Abstract
This research sought to explore the main factors affecting young people’s image-sharing behaviors, particularly in the context of peer relationships and norms. Ten focus groups were held with young people aged 13 to 14 years (Grade 9) with a total of 68 participants (39 females and 29 males) across 15 Australian schools contributing to the discussions. Focus groups were divided into either all-girls (n = 4), all-boys (n = 4), or mixed gender (n = 2) participants to observe gender-specific issues. Thematic analysis of the data revealed the considerable complexities that young people encounter daily when sharing images in the online environment, including how they navigate issues of conformity, trust, intention, and reputation. Gender-specific differences in young people’s perceptions of risky image sharing were also observed. These findings have important implications for the design of school-based interventions to prevent and reduce harm from image-sharing behaviors, including the appointment and training of cyber ambassadors in schools to help positively influence peer-level norms about image sharing.
Ninety-nine percent of Australian 15- to 17-year-olds regularly access the Internet for personal use (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2014), spending an average 18 hours online each week (ABS, 2016), and 87% use social networking sites (SNS) on a daily basis (A. Mitchell, Patrick, Heywood, Blackman, & Pitts, 2014). The most popular SNS, namely Facebook, Snapchat, Twitter, YouTube, and Instagram (Lenhart, Duggan, et al., 2015; Livingstone, Haddon, Görzig, & Ólafsson, 2011; A. Mitchell, Patrick, et al., 2014), are designed to allow and encourage the sharing of images and videos. Thus, young people are frequently involved in the production, distribution, and consumption of digital images and videos using social media. This behavior includes producing, viewing, modifying, commenting on, tagging, and sharing images/videos of themselves, peers and friends, family members, strangers, pets, meals, events, activities, and locations (Piwek & Joinson, 2016; Thelwall et al., 2016).
Through online image sharing, young people can establish and maintain friendships, remain in contact with family members, and seek social support (Lenhart, Smith, & Anderson, 2015). In particular, photographs and videos allow young people to demonstrate they are popular, liked, and socially connected (Durrant, Frohlich, Sellen, & Uzzell, 2011), display socially desirable traits and receive indicators of social approval (e.g., number of likes; Sherman, Payton, Hernandez, Greenfield, & Dapretto, 2016). Image sharing has also become a key means by which young people engage in sexuality behaviors such as flirting, expressing attraction or seeking attention from romantic interests, and engaging in sexually explicit interactions (Cooper, Quayle, Jonsson, & Svedin, 2016; Drouin, Vogel, Surbey, & Stills, 2013; Utz, Muscanell, & Khalid, 2015). As such, it has been suggested that sexting is becoming a normative part of adolescent romantic relationships (K. J. Mitchell, Jones, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2014; Temple & Choi, 2014).
Harmful forms of digital image sharing can have significant emotional, social, legal, and economic consequences. If a young person’s sexual material is spread more widely than intended, they can face serious consequences from peers, family, schools, universities, and workplaces, including legal repercussions (Svantesson, 2011), feelings of shame, guilt and a heightened vulnerability to anxiety and depression (Ahern & Mechling, 2013), and bullying and harassment (Reyns, Burek, Henson, & Fisher, 2013). Moreover, young people report that cyberbullying using images, particularly if it depicts them in intimate or embarrassing situations, is more distressing than other forms of cyberbullying (Bastiaensens et al., 2014; Menesini, Nocentini, & Calussi, 2011; Patterson, Allan, & Cross, 2017; Smith et al., 2008). Young people are vulnerable to negative feedback from peers, and online feedback is often harsher, more permanent, and more public than offline (Koutamanis, Vossen, & Valkenburg, 2015). The emotional and social consequences of inappropriate image sharing and the associated implications for mental health qualify image sharing as a critical public health issue. Moreover, problematic images may also contribute to perceived norms that can promote harmful physical health behaviors; for example, observing images of friends drinking alcohol may encourage young people to engage in this behavior (Huang et al., 2014).
Young people are often aware of the possible consequences of inappropriate image sharing and recognize that online activity may leave a digital footprint that cannot be erased, with inappropriate images causing harm beyond the immediate future (Patterson et al., 2017). However, key challenges during this developmental period, including the importance of peers, and the desire to explore adult and sexual identities, means young people are at heightened risk when making image-sharing decisions (Cookingham & Ryan, 2015). Hence, despite their knowledge of potential consequences, they continue to engage in harmful forms of digital image sharing.
This can be illuminated by the theory of planned behavior, which asserts behavioral intentions can become greater if the person believes the behavior is socially desirable and perceives social pressure to act in a certain way (Ajzen, 1991). The role of peer norms is significant: One of the most influential factors influencing young people’s involvement in sexting is the belief that sexting occurs frequently among peers (Lippman & Campbell, 2014; Walrave, Heirman, & Hallam, 2014). Moreover, the influence of social pressure is a stronger predictor of young people’s intention to engage in sexting than their individual attitudes toward sexting (Walrave et al., 2014).
The peer group dynamics surrounding risky image sharing appear to differ across genders, particularly in relation to the sharing of sexual material. For instance, as Burkett’s (2015) findings suggest, it is often the sender—usually female—who is blamed for sexts, regardless of whether someone else has forwarded them. Female adolescents are more likely to report being pressured or coerced into engaging in sexting by their partners or peers, and are often judged more harshly than males who engage in the same behavior (Burkett, 2015; Henderson & Morgan, 2011; Kopecký, 2014; Lee, Crofts, Salter, Milivojevic, & McGovern, 2013; Walker, Sanci, & Temple-Smith, 2013). For instance, adolescent girls who share nude material are more likely to be perceived by peers and adults as being provocative or overtly sexual, whereas boys’ creating and sharing of naked or seminaked pictures may be interpreted as simply being a joke (Albury, Crawford, Byron, & Mathews, 2013). In Lippman and Campbell’s (2014) research, it was a case of ‘damned if you do, damned if you don’t,’ as girls were commonly judged harshly whether they sexted (e.g., “slut”) or not (e.g., “prude”).
The current study sought to confirm and extend existing research on the complex issues young people encounter when engaging in risky image sharing, particularly in the context of peer relationships and norms. These issues were explored from the unique perspective of a group of Australian young people selected for their potential leadership capabilities. The development of these “cyber ambassadors” was central to a 3-year intervention study, Cyber Friendly Schools project (2014-2016), conducted in Western Australia. The larger Cyber Friendly Schools project aimed to help young people make more positive decisions about their online behavior, and utilized the innovative approach of engaging young people in designing solutions to reduce harm from image sharing. This was in recognition of the value young people can bring to identifying strategies that are acceptable to, feasible for and “doable” by young people (Cross, Lester, Barnes, Cardoso, & Hadwen, 2015). Critically, these focus groups were an integral first step in understanding general online behavior among the cyber ambassadors. It was of specific interest to confirm the findings of previous research about the role of peer norms and gender-specific differences in risky image sharing and explore their applicability to a population of Australian young people selected as cyber ambassadors in their respective schools.
Method
A qualitative approach was used in this study, guided by the philosophical assumption of constructionism. It aimed to illuminate the diverse and multifaceted beliefs about health that are firmly embedded within the unique context of individuals’ everyday lives (Agar, 2013; Taylor & Francis, 2013). According to the definition of constructionism (Crotty, 1998), reality is not discovered but rather is constructed from an interaction between conscious intentionality and the human world. That individuals create their own meaning, unique to the different social worlds they inhabit, is a central tenet of constructionism (Crotty, 1998). Focus groups were utilized to explore the socially constructed dimensions of image sharing and provide a collectively constructed articulation of image sharing (Kamberelis, 2011). Previous research demonstrates focus groups are a valuable method to gain insight into complex issues among adolescent populations (e.g., Hyde, Howlett, Brady, & Drennan, 2005).
Participants
Ten focus groups were conducted in October 2014 during a 2-day leadership workshop in Perth, Western Australia, designed to support young people to make positive choices about their online behavior. This workshop was part of a larger 3-year intervention study (2014-2016) led by one of the authors, which aimed to develop and implement online resources for Western Australian schools to help reduce harm from young people’s negative online behaviors. Fifty-three nongovernment schools in the Perth metropolitan area were approached, and a total of 15 principals consented for their school’s participation in the larger intervention project. These nongovernment schools included six schools from the Western Australian Catholic Education Office sector, and nine schools from the Association of Independent Schools of Western Australia sector. Unlike Australian government schools, non-Government schools charge compulsory tuition fees and typically have a religious or church affiliation. School principals were provided with selection criteria and asked to nominate four to five Year 9 students (similar numbers of boys and girls) to be their school’s cyber ambassadors. The role of the cyber ambassadors was to identify and develop practical ideas in their school to promote positive technology use behaviors and reduce potential harms from inappropriate use. Students were provided with a student and parent information letter and consent forms describing the requirements of their participation in the project as a cyber ambassador, including participation in a focus group discussion as part of a 2-day leadership training workshop. In total, 68 Year-9 students with parent consent (39 females and 29 males) participated in the focus group discussions. Ethics approval from the Human Research Ethics Office at The University of Western Australia and the relevant nongovernment school sectors was received prior to recruiting schools, students, and families into the project.
Protocol
The focus group protocol consisted of semistructured open-ended questions used to explore young people’s perceptions of their electronic image-sharing behaviors. One of two different image-sharing vignettes was used in each of the focus groups to prompt discussion and help explore sensitive image-sharing topics through projective techniques. Vignettes typically contain limited information about a certain scenario and participants are asked to comment on how they would expect the characters to respond or how they would respond in that situation (Barter & Renold, 2000). This technique helps capture participants’ general attitudes and beliefs about a topic, including sensitive issues, while also commenting on additional contextual factors influencing their decisions (Barter & Renold, 2000). In this study, one vignette (Vignette A), stated: “Alex asks Chris to send an image to them,” and the second vignette (Vignette B) stated: “You have heard a group of young people have started sending each other various images as a joke.” These two vignettes were chosen to allow for a range of responses according to the different contexts of image sharing. The vignettes were ambiguous about the gender of those involved in the image-sharing situations, to enable participants to consider the situation based on their own experiences and observations, and to encourage them to consider whether gender can affect how they perceive different image-sharing behaviors. Focus groups consisted of either all-girls (n = 4), all-boys (n = 4), or mixed gender (n = 2) participants, providing an opportunity for discussion about gender-sensitive issues while also allowing for a mixed-gender interpretation of image sharing. Six of the focus groups used Vignette A and the remaining four focus groups used Vignette B. This unequal use of vignettes was to provide more opportunity to explore image sharing in dyadic relationships (e.g., sexting in intimate relationships). The focus groups were conducted concurrently by a team of 10 female researchers aged 24 to 58 years of age. Facilitators were trained in focus group moderation, including the use of strategies to minimize bias and encourage open discussion among students. Focus groups were 45 to 60 minutes in duration and were digitally recorded for transcription purposes.
Data Analysis
Data were analyzed using a thematic approach, via the analytic method of Framework Analysis. This process included the following: initial familiarization with the data, coding data into initial themes (axial coding), construction of a thematic framework, indexing and charting (selective coding), refinement of themes, and interpretation of the data as a whole (Gale, Heath, Cameron, Rashid, & Redwood, 2013; Ritchie & Spencer, 2002). The thematic framework was driven both inductively, with key concepts and terms emanating from the data, and deductively, drawing on a priori issues from the research literature. The focus groups were identified as FG1 to FG10 inclusive and where illustrative quotes are used, and the gender of the focus group participants is also specified (all-girls = GG, all-boys = BB, or mixed = BG).
Results
Both boys and girls initially responded to the vignettes in a way that was generally disapproving of the sharing of inappropriate images and demonstrated sound understanding of how they felt they should respond in such situations. For instance, Everything depends on what type of images. It’s like pretty obvious what you should send to somebody and what you shouldn’t. (FG1, GG) If you wouldn’t put up posters all over the school, don’t put them on the Internet. (FG8, BB) Even if it’s fun you have got to make sure you really think it through. You have got to be sure you remember there are consequences. (FG3, GG)
However, as the focus group discussions evolved, participants’ responses revealed the multilayered nature of electronic image sharing. Identification of the major themes helped articulate the nuances of how young people manage relationships in the online environment, including how they navigate issues of conformity, trust, intention, and reputation (Table 1).
Main Themes and Example Quotes.
Theme 1: Conformity
A salient theme across the focus group discussions was the importance of participating in image sharing as a way of complying with others’ expectations and demands. This issue was similarly expressed among both the all-girls and all-boys focus groups. Both boys and girls suggested that it was important to resist the desire to image share in a group situation to avoid conformity to certain negative behaviors (e.g., bullying). The consequences of noncompliance, such as social exclusion, were also acknowledged in an all-girls focus group. Participants (both boys and girls) also spoke about how they may feel coerced into sharing sexual images, and how the social pressure of sharing some images might conflict with their moral sense of what is the “right” thing to do or what they want to do.
Theme 2: Trust
Participants believed it was important to establish a sense of trust in those with whom they were sharing images. This was common theme among both boys and girls. Notably, gender was an important factor in determining trust, and some girls perceived a greater level of trust among their same-sex peers. However, participants discussed how discerning this level of trust was not always easy, particularly given the transient nature of adolescent friendships. This was reported in both an all-boys focus group and a mixed gender focus group. In the all-girls focus groups, it was also discussed how, despite an image being initially shared among people who were trusted, it could still be circulated beyond the intended recipient. Particularly when boys were in receipt of the images, the girls believed there was a high likelihood of the image being more widely circulated.
Theme 3: Intention
Closely associated with the theme of trust, intention behind image sharing was also a central theme across the different focus groups (all-boys, all-girls, and mixed). Despite the sender’s original intent in sharing an image, participants acknowledged that it may not always be received or viewed in the same way by others. For instance, both boys and girls commented that while images may be circulated initially in an innocent way, or as a joke with no harmful intent, it can be difficult to predict how others will react. It was also recognized in an all-boys and a mixed-gender focus group that situations may arise when image sharing is underpinned by a harmful motive from the outset.
Theme 4: Reputation
Many young people recognized the dramatic impact that image-sharing behaviors could have on one’s reputation. Essentially, through sending an image in response to a request, the sender risked the image spreading around the school and beyond. This concern was expressed among both boys and girls. However, the specific impacts on reputation were discussed more among girls, for example “everyone talking about this photo” (FG2) and being subject to others’ judgement (FG3), such that “no-one thinks of them positively” (FG4). The perceived risks to reputation were particularly prominent when participants considered the risks of sending (fully or partially) nude images. This was discussed in an all-girls focus group and a mixed gender focus group. Also, in an all-girls focus group, participants perceived potential risks to their social standing if they did not send an image.
Discussion
In support of previous research, these focus-group findings revealed the multifaceted nature of young people’s image-sharing attitudes and behaviors and demonstrated an understanding of core concerns associated with image sharing. While participants generally hold strong beliefs about the potential harms associated with image sharing and are cognizant of recommended strategies to minimize harm, they can encounter considerable complexity when implementing these well-intentioned actions in the context of peer dynamics and rewards. As proposed by the theory of planned behavior, the perceived social pressure surrounding risky image sharing is fundamental and can be a stronger predictor of adolescents’ intentions to engage in sexting than their individual attitudes toward sexting (Walrave et al., 2014).
The identified themes of conformity, trust, intention, and reputation were salient in the focus group discussions. As discussed by participants, image sharing may be a way of conforming to the group and complying with social pressure. Likewise, previous research has found that young people are more likely to engage in sexting when they believe sexting occurs frequently among their peers (Walrave et al., 2014), and can be subjected to significant social pressure to conform with this behavior (e.g., Burkett, 2015). Participants discussed how establishing trust when sharing images was paramount, and this concern among girls, in particular, is consistent with previous research (Burkett, 2015). This was also connected to intention; participants were keenly aware of how image sharing could be underpinned by a harmful motive and how images could be misinterpreted in ways that were contrary to the original sender’s intention. Likewise, previous research has found that young people are more inclined to engage in sexting when they perceive they can trust the person with whom they are sharing images to not to show the images or message to others (Walrave et al., 2014).
As found in previous research on young people’s perceptions of sexting (Lippman & Campbell, 2014), participants were acutely aware of the ongoing consequences of their risky image sharing on their peer relationships, indicating that when risky behavior takes place, it is motivated by a perception that the potential rewards outweigh the potential risks. Image sharing was seen as a means of enabling reputation, aligning with previous research addressing sexting among young adults (Burkett, 2015). However, concerns about image sharing damaging their reputation were also expressed, particularly among the all-girl focus groups. This finding is also in line with previous research by Burkett (2015). Likewise, Lippman and Campbell (2014) found that girls often experience social pressure to engage in sexting and are subject to harsh judgements whether they engage in this form of image sharing or not.
Overall, the findings from the current study highlight the considerable complexities young people face and the many issues they attempt to navigate when making decisions about image sharing. The identified themes help explicate the nuances of how young people’s image-sharing behaviors are shaped by their culture and the social worlds they inhabit. Participants recognized the benefits of conforming to social norms and complying with others’ expectations but expressed awareness of the importance of trusting those with whom the image would be shared. There was also an underlying recognition that images could be misinterpreted, and that some peers may have harmful intentions regarding image sharing. This unpredictability means that young people may have limited control over the outcome of their image-sharing behaviors. The way in which these issues of conforming, trust, and intention are navigated by young people then has the potential to affect their online behavior, reputation, and well-being in both positive and negative ways. Harnessing young people’s awareness of the potential risks of image sharing and helping them find ways to achieve social goals and resolve social pressures without engaging in risky behavior, could help prevent risky image sharing and associated harms.
The findings should be considered in the context of the study limitations. The participant sample consisted of young people chosen specifically for their potential leadership capabilities, so may not be representative of other young people their age. Additionally, due to students being drawn from nongovernment schools rather than government school sectors, focus group participants were more likely to be from higher socioeconomic status backgrounds. It is also possible the power differential between the adult focus group facilitators and the youth participants contributed to socially desirable response bias (Holstein & Gubrium, 2002). In this study, the vignettes were brief and somewhat ambiguous to allow participants to explore this sensitive topic through projection techniques. The focus group discussions were similar, regardless of what vignette was used (Vignette A or Vignette B). Additionally, it was not always clear what kind of images students were referring to in their discussion (i.e., sexting or other risky image sharing) and some nuances may have been lost.
Notwithstanding these limitations, the findings of the current study provide useful guidance for school-based action to prevent and reduce harm from young people’s image-sharing behaviors. In particular, the insights from the focus group discussions indicate that an important target for intervention is subjective norms and normative expectations held within this population. Interventions need to enable young people to develop perceptions of positive social norms and normative expectations of appropriate behavior when online, and seek to develop their moral and social reasoning skills (Bussey, Fitzpatrick, & Raman, 2015; Cappadocia, Pepler, Cummings, & Craig, 2012; Rector-Aranda & Raider-Roth, 2015). Indeed, there is a clear need to strengthen young people’s momentary decision-making skills to employ these effectively in online environments where there is less adult guidance and support (Patterson, Allan, & Cross, 2016).
Critically, this research suggests the importance of subjective norms and normative expectations surrounding image sharing, as perceived by a group of Australian young people selected to be cyber ambassadors in their schools. Cyber ambassadors in schools are a valuable resource to model, teach, and encourage positive image sharing among their fellow students (Cross et al., 2015). Selected students need to exhibit natural empathy and leadership skills; they should also have credibility within the peer group and the potential to help positively influence peer-level norms about image sharing.
Importantly, intervention strategies to promote the positive use of technology and minimize harms from risky image sharing need to be implemented in the context of a whole-school approach. This includes, for instance, proactive policies, procedures and practices around technology use; a committed school leadership team; a positive, safe, and supportive school culture; and mechanisms to develop key understandings and competencies among staff, students, and families about technology use among young people (Pearce, Cross, Monks, Waters, & Falconer, 2011).
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We dedicate this article to our dear colleague Dr. Lisa Patterson. The authors thank the secondary schools and students involved in this research and acknowledge the contribution of the Cyber Friendly Schools research staff.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The study was supported by the WA Health Promotion Foundation (Healthway, File Number 24014), the Telethon New Children’s Hospital Fund and the Department of Education (Western Australia). Donna Cross’ contribution to this article was supported by an NHMRC Research Fellowship GNT 1119339.
Supplement Note
This article is part of the Health Education & Behavior supplement issue, “Advancing the Science and Translation of Digital Health Information and Communication Technology.” The printing and dissemination of the supplement was supported by the Office of Behavioral and Social Sciences Research, National Institutes of Health (Contract No. HHSN276201800167P). No federal funds were used in the development of these supplement manuscripts, and the views and findings expressed in them are those of the authors and are not meant to imply endorsement or reflect the views and policies of the U.S. Government. The entire supplement is available open access at
.
