Abstract
This article proposes a narrative approach to letters written by people interned as Jews at the Drancy camp between 1941 and 1944. Part of the interdisciplinary LettresCamps project, it combines history and psychology to analyse a corpus of around 300 letters – official, clandestine, or thrown from the deportation trains. These writings offer a rare insight into the subjective experience of internment, revealing emotions, daily concerns, and strategies designed to maintain ties with loved ones. The chosen methodology combines carrying out a thematic analysis across the corpus with an in-depth study of the dynamics of writing, examined through the analysis of individual letters. This dual approach makes it possible to identify the functions of writing and the forms of subjectivity mobilised, while highlighting, through the analysis of a letter, the most embodied dimension of these dynamics. Drawing on the combined contributions of history and psychology, the article highlights the emotional and relational dynamics perceptible in the correspondence. These letters form a “mosaic of moments” that together tell a story of internment and constitute, both individually and collectively, real acts of psychological resistance that helped to preserve connection, identity, and inner continuity in the face of the dehumanisation.
The Drancy Camp and Correspondence (1941–1944)
Originally conceived as a modern housing complex, the Cité de la Muette in Drancy was transformed by the Nazi authorities in the spring of 1941 into a Judenlager and later an Abwanderunglager. The Drancy camp, known after the war as “the antechamber of death,” was a transit camp, the hub of the deportation of Jews from France. Between March 1942 and August 1944, approximately 63,000 of the 76,000 Jews deported from France passed through Drancy, most of them bound for Auschwitz-Birkenau (Broch, 2016; Peschanski, 2002; Poznanski et al., 2015; Rajsfus, 1991; Wieviorka & Laffitte, 2015).
According to Wieviorka and Laffitte, “at Drancy, people are killed very slowly by extreme malnutrition, which destroys even the healthiest people both physically and psychologically” (Wieviorka & Laffitte, 2015: 49) [our translation]. Drancy has become a major reference point in French social memory, symbolising the implementation of the “Final Solution” and state collaboration (Peschanski, 2002), while acts of civilian rescue coexisted with these policies (Sémelin, 2018).
The demographic composition of the Drancy internment camp was characterised by an exceptional degree. The camp population included Jews from a wide range of national, regional, and cultural backgrounds, among others, notably Polish, Russian, Hungarian, German, Algerian, and French communities. Foreign Jews constituted a substantial proportion of the interned population, with Polish Jews forming the largest national group among them.
Alongside this diversity, the camp was marked by remarkable social heterogeneity. Georges Horan described the interned population as an unprecedented juxtaposition of social classes and professions. Among others, intellectuals, lawyers, scholars, writers, politicians, respected merchants, speculators, traffickers, gamblers, criminal figures, and corporate administrators all coexisted within the same confined environment.
Linguistic diversity constituted one of the most immediately visible features of the camp (Yiddish, Hungarian, Spanish, Russian, and Turkish, among other languages). Benjamin Schatzman writes that one’s first impression upon entering the camp was the feeling of no longer being in France, owing to the multiplicity of languages spoken among the internees (Poznanski et al., 2015).
The internment conditions at the Drancy camp and the subsequent development of correspondence, as described by historians (Poznanski et al., 2015; Wieviorka & Laffitte, 2015), can be divided into three main periods:
The Early Weeks: Lack of Organisation and the First Clandestine Postcards and Letters
The early weeks were extremely difficult, given the living conditions and the prohibition of any contact with the outside world. There were 50 or 60 internees living in bare rooms. Conditions were extremely unhygienic, and hunger quickly set in (Poznanski et al., 2015). During this initial period, the first clandestine postcards and letters left the camp, with the help of the bus driver or the gendarmes, in exchange for a certain amount of money.
The First Weeks of Organisation: Official Postcards
In the second phase, living conditions improved, and first clothing and then food parcels were accepted (the first parcels arriving on Wednesday 5 November 1941). The Red Cross set up operations in the camp. Correspondence in French, in the form of postcards (one every 2 weeks), became possible 40 days after the camp was established. Any mention of living conditions was forbidden. Clandestine letters continued to circulate at increasingly high prices. Some of these letters were destroyed by the internees themselves to erase any evidence of illicit contact with the outside world. Official postcards continued to be sent so as to avoid arousing the suspicion of the gendarmes (Poznanski et al., 2015).
The Deportation Phase: A Reduction in the Number of Letters and the Writing of Farewell Cards
March 1942 was the beginning of a period marked by deportations and the anxiety they caused among the internees. More and more internees left the camp and were quickly replaced by other Jews (victims of individual arrests, internees transferred from Compiègne, and those hospitalised at Rothschild). The anguish was exacerbated by the arrival of Jews targeted in the Vel’d’Hiv roundup: internees saw women and children arrive at the camp. In 1943, living conditions worsened as fewer parcels were received. Hunger set in again. The number of letters received also dropped significantly, as the increase in arrests meant there were fewer relatives to send them (Poznanski et al., 2015). On 12 July 1943, correspondence was forbidden, and internees were only allowed to write to their families to encourage them to surrender.
From 14 September 1943, they were allowed to send letters with certain wording but were no longer allowed to receive them. The day before the convoys left, the internees were given a card. They had 1 hour to write a last message to their families (Poznanski et al., 2015). Correspondence was also used to persecute Jews. In fact, it allowed the Nazis to track down the addresses of family members and arrest them. According to Wieviorka & Laffitte (2015), internees were required to send two letters to their families, the first upon arrival at the Drancy camp and the second before deportation. The same authors also report that internees who wrote clandestine letters were subjected to indescribably violent punishments. Writing, the only possible contact with the outside world, was instrumentalized and used to exterminate loved ones.
A Historical Reading of the Drancy Letters
The themes of wartime correspondence have already been examined by historians working in French, English, and German (Balint, 2023; Cronier, 2021; Dauphin, 2002; Debruyne & van Ypersele, 2011; Doetzer, 2002; Gilbert, 2022; Halberstam & Halberstam, 1995; Hurtubise, 1994; Klacsmann, 2017; Knight et al., 2025; Lamprecht, 2001; Lorenz, 1998; Saltiel, 2017; Vidal-Naquet, 2014). Several French authors (Lehr, 2019; Poznanski et al., 2015; Sabbagh, 2019; Wieviorka & Laffitte, 2015) have carried out focused studies on the Drancy camp, and in some cases specifically on letters written from the camp, offering important historical insights.
Sabbagh (2019), each letter tells its own story even before it is read. Together, the letters form a “true account” of history as seen from below. They were written upon waking, as night fell or in idle moments. Some, which Sabbagh calls “midnight letters,” were written in the darkness of sealed cattle wagons. Others were found, thrown from the train, written in pencil in the half-light. These last letters sum up all the others. Terrible, sometimes without any illusions, they are nonetheless imbued with hope, life, and love for those who remain.
Most of the letters are written in French, both by native speakers and foreign internees (Sabbagh, 2019), as required by the authorities in order to facilitate postal control and censorship (Wieviorka & Laffitte, 2015). However, this French is often influenced by a Yiddish mother tongue, or written phonetically, sometimes in a very dense hand. Some handwriting, careful and calligraphed, can switch abruptly into jagged lines: “Not a single piece of writing can resist, from the worker to the great poet – all falter in the expression of incomprehension and fear” (Sabbagh, 2019, p. 24). The media are varied: pages torn from spiral notepads, exercise books, fragments of coloured paper or packaging. As paper is scarce, the formats remain very small (Sabbagh, 2019).
The themes addressed are varied. Letters contain everyday words, words of love and express deep uncertainty about the future. Some letters evoke the brutal conditions of deportation. Several suggest food deprivation (Sabbagh, 2019). Families often receive lists of items they are expected to send: toothpaste, soap, sugar, chocolate, which help to maintain reserves and keep alive the hope of survival. Some letters even describe tasty dishes enjoyed in the past (Poznanski et al., 2015, p. 119). Censorship prohibited any mention of the camp conditions (Wieviorka & Laffitte, 2015). The vigilance of the censors prompted internees to write explicitly while concealing requests to their families. Sometimes, a word written later on, such as “SAUSAGE” and “BREAD,” served as a signal to alert others to the internees’ hunger. Conversely, coded phrases, for example, “Jean needs treatment” meant: get a medical certificate to get me out (Sabbagh, 2019).
The historiographical examination of the Drancy letters thus highlights the plurality of their forms and contents, as well as the emotional density and material constraints that run through them. By considering these writings in the conditions in which they were produced and the strategies of expression they employ, this synthesis provides the necessary framework for understanding what the contemporary analysis of these documents involves. It is precisely upon this approach that the LettresCamps research project is based.
Historians have already identified several psychological tensions emerging from both the material form and the content of letters written by Jewish internees. In particular, the progressive shrinking of handwriting – described as “micrographic writing” – reflects the increasing scarcity of paper and the tightening constraints of internment. Likewise, the physical supports themselves, ranging from official postcards to hastily written notes on makeshift paper, testify to the precarious and improvised conditions under which these texts were produced. At the level of content, recurring themes further illuminate the lived reality of the camps: material deprivation, expressed through requests for food and basic items; the evocation of imagined meals as a temporary relief from hunger; explicit references to suffering; and, at the same time, forms of compelled optimism intended to protect relatives from distress. Family concerns also structure much of the correspondence, particularly reflections on children and practical arrangements in anticipation of release or deportation. Even in the so-called “last letters” written during deportation, efforts to reassure loved ones and sustain hope persist despite the proximity of death. Thus, taken together, and beyond their documentary value, these letters also had a marked psychological function, offering brief moments of relief, nostalgia and mental escape from the violence of camp life.
Despite these important insights, letters produced during the Shoah remain a relatively underexplored corpus from a psychological perspective. It is within this gap that the present study is situated. By bringing together historical, psychological and methodological approaches, this project seeks to explore the subjective experience of the internees as it emerges through their letters.
Access to Sources and Corpus Composition
The LettresCamps project, initiated in May 2022 within XXX: the Centre d'Histoire des Sociétés, des Sciences et des Conflits (the Center for the History of Societies, Sciences, and Conflicts) of the Université de Picardie Jules Verne. It stems from a close collaboration between researchers primarily from the fields of psychology, methodology and contemporary history.
The sources studied consist of letters written by individuals interned as Jews at the Drancy camp during the Second World War. These documents are preserved in two sites of memory: Mémorial de la Shoah in Paris and Mémorial de l’Internement et de la Déportation in Compiègne. The 79 boxes of the collection coded CMLXXXVI, held at the Paris Memorial, were fully digitised, after which a random sample of three hundred letters was established in order to conduct an initial investigation and an exploratory analysis (Dureuil et al., 2026; Laimou et al., 2026a, 2026b).
The 300 letters analysed all originated from the Drancy internment camp and span the years 1941 to 1944: 52 letters from 1941 (all written by men), 139 from 1942 (92 by men, 39 by women, one jointly written by two women, six by mixed-gender couples, and two by male adolescents), 108 from 1943 (62 by men, 33 by women, nine by mixed-gender couples, and four by male adolescents), and a single letter from 1944, written by a woman. In terms of their status, 228 letters were official and therefore subject to censorship, 63 were clandestine and uncensored, and 9 were written and thrown from deportation trains. The distribution of recipients further reflects the social fabric of the correspondence: spouses (103 letters), families (60), parents (61), children (33), friends (25), siblings (16), extended family (12), unidentified recipients (13), and intermediaries (2) (Laimou et al., 2026a, 2026b).
Among the 300 documents analysed, censored postcards constitute the largest category, representing 141 items in total. Eighty-five items correspond to censored letters that were not postcards. The corpus also includes 63 clandestine letters, 9 letters thrown from deportation trains, and 2 documents for which it was not possible to identify the exact material format.
Methodological Foundations of the Work and Approach
The analytical work was carried out by three independent groups, each using methods commonly employed in the study of subjective experience. All analyses were conducted according to the double-blind principle, ensuring methodological rigour. The methodologies specific to each group, together with their detailed results, are presented in-depth elsewhere.
The first group conducted a descriptive thematic analysis aimed at identifying the main themes present in the corpus (Mathé et al., 2026). This non-theoretical approach resulted in a comprehensive mapping of emerging themes, forming the initial basis for the study. The second group focused on the recurring theme of food (Laimou et al., 2026b) in order to examine how they reflected the psychological state of the authors. The third group combined a thematic analysis with a study of the psychological processes perceptible in the specificities of writing (Laimou et al., 2025, 2026a, 2026b). This approach made it possible to qualitatively reconstruct the internal dynamics of the authors by simultaneously integrating the content and form of written expression (textual density, paragraph organisation, the variety of registers used).
Thus conceived, the project lies at the intersection of methods derived from psychology, combining historical contextualisation and the consideration of the subjective dimension of letters. The analysis presented draws on all the approaches described above and is primarily based on a synthesis of the overall thematic analyses and cross-cutting observations from the corpus as a whole. It therefore builds on the common elements identified by the research groups. It should be noted that, although the theme of food occupies an important place in the letters, its detailed treatment is the subject of a separate article (Laimou et al., 2026b); the results presented here only include the contributions necessary for a general understanding of the corpus.
We have chosen in this article not to present the results in the form of a typology and a series of fixed categories, but to come as close as possible to what the letters themselves suggest. Rather than artificially separating the themes, we have sought to allow to emerge from the interweaving of the extracts, a narrative that brings together individual experiences into a common story. This is why the analyses resulting from the different areas of work have been reorganised here in the form of an account of experiences in the camp, constructed from extracts. This mode of presentation aims to convey, in a mosaic of fragments, the way in which the internees recount their experiences in their letters.
The following pages do not seek to reconstruct an exhaustive chronology, but rather to trace a path through the letters that allows us to come as close as possible to the subjective experience of internment at Drancy, as the internees wished their relatives to perceive and imagine it.
Subjectivity: Relational, Processual, and Situated Approaches Under Conditions of Constraint
Within the field of psychology, subjectivity has been approached in multiple ways. Contemporary perspectives increasingly converge towards a rethinking of classical conceptions of subjectivity as a stable, internal, and autonomous entity. Instead, subjectivity is understood as a dynamic, relational, and historically situated process shaped by the social, political, linguistic, and affective conditions in which it unfolds.
Dreier (2023), drawing on and further developing the conceptualisations of Holzkamp (2013), who argued that attention should be directed not towards the individual per se but towards the world as it is lived by them; reaffirms the necessity of considering a “situated human subjectivity in social practice” (Dreier, 2023, p. 1304). He calls for subjectivity to be understood as an ever-moving process that manifests “in a subject’s situated trajectory of participation and conduct of everyday life from his or her first-person perspective in nexuses of social practice” (2023, p. 1315).
Similarly, Jüttemann (2011) situates subjectivity within a historical framework, examining both the psychological phenomena that produce culture and the ways socio-cultural environments act upon the subject. Subjectivity can therefore no longer be understood as an intrinsic property of the individual, but as the product of practices, interactions, and mediations.
For Blackman et al. (2008), subjectivity is not a stable internal entity but a process of “becoming” distributed across assemblages in which bodies, affects, technologies, and materialities intersect. In this perspective, the subject is not the sovereign origin of its own experience, but a subsidiary component or an epiphenomenon resulting from material and discursive practices. Subjectivity becomes a material and technical accomplishment, rather than a closed psychological system. In this perspective, the subject functions as a surface effect of social and historical vectors, rather than as the autonomous starting point of subjectivity.
Venn, 2020a, 2020a, 2020b emphasises the historical and relational constitution of subjectivity, while foregrounding the role of narrative in organising experience. In contexts of trauma, however, narrative coherence may become fragmented. Venn argues that survival in situations of abjection involves the possibility of “telling one’s story,” an act through which the past is not merely recalled but reworked. In this sense, the transition from “subalternity” (a condition of domination and voicelessness) to “agency” occurs when the subject succeeds in re-emplotting the fragmented elements of their past, thereby reclaiming authorship over their own life. Narrative thus becomes the medium through which a damaged identity is not only repaired but transformed, enabling the subject to reorient themselves towards the possibility of a different future.
According to Passerini (Smith, 1988), subjectivity is not merely a psychological category but also a historical phenomenon and a cultural form inextricably linked to the dynamics of class and power. This subjectivity emerges through a continuous negotiation between personal and historical time, where narrators often balance a linear sense of change against a state of atemporality to preserve their identity. Consequently, textual ruptures, such as silences, exaggerations, and self-censorship, serve as critical markers of conflict, revealing moments where individuals struggle to narrate painful experiences that have not yet been fully mediated by collective interpretation.
These perspectives may be further specified through two complementary theoretical approaches. A Foucauldian perspective emphasises the historical constitution of subjectivity through relations of knowledge and power. As Gros (2017) notes, subjectivity is formed within a dynamic interplay of truth and normativity. “Subjectivity is what comes to be composed within a play of truth (Knowledge) and a given type of normativity (Power)” (p. 93). In contexts such as internment camps, imposed regimes of veridiction contribute to processes of dehumanisation. Yet practices such as letter writing may simultaneously function as technologies of the self, enabling individuals to negotiate, rework and sometimes resist these conditions. In this sense, the subject appears as an active producer of subjectivity, constituted through and against the effects of power.
A Lacanian perspective foregrounds the constitutive role of language in the emergence of the subject. Subjectivity appears through inscription of the “I” within the symbolic order, produced through processes of naming, address and relation to the Other. “The effects of language are always mixed with the fact … that the subject is subject only from being subjected to the field of the Other” 1 (Lacan, 1964/1998, p. 188). At the same time, drawing on Freud, Lacan emphasises the role of the body and the drives, showing that subjectivity unfolds not only through language but also through embodied processes that may be symbolically elaborated. In this regard, writing, particularly letters addressed to significant others, may constitute a privileged space where linguistic inscription and drive expression intersect, enabling forms of subjective elaboration that exceed mere biological need.
Taken together, these approaches suggest that subjectivity is historically constituted, relationally mediated, and continuously negotiated through language, narrative, embodiment, and social practice. Even under conditions of extreme constraint, subjectivity does not disappear entirely but persists in fragile and reconfigured forms, sustained through situated practices, relational engagements and symbolic processes. Such perspectives are particularly relevant for understanding the letters written from Drancy, where writing may be understood simultaneously as a relational act, a means of psychic continuity, and an attempt to preserve a minimal sense of self under conditions of persecution and dehumanisation.
Writing in Drancy, Writing Drancy: On Reading the Letters
Before reading the following section, the reader should bear in mind that these writings emerged within a context of urgency, constraint, violence, and radical uncertainty, all of which profoundly shaped the forms of writing, the choice of words, and the modes of expression. Every letter required internees to monitor their words, circumvent censorship, protect their relatives, and also find clandestine means of getting letters out of the camp. They cannot fully account for the actual conditions of life within the camp. Rather, they must always be understood within their historical context and read alongside other testimonies.
Writing officially therefore meant writing under the gaze of an anticipated reader who was not the addressee: the censor. This situation did not simply restrict content; it also shaped the psychic position of the writer, who had to maintain the bond with relatives while controlling, displacing, or disguising what could be said. Clandestine correspondence created a different, but no less constrained, situation. It could allow more direct expression, yet it also exposed the writer and relatives to danger. Clandestine letters were not free from self-censorship. Internees could minimise their suffering in order to protect their relatives, or because discovery remained possible. The distinction between official and clandestine correspondence should therefore not be understood as a simple opposition between constrained and unconstrained expression. Rather, both forms reveal different configurations of constraint.
The last letters written in Drancy before deportation constitute a particularly striking illustration of the extreme conditions in which these writings were produced. They were composed at the end of an already highly advanced process of dehumanisation, after searches, family separations, anxious waiting, and repeated humiliations. It was within this atmosphere of fear and despair that internees wrote one final time to their loved ones.
Notes thrown from deportation trains were written on any available support, often in extreme conditions, inside sealed cattle wagons. Their transmission required considerable effort and ingenuity: deportees had to write hurriedly, find a way to push the paper through a crack or opening, and hope that it would be found by a civilian or railway worker willing to forward it. Many such messages were undoubtedly never recovered or never reached their intended recipients.
This historical context is essential for psychological understanding. The difference between writing for a censor, writing secretly, and writing from a sealed train does not merely concern the route of transmission; it modifies the conditions of address, the degree of risk, the anticipated reader, and the possible forms of subjectivity expressed in the text.
Under the effects of trauma, omnipresent humiliation and constraint, the meaning of words itself becomes displaced. These conditions alter the function of discourse, sometimes to the point of producing the opposite of what appears to be explicitly stated. Herein lies an essential difference between these letters, written under urgency, shock, and constraint, and testimonies produced after the war within a process of reconstruction and retrospective narration. These writings must therefore be read with caution, not only because of external censorship and self-censorship, which compelled internees consciously to alter their discourse or resort to coded language, but also because of the effects of trauma itself, which permeate the writing through contradictions, silences, and displacements of meaning.
Thus, the statement by an internee claiming that he remains “in excellent spirits, except when he sees women having their children torn from them” powerfully illustrates this contradiction: the coexistence, in the same sentence, of a protective instinct and an acute perception of horror, testifying to the psyche’s struggle to survive the unbearable. This is where a key difference lies between this type of testimony, written in haste, under duress and in a state of shock, and intentional testimony, often formulated after the war, during a period of reconstruction and meaning-making.
Readers must remain aware both of the difficulty of such an undertaking and of the limitations of the tools available to us as researchers in accessing the exact psychic reality of the person writing. Faced with documents so heavily charged with suffering, we sought to privilege an approach attentive to the direct resonance these letters leave within us, rather than pursuing an ambition of total understanding.
A Mosaic of Life in the Camp Through Letters
The letters provide a poignant glimpse of life in the camp, as it was experienced, felt and, above all, recounted by those who were interned there. Rather than constituting a unified or homogeneous collective narrative, these extracts 2 are approached here as a constellation of singular voices, each rooted in a specific subjective position. Read together, they reveal recurring motifs and shared conditions without presupposing identical meanings or experiences. 3
Gathered like scattered fragments of expression emerging from a common historical and material context, these letters form a mosaic of moments which, when juxtaposed, allow for a broader understanding of life in Drancy. What emerges is not a continuous narrative, but a plural and situated configuration of experiences, marked by both convergence and irreducible singularity. This approach makes it possible to move from individual accounts to a form of collective intelligibility, while preserving the specificity of each voice.
The notion of a “collective” dimension employed here does not imply the existence of a homogeneous or unified experience shared identically by all internees. Rather, the collective emerges from the convergence of individual enunciations, which, when considered together, reveal shared constraints and comparable ways of articulating experience. The repetition of certain themes does not indicate sameness of meaning, but points instead to structures of experience shaped by the conditions of the camp. The “collective” therefore lies not in a uniformity of experience, but in the articulation of singular subjectivities within a common structure of constraint and address.
Arrival at Drancy: The First Personal Accounts
In the first letters, written after the confusion that followed their arrival in Drancy, one senses the shock of a world turned upside down. The internees feel the need to inform, reassure and maintain contact: “When you receive this card, don’t worry. We’ve been in the Drancy camp since Saturday,” 4 a woman writes to her family in a letter dated 19 January 1943. Some charged a loved one with the task of alerting friends and family, as correspondence was limited: “Tell all our friends, papa, Sepho, that I can no longer write to them, nor to poor Héléne, I only have 2 letters left, and I’m saving them for you,” 5 writes a woman on 28 May 1943. These informative words reflect the initial intention of those seeking to preserve a tenuous link between the inside and outside in the face of the sudden rupture imposed by the violence of the arrests.
Paradoxically, references to the arrests, moments when ordinary life is shattered, remain quite rare. Torn from their familiar surroundings, sometimes even from hospitals, as they point out, some internees recall this experience with a certain regret: “I was caught stupidly, because I lost my cool,” 6 a young man, arrested in the Châtelet metro station, confesses to a friend on 16 April 1943, adding later, “It would have been better if I hadn’t gone out that morning.” The incomprehension is strong: “And why all this because I’m a Jew… yet I have a heart like everyone else?” 7 writes a man to his wife. The feeling of injustice runs through some of the letters: “And why, what crime have we committed?” 8 wonders another man in his letter of 14 February 1942. Behind the shock, there is sometimes a feeling of betrayal: “I know I was shopped by the French friend I had,” 9 a woman confides to her aunt on 17 February 1943. Added to this forced solitude is a loss of trust in others, in the outside world that has betrayed them, which resonates so painfully in these words.
Sometimes, a sense of guilt can be read between the lines: “I’m with Fany and all her family and Maître Arouété. I feel bad for him because it’s my fault,” 10 continues the woman. A teenage boy seeks to reassure his mother in his letter of 23 March 1943: “Papa mustn’t tell you it’s your fault I’m here.” 11 In an absurd and arbitrary world where all logic breaks down, everyone appears to be looking for a reason, sometimes within themselves. Faced with the incomprehensible, guilt becomes a way of making sense of the arbitrary. The collective fate is thus experienced as a personal responsibility.
Coming to Terms With the Inconceivable: Living in the Confinement of the Camp
Upon arrival, the internees discover a closed universe. A few references to the place appear in the letters: “There’s no point telling you about the journey, I just want to give you a description of the camp. It’s a new barracks that was intended for the air force. The building’s not finished inside, i.e. there are no partitions and the floors are just reinforced cement, which will be very cold in the coming winter,” a deaf man writes on 29 August 1941. 12 Some descriptions strive to make the space sound habitable, as if to tame it and make it their own. Thus, as one man writes on 11 April 1943: “We had to leave our rooms for 24 hr for disinfection, and we were eager to return to what has become – oh, the irony – a ‘home’”. 13 Sometimes, behind the military vocabulary used by some internees, one can sense an attempt to frame the inconceivable in familiar terms, to alleviate fear with a reassuring analogy. “We sleep in a room with 56 people, and it reminds me of the regiment. We do have a straw mattress, so you see, my darling Pierrette, we can cope if morale is good,” 14 wrote one man in March 1943.
But the camp remains a crowd, a space saturated with constrained humanity: “There are about 6,000 of us here.” 15 The letters bear witness to this overcrowding, where individualities mingle, fade away, and recompose themselves. The internees still refer to those around them as “other Jews,” “Jews from the 11th arrondissement,” “veterans,” 16 “poor little kids,” 17 “women with babies,” 18 “doctors,” 19 “lawyers,” 20 “young children,” 21 “a blind man with his white cane,” 22 as if to recreate a society, a world where everyone still has an identity.
In the descriptions of the camp, the material nature of the suffering is strongly felt. The dormitories “a kind of wooden cage,” 23 the cold, “the bedbugs,” 24 “the horrendous overcrowding,” 25 all this composes a topography of loss and deprivation. Sleep becomes an ordeal, fatigue and starvation a near-permanent state. Added to this harshness is arbitrariness, often experienced with incomprehension: “My crime is that I was caught smoking a cigarette,” 26 writes the young man, punished with prison, in his letter of 1 May 1943. These punishments, derisive and brutal, remind everyone of their absolute vulnerability, their belonging to a world without logic where the most trivial acts can be severely sanctioned.
Even human relationships, fragmented by the rules of the camp, obey new boundaries. “To eat, I go up to Maman’s, because the women have their own staircase,” 27 one man writes on 20 January 1942. The separation of men and women created an additional distance that went to the very heart of their imprisonment restructuring even the most basic forms of contact.
Time Suspended and Everyday Actions
The long days stretch out in a suspended temporality: “boring and monotonous,” 28 the young man writes on 9 June 1943. Time fades away, emptied of meaning. Reading between the lines, we sense a feeling of living without a horizon, where every hour is the same. The daily walks in the courtyard, 29 reading, 30 lectures, 31 small jobs in the laundry room, 32 or the barber’s, 33 school for the children, 34 become rituals for some, protecting them from the erasure of time and self.
Sometimes, a fragile ray of light appears in the text, a breath of life that persists in spite of everything: “Don’t worry too much about me, the weather is nice and warm, which gives us the opportunity to breathe some fresh air,” 35 writes one of the internees on 7 October 1941. This almost ordinary sentence is deeply moving because of its humanity: the ability to still feel the warmth of the sun, even behind barbed wire. As if, in the confines of the camp, the sensation of the wind or a little fresh air becomes proof of an inner freedom that nothing can completely destroy.
The voices and ordinary activities of the children create a sense of humanity in a place devoid of it. As one man writes on 2 August 1942: “The children, about a hundred of them, some as young as two, have changed the atmosphere here, and sometimes you can hear kids singing Une fleur dans son chapeau 36 [A flower in your hat] as they walk in line.” 37
The conditions of communication with the outside world are also mentioned. Parcels are searched, letters censored. The uncertainty as to whether they will ever be received is constant. “As we never know if letters arrive, he asked me to write to you again,” 38 wrote the young man 39 on 22 June 1943. Words must overcome the barriers of paper, regulations and fear. Writing became a risky, sometimes clandestine act, a fragile thread thrown to the outside world. One senses both the anticipation of a reply and the fear of silence. Despite surveillance, censorship and prohibitions, the internees did not give up writing: in Drancy, to write remained a way of believing in one’s own humanity.
The simplest needs appear: “1 cushion, shoes, … 3 dark shirts, 1 comb… Léon’s green jacket, 1 scarf,” 40 writes one internee in 1941. These concrete words tell of the dispossession of everyday life. What they lack above all, they repeat, is food. Letters become a space where requests can be made without daring to ask for too much, a place of humility where every word is weighed carefully. Some organise discreet ways to circumvent censorship. “Wrap the note in cellophane paper and when he looks through the cheese, it will hide the letter so that it can’t be seen, and you can do this every time,” 41 writes another on 30 May 1942.
Some dream of escape, but the very idea seems preposterous because, as one man writes in his letter dated March 1942, 42 it would require “passing under a triple layer of barbed wire under the lights of the watchtowers and with a gendarme stationed every 10 m”. The camp thus becomes a space with no outside, closed in on itself. Fear and helplessness, omnipresent, pervade their words. “Not a week goes by without the Germans coming to the camp to collect hostages to be shot,” the man adds in the same letter. After mentioning the impossibility of a real escape, he escapes into literature: “You’re full of romanticism and you’re probably reading Les Prisonniers de la Tour Nesle [The Prisoners of the Nesle Tower]. Misfortune rarely goes hand in hand with heroism, and only destiny can put an end to critical situations. It’s true that in swashbuckling novels, the handsome knight is saved by the sacrifice of his lady-love or freed by the ransom amassed by his admirers, who have cut off their beautiful blonde hair to gather the last pennies. But the age of chivalry is over.” The reference to Les Prisonniers de la Tour Nesle opens up a space for intellectual escape in a text marked by lucidity and disillusionment. By evoking the world of swashbuckling tales, the author conjures up a whole imaginary world of honour, bravery and loyalty, in which heroism triumphs over misfortune. He thus extracts himself, if only for a moment, from his condition as an internee to become a free man once again. However, this literary interlude also highlights the collapse of heroic ideals: the age of chivalry is over, and action henceforth comes up against the powerlessness and twists of fate of the real.
Reuniting With Others
In front of the bars, another form of encounter is invented: that of the loved ones who come in the hope of catching a glimpse of a face. “Every day I see thousands of women in front of our prison, impossible [illegible] or pass anything to, we’re surrounded by 3 lots of barbed wire, outside by the Germans, inside by the gendarmes. Their politeness always proverbial. The streets are becoming more difficult to get through. There have already been 7 escapes, but only one succeeded and he’s still on the run,” writes a man on 29 August 1941. 43 This picture of the outside world, populated by women, is very striking. The crowds gathered there form a mirror: the outside looks in and the inside looks out, both equally powerless. This face-to-face encounter, fuelled by the hope of visual contact, highlights the boundary between the two worlds, but also the persistence of the human bond despite the imposed separation. The importance of the gaze, as an act of mutual recognition, can be seen throughout these letters. The meeting of eyes, however fleeting, leaves a deep impression. As one man writes on 26 December 1941: “Now for some very good news, listen dear Maman, I had the joy of seeing you on Thursday and you can’t imagine how happy it made me, it brought tears to my eyes, and I hope you saw me too and that you weren’t too sad. You know, my darling Maman, I’d be very happy if you could come to see me from time to time, that would give me great pleasure, but preferably on Thursdays or Sundays with the wife of my friend Monsieur Silberman.” 44 And a little over a year later, on 9 February 1942, he asks her to bring her binoculars so she can see him better. 45 These “meetings” assumed great importance for the internees. To see and be seen was a way of proving to someone outside that they still existed. But these distant encounters were prevented: “My darling, I advise you not to come to Drancy every day anymore, because it’s forbidden even to stand at the window, so don’t bother, my treasure,, wrote one internee on 25 August 1941. 46 Behind these words, one can imagine the emptiness that was setting in.
Despite everything, life goes on. A new sense of community develops among the internees, in the dormitories, in the courtyards, in moments when familiar faces are spotted. These encounters alleviate the loneliness somewhat and re-establish a link with the life before. “All my friends are with me except Lombrowski, who has left,” 47 writes one man on 19 December 1941. Some recognise entire families. “In my dormitory I have the Quinabel family, I’ve also met all of Carpentias’s friends, as well as the doctor who was at Jean-Claude’s baptism,” 48 writes a woman on 28 May 1943. These simple sentences convey the value of a presence, of a reassuring name. People gather together, recognise each other and rebuild a world on a human scale: “Me and Léon and Bernard are the three best mates here,” 49 confides one man on 30 September 1941. In this improvised brotherhood, time becomes less heavy, loneliness less overwhelming. One internee writes on 7 October 1941: “The rest of the time I’m with Léon and his brother Szyjer, all in all time is passing more easily now, I think.” 50 Life is reinvented in these friendships of circumstance, where people show each other photos, “both new and old,” 51 as an internee notes. These gestures of intimacy recreate a form of shared humanity, a temporary home in the midst of emptiness.
Solidarity becomes tangible. “At night, I share my bed with Chwartz… we share everything, including parcels,” 52 writes a man on 25 January 1942. In a world of deprivation, sharing becomes a form of survival. One woman speaks of friends who surround them with “affection and devotion.” 53 The young man writes again on 17 June 1943: “We’re a group of good friends who encourage each other and cheer each other up.” 54 In destitution and fear, living with others becomes a way of continuing to inhabit the world. Reuniting, sharing, supporting, helping: these simple but essential gestures restore a measure of humanity to the camp.
Behind the barbed wire, the outside world is synonymous with both freedom and insecurity. The internees, cut off from the world, live in constant fear for their loved ones who remain on the outside, exposed to raids and arrests. One man writes on 15 June 1943: “Dear maman, I’m asking you not to go out walking in the street too much because there are a lot of roundups, at the Drancy camp there are Jews arriving every day, and there are children younger than édouard, so please be very careful.” 55 These references reflect a persistent anxiety, fuelled by distance and a deep sense of powerlessness.
The outside world, perceived through snippets of information and fragmentary rumours, remains elusive. Cut off from any reliable sources, the internees reconstruct reality from letters, gossip, or whispered conversations. News of political developments reaches them only in a muted, distorted and often delayed form. Politics is sometimes mentioned in their letters. “I’d very much like to know what’s happening in Paris and what the current situation is in Europe and the world” writes one internee on 17 September 1941. 56 2 years later, on 24 April 1943, a woman writes: “Finally, describe to me the current situation in [illegible, torn off] and any interesting political events. Of course, you need to be sure that these things will reach me. But you know how to do it and I’m counting on you. We’ve recently received news from outside, but we’re not sure about it.” 57 These requests reflect a need to stay connected to the world, to avoid sinking into the silence of confinement. Sometimes, a glimmer of hope runs through these lines: “We’ve heard the news of victory in Tunisia. With a bit of luck, our friends may come to free us before deportation,” 58 writes the young man to a friend on 10 May 1943. These rumours from the outside world fuel hope and the desire to still believe in a reversal of fate.
Waiting for Letters: When Writing Reaches the Absent
The epistolary exchange became a vital source of support for the internees, who were eager to receive news from their loved ones. The intensity of this state of waiting is evident in the letters: “As soon as you receive this card, please reply and be sure to give us your news,” 59 write a married couple on 30 December 1942. The expression of pleasure at receiving a letter is equally present: “I’ve just received your card dated the fourth, and you can imagine how pleased I am!”, 60 writes a man to his wife on 9 October 1941. In his letter dated 1 June 1942, another man emphasises the importance of reading the handwriting of a loved one: “I hope you’ll send me a little note in each parcel, giving me the news. If you only knew how happy that makes me. And also, believe me, to read a beloved handwriting always puts a smile in my heart.” 61 Thus, correspondence becomes an almost sensory meeting place, where the presence of the other is replayed and the survival of the bond is organised. “I beg you, my darling, write to me soon and a lot,” 62 one husband writes on 14 March 1942. Another instructs his wife, in his letter dated 29 June 1942, to: “write a bit closer together so that I can have lots of news.” 63 Reading a loved one’s writing is like seeing, touching and feeling the trace of the other person. “I will write to you to my last breath and all 3 of you will all be in front of me,” writes a man to his family in May 1942. 64 The letter becomes a substitute sensory presence, a surface of inscription where contact is re-established and emotional charge is expressed.
The anticipation of this moment where certain things could be said to the loved one made it possible to contain the internal emotional and sensory scene, always liable to overflow. One man writes on 2 August 1942: “My dearest darling wife, At last I can write to you, and as you can guess, I’ve been looking forward to this moment to give you some details about my life here. I’ve been cheered up by your news and I’m in quite good spirits in spite of everything and I’m prepared to put up with even more, if I know that you, the children and our parents are all well.” 65
The back-and-forth exchange of letters established a structuring rhythm. Waiting for a letter sustained the ability to be patient, to endure the harshness of the camp, to find momentary relief and temporary repair of the bond. When correspondence was interrupted, this system faltered. The absence of news weakened the ability to wait: when a letter did not arrive, the internal stage was engulfed, the ability to endure gave way and the subject found himself without mediation, confronted with the violence of deprivation. One man writes on 15 January 1942: “I suffered emotionally when I saw all my friends receiving letters and parcels. I looked like an orphan, and especially in this cold weather, we’re hungrier than usual.” 66 And in another of his letters dated 13 March 1942, he says: “I was looking forward to the little card today, but I have to give up on having this great pleasure.” 67 Frustration, distress, and sometimes anger emerge in the letters, reflecting the overflow of emotions when the connection is broken.
This happening enables the internees to contain their excess emotions, to re-establish an internal space for encounter and, despite everything, to survive psychologically a little longer. The exchanges testify to the power of the need for communication, but also to the strength of the imaginary encounter that the correspondence allows them to entertain, against all odds.
Mothers and Children: A Pact of Silence in the Face of Separation
In these exchanges, mothers instinctively take on the role of a shield. They try to protect. Their concern is expressed in simple gestures and words. They try to spare their children, keep up their routines and, despite everything, maintain order in their daily lives. One mother recounts the helplessness of a stolen farewell: “You can imagine how hysterical I became in the car when they wouldn’t stop so that I could (illegible) when they wouldn’t stop so that I could kiss you!”, 68 and behind her words, we can hear the shock of a gesture of tenderness that was prevented. Another expresses her pain starkly: her heartbreak, the sleepless nights thinking about her child, in her letter of 1 August 1943: “I hope you’ll both be a second mother to my child, because I don’t know when I’m coming back, and I’m very unhappy to be separated from my child, you cannot know the pain of a mother, because my heart is broken day and night I cannot sleep I think about my daughter all the time, I hope my child is well and that you don’t let her cry.” 69 Sometimes, the thought of a loved one caring for them becomes a balm: imagining that the little ones are being “spoiled” eases the anxiety and makes the separation a little more bearable. “It’s a palliative for the excruciating suffering of this terrible separation,” 70 writes a woman on 28 May 1943.
Regarding their mothers, the young men, some of them adolescents, display a deeply moving attitude, taking it upon themselves to reassure them. Thus, writes one to his mother, “Every time something terrible like this happened, I tried my hardest to send you news. Sleep well, promise me you won’t cry because that’s what hurts me, knowing that you’re crying, me I know that I will live forever and see you again.” 71 Others say that they were well-behaved and obedient. In these almost solemn assurances, we sense their efforts to lighten their mother’s burden, to appear stronger than they are. And sometimes, their forced maturity comes to the surface: “I don’t know what’s hardened me like this and I’ve got the character of a man, I repeat, don’t be afraid, let me know if Papa’s working,” 72 writes the same boy on 23 March 1943, an admission of premature shift, where childhood leans on a new dignity to stand tall. Between the anxious protection of the mothers and the vigilant gentleness of children, these letters forge a silent pact: each watches over the other, each speaks softly so as not to frighten.
The Refuge of Memory: Rebuilding the Lost World
In the silence of the camp, the letters often turn to the past. They become a refuge, a space where memory takes the place of the present. Writing is a way of summoning up the life that was, as if to keep it within reach for a moment. “It is with real emotion that I begin this card, for I cannot help but think of others [illegible] at this time of year, when we were all together enjoying such a good season at 2.S.F. But I hope that after paying this tribute to the past, the future will hold events that will allow us to forget,” 73 a man writes on 25 December 1941. The words are simple, but they convey pure tenderness. By evoking familiar images, the internees reconstruct an inner home, a fragile shelter against the desolation of the present. These memories speak of the loss of everyday life, of attachment to home, to familiar acts, as if the internees are trying to hold on to a world that has been torn from them, a world that can still remain a little alive in their words.
Memories often slip into letters in the form of concrete, domestic images. One man wrote on 20 January 1942, recalling his young daughter: “I can still see her in the morning, asking to faire dodo ‘with you’, then saying she’s hungry.” 74 These scenes keep the continuity of time alive, the tenuous thread between before and now. In 1943, one woman wrote to her sister: “You know, Anny, I fancy a potato kugel like Maman used to make for us.” 75 The desire for a familiar dish alone contains the nostalgia for a vanished world, that of home, maternal gestures, and the rediscovered taste of simple happiness. In this ordinary memory, the dignity of humanity is still affirmed. To remember is to refuse to disappear.
Waiting and Hoping: To Still Believe in a Future?
Little by little, as time passes, another tone sets in: that of waiting and uncertainty. The days are all the same, and no one knows how many are left. One man writes in October 1941: “About my detention and how long it will last I don’t know anything but when you’re Honest and have done nothing wrong there’s no reason to remain interned indefinitely.” 76 In this passage, fear takes the form of silence between the words. Time stands still. It folds in on itself, suspended between the wait for liberation and the fear of deportation.
Yet, even in the midst of this uncertainty, hope persists. “Every day I wait to be released,” 77 a man writes on 9 November 1941. A woman recounts in 1942: “There are a lot of children who have been released from here. Someone asked me if his Papa was free, so I said that would only apply to the release of my little Simon.” 78 These words, written with a mixture of faith and illusion, convey the strength of those who continue to imagine a return, to still project themselves towards life. In some letters, this hope takes the form of a dreamt-of future, a rebuilt future. One man writes to his wife on 9 October 1941: “I think of you all the time, my darling, and of our little Ponpiniou, so sweet, who I hope will have a better future, and of Maman too.” 79 Believing in a life to come is to stay strong, refusing to let dehumanisation have the last word.
In her letter of 18 August 1942, a female internee expresses her gratitude and promises to repay what she has received. “Dear Florentine, thank you a thousand times for your devotion to us and the children. When I return home, I will repay you, for I know very well that you’re doing this out of the goodness of your heart.” 80 In this still hypothetical future lies a fidelity to life: that of giving, of gratitude, of the bond that survives everything.
The Deportations: Writing Before the “Silence”
Letters written in the hours before deportation sometimes describe the preparations imposed on internees. “We’ve been searched from this morning and tomorrow morning the great adventure,” 81 writes one internee on 22 June 1943. A 16-year-old boy writes on 24 September 1943: “Darling parents, I’ve just been called to be searched.” 82 Being shaved was one of the stages of deportation: “I’ve got a lot of courage and so has George, in spite of being shorn like a calf” 83 writes one woman on 12 February 1943. Before leaving the camp, some ask for their parcels to be stopped, or entrust their belongings to others. “As I’m leaving today, please suspend the sending of parcels until further notice” 84 writes a man on 2 March 1943.
Some internees express themselves with a certain restraint in the face of the unknown. One man writes on 8 February 1943: “Only I’m a bit worried about my poor Maman, although I’ll do everything I can to make this journey easier for her, but at her age, it’s rather tough.” 85 Others simply state the “facts”: “We’ll probably leave on Thursday morning in a train carriage with 50 people, obviously we’ll be given food for several days, we’re going to Metz,” 86 writes a man on 25 October 1943.
In her letter of 26 July 1942, one woman leaves practical instructions as a kind of will: “Please be so kind as to write to my concierge and ask her to give you my fur coat to sell. You’ll have some money for Henri. Madame Perorons will give you the sewing machine: you can sell that as well.” 87 In formulating these instructions, she seems to be seeking to regain control over her own end. By making dispossession a final act, she transforms powerlessness into a form of self-affirmation, thus regaining a subjective position.
A thread of hope sometimes remains until the very last hours, in the letters written before deportation. Until the very end, the internees often continue to try to reassure those left behind: “Don’t worry, my darling, it’ll be fine!”, 88 a man writes on 1 July 1943. Another writes on 8 February 1943: “We are heading towards better days.” 89 A man continues in his letter of 7 March 1943: “I hope that very soon we’ll both set off on a pleasant journey; that it will be nice and easy.” 90 These simple words have the sweetness of a last refuge. They seek to protect loved ones, to transform fear into hope, to offer an image of a departure that is not that of the end. Some write that they find comfort in the idea of leaving together: “For the moment we’re all together, let’s hope it lasts.” 91 Others, like one woman and her mother, affirm their courage in their letter of 28 July 1942: “We’re feeling brave and we’ll bear up because morale is good.” 92
Words of love run through these last lines. “Wait for me my love, I will return. Think of me as much as I think of you, know that my existence is for you,” 93 , writes one man on 22 June 1943. Another writes on 24 September 1943: “I’m sending my letter with millions of kisses that come from my heart and also from yours, I hope this will not be my last letter.” 94 A young man of 22 takes advantage of this last letter, written on 26 February 1942, to ask for forgiveness: “I hope you’ll forgive me for all the misery I’ve caused you because, you know I regret a lot but what do you want I was still a kid and I didn’t understand life then.” 95 This letter becomes, in a way, a place of confession and reconciliation born of urgency, a final gesture of love addressed to his mother before the unknown.
Some internees provide more direct descriptions, where the horror is expressed in hushed tones. An unknown man writes on 18 September 1942: “I’m in a sealed cattle wagon. We’re 50 Jewish men, women and children locked in for 3 days with no food. I’m in good health and my morale is good.” 96 Others express very clearly that they are writing for the last time. A woman writes on 23 June 1943: “May God protect you, my darlings; now, no more parcels for us: we’re going to our deaths.” 97 Some no longer tried to hide their distress: another woman writes on 23 July 1942: “We don’t have much hope of seeing each other again [illegible] we are leaving without having received any letters or parcels from you. You must realise how much we are suffering.” 98
For mothers, the pain becomes unspeakable. “My poor darlings, my heart is torn out at the thought of leaving you alone,” writes one woman on 21 July 1942. 99 And some, in a final cry, beg: “We are being taken away, Maman and I, please send a doctor to save the children, my poor darlings have pity on them. We are leaving immediately. Farewell, farewell. Suzanne,” writes a woman on 1 September 1942. 100
In a sudden burst of emotion, on the train that is carrying them, often without their knowledge, to their deaths, the anguish aroused by the unrepresentable nature of their destination, by the overflow or emptiness it evokes, seems to mobilise this form of action: writing a note and throwing it from the train, as an attempt to revive the human bond threatened by rupture. The unknown man in the cattle wagon continues: “I ask for your love, courage and patience, and we’ll see each other again 1 day,” 101 before dropping the letter from the moving train. Another man writes in April 1944: “We’ve been deceived and lied to. We’re on the train to [illegible]. Our end is imminent. Write to Vittel that in a few days we’ll be dead.” 102
A woman writes in Hungarian in 1942: “I’ve been in the wagon since last night and we’re about to leave. It seems that we’re going to Metz first and from there God knows where. Last night, before we got into the wagon, I heard that I had a parcel. I’m very sorry that I was not able to take it.” She continues writing her card, wondering what was inside. “I had a terrible night, I want to die. If you can write, please do so.” She asks again for clothes and shoes. 103
Through the letters thrown from the train, the internees entrusted to chance the fragile hope that they would reach their loved ones. These letters bring us closer to the sensory experience of the internees. Written in extreme conditions, they are distinguished by their fragile materiality and shaky handwriting. The paper, yellowed, torn, often ripped from a notebook or a fragment of a sheet, bears the traces of the journey and the urgency. The writing varies according to the authors: fine, wavering, sometimes incomplete, it oscillates between tension and exhaustion. Sometimes the words, crammed together with no margins, convey the need to speak. Some of the handwriting, initially regular, becomes nervous; some weakens or becomes squashed. The lines lean, undulate, break, as if the movement of the train were inscribed in the very gesture. These letters, often composed of fragile strokes and precarious materials, embody the struggle to remain human, a last act of expression and connection, a means of staying alive in the face of impending death.
“A garder, à lire, à passer aux générations futures pour qu’elles sachent ce que c’est de souffrir injustement et avec organisation.” [To be preserved, read and passed on to future generations so that they may know what it is to suffer unjustly and with organisation.] Marcel Weyl (6 June 1888 – 9 October 1942), Mémorial de l’internement et de la déportation - Camp de Royallieu
The letters from Drancy, as presented here, illustrate a conception of subjectivity that cannot be reduced to an intrinsic property of the individual, but must rather be understood as the product of practices, interactions and situated mediations. Written in the aftermath of arrest, throughout the experience of internment, and in some cases at the very threshold of deportation, they show that subjectivity, although deeply constrained, is not annihilated.
Across the corpus, one does not encounter a stable or fully articulated interiority, but rather a series of discontinuous traces: attempts to inform and reassure at the moment of arrival, fragmented expressions of injustice or incomprehension, descriptions of the camp that oscillate between factual detail and symbolic domestication, routines that structure suspended time, or memories that reactivate a lost world. These elements do not form a coherent narrative of the self; instead, they point to a subject struggling to maintain a relation to experience under conditions that threaten to render it inexpressible. In this sense, the silences, hesitations and partial formulations observed in the letters are not simply absences, but indices of the limits imposed on subjectivation itself.
What emerges as decisive, however, is that this fragile persistence of subjectivity is sustained above all through address to another. From the very first letters written upon arrival, seeking to reassure loved ones, to transmit news, or to delegate communication, to the final notes thrown from deportation trains, the act of writing is consistently oriented towards a recipient. Even when correspondence is uncertain, censored or interrupted, the writers continue to presuppose the presence of an addressee. This orientation structures the text at every level: requests for news, expressions of care, attempts to protect others from worry, instructions, memories shared, or hopes projected into the future.
The possibility of “going up to Maman’s” cannot be reduced to an ordinary act of daily life; it becomes a vital moment, charged with profound psychological significance. These brief encounters function as essential anchors, allowing the internees to maintain a minimal sense of relational continuity and to resist, however fleetingly, the disintegration of the self. Far from being anecdotal, these moments constitute breaches in the camp’s order, fragile openings through which a bond can still be sustained. They represent not only the persistence of attachment, but an active effort to preserve it. In this sense, such gestures may be understood as life-sustaining practices, through which the internees seek to hold onto a human connection in a world structured to sever it.
In a context where the camp seeks to isolate individuals, sever bonds and reduce them to administrative categories, this act of address constitutes a minimal but fundamental structure of recognition. It allows the subject to remain inscribed within a relational field, rather than collapsing into anonymity. The persistence of familial roles (sons reassuring mothers, parents worrying about children, friends supporting one another) illustrates how subjectivity is maintained through relational positioning. To write “to” someone is not merely to communicate; it is to sustain a place within a network of meaning and attachment.
Subjectivity appears less as a psychological content than as a relational position enacted in language. The presence of a “you,” explicit or implied, sustains the possibility of an “I.” This dynamic becomes particularly visible in moments of extreme fragility: in the waiting for letters that structure time and emotional endurance, in the distress produced by the absence of reply, or in the urgency of the final messages written before or during deportation. Even when language becomes fragmented, when writing is hurried, censored or materially precarious, the address persists: to ask, to warn, to love, to entrust, to transmit.
It is precisely in this persistence of address that the continuity of the subject can be located. Writing becomes a form of minimal agency, not in the sense of transforming external conditions, but in sustaining a relation to others and to oneself within those conditions. The letters thus reveal that subjectivity does not survive as an intact interiority protected from violence, but as a precarious process that depends on relational practices. In this sense, the epistolary act functions as a site of subjectivation: constrained by the conditions of the camp, yet opening fragile spaces in which the subject continues to emerge.
Taken together, the letters from Drancy show that subjectivity is fundamentally vulnerable, exposed to historical and social forces, yet capable of persisting in transformed forms. This persistence does not lie in the preservation of a stable self, but in the ongoing effort to address another, to maintain a link, and to inscribe oneself within a shared symbolic space, even at the limits of language, and at the threshold of disappearance.
Writing as a Battleground in the Struggle for Psychological Survival: Suzanne’s Letter
At the end of this exploration of correspondence as a space for psychological resistance and a collective framework for survival, it becomes possible to measure how much each letter, beyond its documentary value, engages in a complex subjective experience. where expectation, communication and maintaining the bonds are closely intertwined. This general framework takes on a singular resonance when we turn to individual writings, where these processes appear in their most embodied form.104,105
Suzanne’s letters offer a particularly striking example: written under the pressure of an announced departure and in the absence of news from the outside, they acutely expose the tensions, struggles, and survival mechanisms made possible through correspondence. What emerges collectively in the corpus is here condensed into an intimate experience, offering a close-up view of a subject striving, through writing, to maintain a bond and resist psychic disintegration.
On reading Suzanne’s letters, we can identify with the sender’s state of expectation and anxiety, and the reader may find their own thinking muddled. The letters give the impression of a very strong condensation and an inevitability of which the subject is at times aware. Suzanne’s discourse oscillates between multiple, often contradictory registers. Expressions of hope, declarations of courage, reproaches, demands, moments of despair, and sudden admissions of helplessness coexist within the same textual space. These shifts testify to intense internal agitation and to the difficulty of maintaining a coherent narrative when confronted with an unnamed but omnipresent threat. Subtle shifts in revolt, varying degrees of emotional expression, moments of stupefaction and confusion all blend together in the same piece of writing, giving a heterogeneous character to the narration. Several recurring motifs structure the letters. Lexically, the letters oscillate between everyday practical vocabulary and moments of raw affective exposure. These terms often appear suddenly, without preparation, disrupting the utilitarian tone of the surrounding text.
The textual organisation of the letters is marked by the absence of structuring devices: there are no paragraphs, very few punctuation marks, and sentences often extend far beyond conventional syntactic boundaries. This uninterrupted flow seems dictated by the material constraints of the postcard, but it also conveys a sense of urgency and the impossibility of suspending the flow of thought (absence of pauses). Thoughts follow one another rapidly, without organisation, as if the act of writing were driven by the fear of interruption or the collapse of thought itself. Writing becomes a race against time, a last space in which something of the subject can still be deposited.
The syntax itself frequently verges on collapse. Clauses are juxtaposed rather than subordinated, and logical links are often implicit or missing altogether. This structure reflects a mode of thinking dominated by immediacy. At times, the reader encounters sudden shifts in topic, moving from the absence of parcels to instructions, from administrative details to existential despair, without transitional markers. These abrupt transitions are textual traces of an oscillation between practical survival concerns and overwhelming affect.
Temporal markers in the letters provide insight into the text’s dynamics. Suzanne repeatedly situates her writing in relation to an imminent future (“I am leaving on Monday morning,” “that will be for another day”) while simultaneously clinging to hypothetical projections (“I hope to see you again 1 day,” “I will come back soon”). The future is thus split between an anticipated catastrophe and a fantasised return. This temporal instability produces a fractured experience of time, in which the present moment is saturated by anticipation and dread, and the future oscillates between hope and annihilation.
The repeated use of imperatives concerning her son, reveal an effort to preserve her maternal function through delegation: “make him the little overcoat, I left the fabric in a big cardboard box.” Unable to protect her child, Suzanne entrusts these acts to others, attempting to sustain her role symbolically. The reference to the fabric left in a cardboard box to make a coat is particularly striking: the material object becomes a substitute container, a tangible extension of maternal care projected into the outside world. Suzanne returns again and again to the injustice of being separated from her child, framing it as something unimaginable (“I’d like to write more but I’ve run out of ideas at the thought that I’m going so far away from my little boy and from everyone” “I thought this only existed in novels”). This comparison to fiction underscores the surreal nature of her lived experience, as if reality had exceeded the bounds of representation.
The letters also bear the marks of psychic overload. At several points, Suzanne explicitly comments on her own mental state: “my head is not right,” “I feel completely numbed”. These meta-discursive moments signal a fragile awareness of psychic collapse. In one instance, the associative chain breaks abruptly: “I would like to write more, but I can no longer think, at the thought of leaving so far away…” The letter reflects on its own limits. Writing becomes reflexive, but this reflexivity does not lead to elaboration: it merely acknowledges a limit, a point at which thinking becomes impossible. The thought of separation overwhelms the capacity to think, producing a rupture. Similarly, the word affolé [panic-stricken], a word that has a common origin with folie [madness] appears almost isolated within the sentence, detached from its syntactic context, as if language itself were momentarily insufficient to contain the affect it seeks to express.
Hope and despair coexist in a precarious balance. The idea of reunion – frequently evoked functions as a temporary support. Suzanne imagines returning, working, reuniting with her family, even as the reality of deportation repeatedly intrudes and undermines these projections. This restores continuity, only to collapse under the weight of the real. Writing thus becomes the site of a constant oscillation between holding on and letting go.
Suzanne’s letters make it possible to observe subjectivity at the point where it is both most threatened and most insistently maintained. They expose a subject caught in the very movement of psychic confusion, attempting through writing to preserve a minimal continuity of thought, address and maternal position. The fragility of subjectivity appears here not as its disappearance, but as the form it takes under extreme pressure.
The disorder of the writing is therefore not merely formal. The absence of paragraphing, the scarcity of punctuation, the rapid accumulation of requests, fears, memories, and instructions all testify to a subject struggling to hold together what the situation is pulling apart. The letter becomes a space where psychic life is deposited before it can be fully organised. Suzanne writes in fragments because the experience itself is fragmenting. Yet the very act of writing prevents this fragmentation from becoming total. Even when thought falters, the address remains.
Suzanne’s subjectivity persists because the letter is directed towards others. Her words are gestures of relation. She asks, entrusts, instructs, begs, reproaches, hopes. Through these acts, she continues to occupy a place in relation to her child and to those who may care for him. The repeated imperatives concerning her son are particularly important. Unable to protect him physically, she attempts to continue mothering. The request to make him a coat from fabric left in a cardboard box transforms an ordinary object into a material relay of maternal care. The fabric becomes a fragile extension of her presence, a way of acting at a distance when direct action has become impossible.
In this sense, writing becomes a battleground for psychological survival. On one side, deportation, separation and uncertainty threaten to dissolve the coordinates of the self. On the other, the letter allows Suzanne to reassert, however precariously, a position: she remains a mother, a woman who remembers, hopes, organises, and addresses others. Her subjectivity survives not as inner coherence, but as relational insistence. Even when she writes that her head is no longer right, or that she can no longer think, the statement itself remains addressed. The collapse of thought is named to someone. This naming does not repair the rupture, but it prevents it from being entirely silent.
The coexistence of hope and despair further reveals this precarious form of subjectivity. Suzanne imagines return and reunion even as the reality of departure repeatedly breaks into the text. These projections are temporary psychic supports. They allow a future to be imagined at the very moment when the future is being destroyed. The letter thus holds together incompatible temporalities: the imminence of catastrophe and the possibility of return. Subjectivity appears in this unstable interval, in the effort to continue projecting oneself beyond the present without being able to believe fully in that projection.
What Suzanne’s letters show, then, is that subjectivity under extreme violence does not persist as stability, clarity or narrative mastery. It persists in fragile acts: addressing, asking, delegating, remembering, hoping, and attempting to organise what remains possible. The writing bears the marks of psychic overload, but it also constitutes a resistance to psychic erasure. At the limit of thought and language, Suzanne’s letters show a subject still struggling to remain in relation to her child, to her family, to a future, and to herself.
Discussion
The need for continuity and the maintenance of a self-narrative in this extreme context is based on the subject’s ability to relate to themselves, particularly through commitments such as promises, which demonstrate fidelity to the self, a “narrative identity” (Ricœur, 1990/1995), that is, the possibility for an individual to understand themselves by weaving a narrative that connects their experiences, emotions, and transformations.
Under extreme conditions, such as those imposed by internment and deportation, this addressed dimension grants the letter a particular status. It becomes a fragile yet concrete space of encounter, one of the few remaining sites where relational continuity can be maintained. Within this space, writing fulfils essential inner functions: it temporarily stabilises elements of subjectivity and preserves traces of the bond with the loved other, even as these ties are constantly threatened, weakened, or instrumentalised by the genocidal system. Although profoundly precarious, this process allows something of the subject’s psychic continuity to persist, enabling individuals to endure, for a moment longer, the violence of camp life.
Drawing on Fyodor Dostoevsky’s reflections on beauty, Fine (1986) emphasises the importance of considering the relationship to literature and to beauty within the camps: “memory of that beauty did indeed help to preserve and fortify the humanity of those sentenced to the subhuman existence of ‘the concentration camp universe” (p. 88). In our view, this function can be observed in the recollection of the familiar as it is expressed through the letters.
For Paul Ricœur, there is no subject without a narrative: the “I” is recreated and reconfigured with each utterance. The letters written by internees are precisely such places for the actualisation of the “I.” With each letter sent, through the habits evoked, the emotions expressed, the promises made, the hopes maintained or disappointed, and the familiar addresses, the subject carries out this work of self-refiguration. Writing thus becomes a means of preserving an inner continuity and maintaining a presence to oneself in a context where everything threatens to dissolve it.
From this perspective, the writings reveal themselves as a narrative, moments which, when assembled, provide access to a plural understanding of the experience of internment. Our analysis highlights internal states such as guilt, the attempt to bring order to the arbitrary, and feelings of betrayal, as well as strategies for inhabiting a space of confinement by paradoxically transforming it into a recognisable, almost familiar place. It also reveals forms of intellectual escape, where internees mobilise memory, literature, or the imagination to break through the oppression.
Through the alternating acts of waiting, writing, and receiving, correspondence establishes an internal and external rhythm, supporting thought and the ability to contain emotions that are ready to overflow. Waiting, here, is not passivity: it protects the subject from a collapse induced by the harshness of confinement.
Writing and waiting to receive thus become different facets of the same act of survival: writing to address, waiting to contain, receiving to repair oneself as much as possible. The rhythm established by correspondence provides a temporal and relational reference point. Even when disrupted or suspended, it reveals how much the letter, as an object of sensory encounter, was part of a shared experience. Correspondence is thus part of a collective movement in search of balance, a condition for psychic survival. In the camp, the letter becomes an act of collective resistance, supported by the group, a means of fighting against the dehumanisation. The position of waiting, of hoping for news on a piece of paper, is akin to maintaining contact with the other, both symbolic and sensory. It enables a fragile but essential capacity for endurance, preventing the subject from sinking into the void of thought to which the processes of dehumanisation. By waiting for a written trace of the other, the object link is maintained in their absence. When words falter, it is the very materiality of the act of writing that takes over, inscribing on paper a resistance to erasure. Writing and reading thus become a way of continuing to exist in the thoughts of the other.
By enabling the use of language in regular postal exchanges, letters establish a form of rhythm, of waiting and of maintaining familiarity. They thus become a way of inhabiting – une manière d’habiter – in the sense that Lefebvre (1970/2003) attributes to this term: a way of being in the world, both connected to others and rooted in the lived body, that is, in sensory experience. Even in the most extreme conditions, the human being seeks to inhabit the world, to create meaning and connection. Letters mobilise the familiar, maintain relationships with others, with language, culture, and community. They contribute to the creation of a rhythm, a cycle of exchanges and expectations that structures lived time and recreates a possible daily life, based on habits (Stock, 2004). In the camp, the repeated actions of writing, sending and receiving, as well as the evocation of old or new habits, establish a rhythm that marks the duration and gives shape to lived, inhabited – one could say, in-habited – time. 106 These elements reintroduce reference points in the present, both in the content of the letters and in the temporal organisation of exchanges. Writing therefore allows the internees to inhabit their lives in a different way: through correspondence, they recreate a symbolic space where existence can still unfold, between memory, connection and creation. As Lefebvre writes, if we do not give human beings, as an offering and a gift, an opportunity to live poetically or to invent poetry, they will create it in their own way (Lefebvre, 1970/2003).
Goldberg (2017) shows how autobiographical writings produced during the Shoah bear the marks of a profound disruption of subjectivity. Traumatic experience, he argues, does not simply affect the content of what is narrated; it destabilises the very conditions of narration by fracturing narrative identity and disorganising the chronology of lived time. The subject is confronted with a kind of void in which even the reality of past experience becomes uncertain. Within this process, Goldberg identifies a shared anxiety among deportees: the fear of forgetting, or of losing one’s memories. He conceptualises this dynamic through the notion of “symbolic death” (2017, p. 249), referring to the erosion of the subject’s capacity to say “I,” to mobilise language, and to draw upon cultural and familial references.
Yet Goldberg’s analysis does not lead to the conclusion that subjectivity disappears entirely. Rather, he shows that certain forms of the “I” persist, albeit in altered and fragmented ways: the “I” that cries out in suffering, the “I” that questions, and the “I” that documents. “Ultimately, it is the act of narration that enables and even constitutes the emergence of the screaming/documenting/questioning I” (Goldberg, 2017, p. 256). These forms do not reconstruct a unified narrative identity or a coherent life story; instead, they emerge through the act of enunciation itself. What remains is not a narrative continuity, but what he calls “life-story fragments,” whose significance lies less in what they recount than in the fact that something is still being said.
Our analysis of the Drancy letters both confirms and extends this perspective. Like Goldberg, we observe that the external violence of persecution does not remain outside the subject but penetrates and overwhelms the inner world. The conditions of internment saturate temporality, disrupt thought, and weaken the subject’s capacity to sustain a coherent relation to self and to others. However, the letters suggest that this process is not without resistance. More specifically, they highlight the role of address in sustaining what remains of subjectivity. When writing is directed toward a loved other, it opens a fragile relational space in which the subject is not entirely reduced to the violence of the camp.
In this sense, the persistence of enunciation described by Goldberg appears here in a particular form: an addressed enunciation. Through the addressee, the writer can, however briefly, re-situate themselves within a symbolic and affective bond that exceeds the closed universe of the camp. This does not restore narrative identity, nor does it undo the process of disintegration. Rather, it allows for a provisional holding together, sometimes lasting no more than a few lines, sometimes only a few words. Suzanne’s letter offers a particularly striking illustration of this dynamic.
Our study suggests that the act of addressing another – especially a loved one – plays a central role in maintaining the fragmented forms of the “I.” It is through this outward-directed enunciation, anchored in the desire of the other, that a fragile continuity between past and present can still be articulated. Indeed, many internees continue to evoke shared memories, familiar habits, affectionate nicknames, and even projections into an uncertain future. What persists, then, is not a unified subject, but a relationally sustained subjectivity, momentarily reconstituted in and through the act of writing to another.
These personal narrative supports, ego-documents, 107 can be understood not simply as testimonies of lived experience, but as situated practices through which subjectivity is actively produced and negotiated under conditions of extreme constraint. These writings reveal how subjects engage with and make sense of their lived world from a first-person perspective embedded in concrete nexuses of social practice. Rather than reflecting a pre-existing inner identity, such documents show subjectivity as an ongoing, situated trajectory shaped by participation, constraint, and relational engagement. These ego-documents inscribe the subject within broader socio-cultural and political processes, illustrating how psychological experience is both shaped by and contributes to historically situated forms of life.
In this sense, correspondence produced during the Shoah does not merely document events but constitutes a relational and material site in which subjectivity is enacted and sustained. Primo Levi’s reflection on the urgent “need to tell” underscores the intensity with which narrative becomes a vital practice: the act of writing, particularly in the form of letters, functions as a means of holding together a threatened sense of self by articulating experience in relation to others.
This process can be further understood through Couze Venn’s concept of narrative refiguration. In contexts of trauma, where identity is fragmented and the continuity of experience disrupted, the act of telling one’s story becomes both cathartic and transformative. Writing enables a retranscription of memory, through which the subject reworks a violent and disjointed experience into a meaningful narrative. In this sense, correspondence can be seen as a practice through which individuals move, however precariously, from a position of subalternity, marked by domination, dispossession, and voicelessness, towards a minimal form of agency, by re-emplotting their experience and reclaiming authorship over their own existence.
By recounting daily life and addressing an absent other, the writer constitutes themselves as a speaking and living subject, producing what Foucault describes as an “immediate and almost physical presence” through discourse. In this sense, the letter becomes a space where subjectivity is composed within, but also against, the forces that seek to annihilate it.
Finally, the fundamentally dialogic structure of letters reinforces their specificity among ego-documents. Correspondence is oriented towards another whose anticipated response shapes both the content and the form of the text. Unlike diaries or memoirs, letters are inherently relational, constituting a space of interaction where meaning and selfhood are co-constructed. In situations of extreme isolation, this addressed dimension takes on a quasi-material quality: the letter becomes a substitute for presence, a fragile yet vital thread maintaining the bond with others and with oneself.
These perspectives suggest that subjectivity, even under the most extreme conditions, does not disappear but persist in reconfigured and precarious forms. Through situated practices such as letter writing, individuals maintain a minimal yet significant relation to themselves and to others, demonstrating that subjectivity is not a fixed entity but a relational, historical, and processual achievement continually negotiated at the intersection of power, language, embodiment, and social practice.
Research Limitations
Concerning the limitations of this research, several methodological considerations can be highlighted. From a methodological perspective, it would be valuable in future work to adopt a more targeted comparative approach, in light of the variations observed in the tonality and content of the letters. As suggested in our other publications (Laimou et al., 2026b), it would be particularly insightful to refine the analysis by examining different subgroups from a comparative standpoint, such as men versus women, adolescents versus adults, and clandestine versus official or forced letters.
In the same vein, a reconsideration of the chronological structuring of the corpus would likely yield important insights. Rather than relying solely on broad temporal divisions, future analyses could be organised around key historical events that shaped life in the camp, such as the arrival of women and children, scheduled deportations of French nationals, the frequency of deportations, administrative changes with significant repercussions on daily life, shifts in camp personnel, actions of the French Resistance, and major developments in the war (e.g. Stalingrad, North Africa, and D-Day). Such a historically grounded framework would allow for a more nuanced understanding of the interplay between external events and subjective experience.
However, implementing such methodological refinements requires the analysis of a larger corpus. The present study, based on a pilot phase involving 300 letters, does not allow for this level of granularity. For this reason, the corpus was structured according to broad chronological periods (1941–1942, 1943, 1944). While this organisation provides an initial framework, it remains insufficient for more in-depth analysis. Future research should therefore aim to expand the corpus by incorporating a greater number of letters from the several thousand already transcribed and analysed, in order to support a more detailed comparative and chronological approach.
Although the corpus comprises a substantial number of letters, certain socio-demographic and administrative variables, such as the duration of internment, age, socio-economic background, or place of origin, were not systematically identified by the archival teams. While such information is available for some individuals, it remains fragmentary and uneven across the corpus. As a result, it is not possible at this stage to establish reliable averages (e.g. length of stay in the camp) or to conduct systematic comparative analyses based on these variables.
Reconstructing this information would require extensive additional archival research, which goes beyond the scope of the present study, particularly given its exploratory and pilot nature. This limitation also affects our ability to examine systematically potential variations in the dynamics of subjectivity according to linguistic, cultural or socio-economic differences, for instance, between native French speakers and foreign internees.
More specifically, a rigorous analysis of the role of language in shaping these writings would require a more diversified interdisciplinary team, including specialists in the various languages spoken at Drancy. Such expertise would make it possible to better account for linguistic nuances, hybrid forms of expression, and the effects of translation or language interference, which are likely to play a significant role in the constitution and expression of subjectivity in the letters.
In order to address these limitations, we have supplemented our analysis with more general historical insights into the population interned at Drancy, drawing on existing historiography. These contextual elements provide a broader framework for situating the letters, while the present study remains primarily focused on the subjective dynamics as they emerge from the texts themselves. Future research, based on an expanded corpus, more complete administrative data, and broader interdisciplinary collaboration, would make it possible to refine these analyses and explore such variations in greater depth.
Conclusion
The analyses we have conducted, which draw on a combination of methodologies, extend the existing work by delving deeper into the emotional, relational and identity dynamics perceptible in the texts. Rather than revisiting contextual data, our approach focuses on the lived experience as manifested in the letters: emotional nuances, forms of address, everyday perceptions and persistent attempts to preserve a continuity of the self despite the constraints.
The dialogue between historical knowledge and the analytical methods of psychology deepens our understanding of the letters. It allows us to go beyond the reconstruction of contextual elements (camp organisation, communication methods, material and political constraints) to show how, in this coercive setting, internees used writing to maintain connections, express their emotions, engage in symbolic resistance, and preserve an inner space. This work thus encourages us to consider the interplay between psychic and historical facts. The former unfolds in relation to the socio-historical context and take on meaning and effect by drawing on it. The lives of the individuals, down to the most intimate of their experiences, can thus be inscribed in it. At the same time, interest in subjective experience forces us to consider objects that have been little considered until now. Interest in self-narrative pushes us to no longer seek only to describe events and their causality, but also to consider events as they are experienced by individuals (Mazurel, 2023). Articulated in this way, these perspectives highlight the fact that these letters are not only documentary sources: they constitute acts of psychological resistance, testifying to the desire to remain a subject despite the dehumanisation at work. They reveal the efforts to think, love, hope, transmit, and continue to exist in an extreme context. In this respect, they may align with the function of art in the camps as described by Moou (2016), namely a function of “spiritual resistance,” although for our part, we prefer to speak of subjective resistance.
The main interest of our approach lies in the possibility of reading this corpus as a narrative of interiority, attentive to the modulations of expression and attempts to interpret reality. By bringing these nuances of expression to light, the analysis reveals the constant effort to remain human, to express oneself and to connect with others. It thus allows us to move from a history centred on the conditions of internment to a history of the interned subject, their inner resources, their fragility and their strategies for emotional survival.
By firmly linking the historical context to the subjective dynamics perceptible in the texts, this work helps to restore to the internees what internment sought to abolish: their inner freedom, their capacity for thought, their identity, their humanity. Finally, it opens up new perspectives for the study of writings in captivity, highlighting the value of these sources for understanding resistance, that inner mobilisation made possible by writing in situations of extreme constraint. This work also shows how a “maybe,” that of hope, remains present in the face of the inexorable certainty of death, which unfolds in an administrative dimension, coldly organised, and produces the relentless genocidal operation. In this respect, with Derrida (1993/2006), we can affirm that the letter allows us to keep alive the possibility of the à-venir [the “to-come”], 108 as a manifestation of a form of freedom that is embodied in the unpredictable and inherent in the eternal potentiality of power.
Our study extends beyond a simple scientific contribution or a debt towards those who confronted with barbarism. It stems from a deeper necessity, an inner imperative arising from our engagement with the letters themselves: the need to articulate, insofar as we were able, what this encounter with the correspondence deposited within us. At times, we felt ourselves to be the recipients of these letters; at others, the intermediaries carrying their words towards future generations. We found ourselves in an almost constant search for legitimacy regarding the position we had chosen to occupy, within this historical aftermath and at the heart of one of France’s darkest zones of memory. It was a modest journey through time and through the camp, yet one whose echoes continue to resonate long after the reading has ended.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
To Karen Taieb (records manager at the Mémorial de la Shoah in Paris), to Aurélien Gnat (director of the Mémorial de l’internement et de la déportation – Camp de Royallieu), to the archivists for their contribution to this project. To the families who found the strength to entrust the letters of their loved ones to the collective memory, thus allowing their words to be re-read, re-heard and re-transmitted. To the students of Université de Picardie Jules Verne for their contribution to the numerization of archives and to retranscription of letters: Clémence Noel, Manon Skrzypczak, and Gaïhla Ponsart-Syz. To Julianne McCorry for the translation from French into English.
Ethical Considerations
Ethics committee: number 2022-12-1/2023-21, Université de Picardie Jules Verne.
Consent to Participate
There are no human participants in this article and informed consent is not required.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by: the MESHS-Lille (Maison Européenne des Sciences de l’Homme et de la Société/European center for humanities and social sciences)/the Conseil Régional Hauts-de-France/ the Centre National de Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), Haut-de-France, the IPA (International Psychoanalytical Association), [grant number RG2304]. The authors also received financial support from the Laboratoire « Centre d’Histoire des Sociétés, des Sciences et des Conflits EA 4289 », Université de Picardie Jules Verne and the Laboratoire de Psychologie Clinique, Psychopathologie, Psychanalyse, F-92100, Université Paris Cité.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The letters studied in the context of this research are entrusted to the collective memory by the families who gave their written consent. As such, they can be freely consulted at the Mémorial de la Shoah by anyone interested in the subject.
