and considers the systems that survivors interact with in the aftermath of the homicide.

Finally, policies are needed to significantly increase the amount of funding allocated to Black communities most affected by homicide. The additional funding should be used to increase the number and quality of short- and long-term support services available to survivors. Police funding should be contingent on reducing the racial gap in solving cases. More financial support for families, jobs for youth, and community resources may address some of the causes of homicide and reduce the number of Black survivors coping with the loss of their loved ones to homicide.

Conclusion

This qualitative study investigated the experiences of Black women survivors of homicide victims in the Boston, MA area as well as the impact the homicide has from the perspectives of key informants who deal with homicide and survivors on a regular basis. Using the theoretical MCAASHV and Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory, this pilot study shed light on the impact of homicide in Boston, MA in several ways. There is a need for the perspectives of both survivors and key informants. The survivors’ stories can help practitioners and community leaders determine where to focus violence prevention efforts, while the perspective of the key informants can help to shed light on the systemic issues that exist for Black survivors. Based on the testimonies of the participants interviewed for this study, there is a need for additional funding for Black communities that are impacted the most by homicide. This study also showed that more research is needed to fully understand both the experiences of Black survivors and the impact that homicide has on Black communities in Boston and other urban contexts in the United States. This study adds to the needed literature on the experiences of Black survivors of homicide victims in urban environments such as Boston, MA.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Kendall G. Morris

Author Biographies

Kendall G. Morris is a Dean’s Research Associate at Michigan State University School of Social Work. Her research agenda focuses on effects of trauma and community violence, especially homicide, on the Black families’ and communities’ mental health, and the utilization, accessibility and availability of supports related to traumatic loss and violent events.

Judith C. Scott is an Assistant Professor at Boston University School of Social Work. Her current research agenda focuses on trauma, especially physical child maltreatment and racial discrimination among families across culture, protective processessuch as ethnic-racial-socialization and coping, and family mental health.

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