Abstract
Background
Sexual violence (SV) prevalence remains high among U.S. college campuses; prevention strategies may benefit from addressing socially oppressive beliefs, including racism, sexism, and heterosexism that all directly link to attitudes and beliefs related to SV.
Aims
The objective of this study is to evaluate the potential efficacy of a novel student-driven, theater-based intervention in shifting beliefs regarding racism, heterosexism, and SV.
Method
Data were utilized from paired pre- and posttest surveys (n = 272) from undergraduate students, at a university in the Southeastern United States, who attended a student-driven theater production covering topics of SV, heterosexism, and racism. The survey included questions on rape myth acceptance, heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, perceived racism on campus, and relevant respondent demographic information.
Results
After viewing the theater production, participants demonstrated significant decreases pretest-posttest in rape myth acceptance, (ΔM = 0.04, SD = 0.25), t(261) = 2.57, p = .01, heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, (ΔM = 0.09, SD = 0.36), t(267) = 3.32, p = .0001, and an increased pretest-posttest in perceived racism on campus, (ΔM = −0.15, SD = 0.47), t(266) = −5.15, p < .0001. For rape myth acceptance and heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, no apparent differences were present by race, gender identity, sexual orientation, or year in school. Only White and mixed-race students’ levels of perceived prevalence racism increased when examined by race.
Implications
Findings from this study suggest that theater interventions may not only be an effective tool for addressing SV on campus, but also targeting other forms of discrimination, including sexism, homophobia, and racism among students.
Introduction
Sexual violence (SV) on college and university campuses is a significant public health issue in the United States. SV is defined as a sexual act when consent is not obtained or it is not possible to obtain consent; SV includes forms of physical sexual contact, such as sexual assault, and forms of nonphysical contact, such as sexual harassment (Basile et al., 2014). SV is prevalent on university campuses with an estimated 13% of college students reporting having experienced sexual assault or other nonconsensual touching (Cantor et al., 2020). In addition, an estimated 47.7% of college students report having experienced sexual harassment (Cantor et al., 2020). Undergraduate females and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and others: (LGBTQ+) students experience significantly higher rates of sexual assault or nonconsensual touching and sexual harassment compared with heterosexual, cisgender men (Cantor et al., 2020; Krebs et al., 2016). Experiencing SV increases risk for substantial psychological and physical health problems, including posttraumatic stress disorder, increased risk for unsafe sexual behavior, substance abuse, gastrointestinal problems, and physical injuries (Jina & Thomas, 2013; Mason & Lodrick, 2013).
There remains a significant gap in the SV prevention literature in addressing both perpetration and victimization across sexes on college campuses (Bonar et al., 2020). Rape myth acceptance may be a particularly important belief system to target for risk of SV perpetration and victimization prevention for students of all sex identities. Common rape myths are defined as attitudes and beliefs that serve to justify SV, and often put the responsibility or blame on the victim, pardon the perpetrator, and minimize the significance of experiencing SV (Bohner et al., 2009; Hust et al., 2016). Rape myth acceptance is a strong risk factor for perpetration of SV and directly links to social norms regarding SV that influence behaviors on a population level (Eyssel et al., 2006; Trottier et al., 2021; Yapp & Quayle, 2018). Specifically, rape myth acceptance is linked to the prevalence of SV and contributes to social norms that justify SV. Greater rape myth acceptance is associated with higher rape proclivity and other hostile attitudes among heterosexual men toward women (Bohner et al., 2005; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). However, few interventions have targeted rape myth acceptance and perpetration among men (Bonar et al., 2020). Furthermore, higher rape myth acceptance among women is directly linked to less perceived personal relevance of SV interventions, and therefore leads to women being less receptive of such programs (Kahlor & Morrison, 2007).
Both intersectionality and social dominance theories examine multiple interconnected forms of group-based discrimination, such as sexism, racism, and homophobia (Crenshaw, 1991; Sidanius et al., 2004). These theories describe how processes at different levels of the social ecological model, from structural and institutional discrimination to interpersonal prejudice, interact to produce group-based inequities. Rape myth acceptance and SV have been directly connected to various forms of oppression (Aosved & Long, 2006; Prather et al., 2018; Stoll et al., 2016; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010; Worthen, 2017). Greater racism, sexism, heterosexism, and homophobia have all been found to be individually and collectively linked to higher rape myth acceptance among college students (Aosved & Long, 2006; Prather et al., 2018; Stoll et al., 2016; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010; Worthen, 2017). Furthermore, there is significant critique of “identity-neutral” intervention approaches to SV that do not consider intersecting forms of oppression (McCauley et al., 2019). As a result, SV prevention programming that incorporates a broader lens to examine intersectional oppressive and intolerant beliefs may be more effective in shifting attitudes, norms, and behavior.
Only recently has theater become a tool deliberately used to change attitudes and behaviors regarding SV (McMahon et al., 2014). Unlike some health behavior interventions, theater interventions provide the opportunity to convey complex information in a nuanced manner and allow participants to be both engaged and entertained (Dill-Shackleford et al., 2015). Theater to engage audiences cognitively and emotionally is ideal for work involving shifting social norms within communities (Causey et al., 2012; Lieberman et al., 2011). Theater provides the opportunity for audiences to think and reflect on concepts and social norms both during and after the performance, often leading to behavior change (Rossiter et al., 2008). Interactive peer education theater primarily has been used to successfully change attitudes toward, and use of, bystander intervention behaviors among college students, including increased recognition of and intervention in situations in which there is risk for SV (Ahrens et al., 2011; Black et al., 2000; Christensen, 2013; McMahon et al., 2014, 2015). However, to our knowledge, theater education has not been utilized to change attitudes and behaviors regarding both SV and intersecting forms of oppression, including sexism, homophobia, and racism.
In response to results from a 2017 climate survey demonstrating higher than average rates of SV on a university campus in the Southeastern United States, the University Theater Department faculty partnered with a local theater production company to develop and produce the original theatrical work, Roleplay. The purpose of Roleplay was to explore student experiences, specifically as they relate to sexual assault and consent on campus. Undergraduate student writers and actors partnered with theater professionals to develop Roleplay over the course of a year. Additional themes relevant to the student experience emerged throughout the development of Roleplay based on feedback from student writers and actors, including the need to address heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, and racism on campus.
The objectives of this study were to (1) assess the potential impact of the theater production, Roleplay, in changing students’ attitudes and beliefs regarding rape myth acceptance, heterosexism, and the prevalence of racism among undergraduate university students, and (2) assess potential variations in these changes by students’ demographic characteristics, including gender identity, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity. We hypothesized that after viewing Roleplay, there would be a significant overall decrease in rape myth acceptance and heterosexism, and an increased perceived prevalence of racism on campus. Furthermore, we expected students who identified as male and students who identified as heterosexual to have significantly greater decreases in rape myth acceptance and heterosexist beliefs. In addition, we hypothesized that students who identified as White would have a significantly greater increase in perceived prevalence of racism on campus.
Method
Intervention
The objective of the Roleplay production was to provide real-life examples of current university students’ experiences with (1) sex, SV, power, and consent; (2) racism and homophobia; and (3) mental health and addiction. The theory of planned behavior (TPB) was also utilized in development of the intervention to specifically target students’ attitudes toward, and perceived norms regarding, SV. According to TPB, attitudes toward a behavior, perceived norms, and perceived behavioral control all influence behavioral intention and behavior itself (Ajzen, 1991). Attitudes, or the level of agreement or disagreement with heteronormative, homophobic, and sexually violent beliefs or behaviors, may directly influence a student’s behaviors regarding SV. Furthermore, perceived norm, or an individual’s perceived approval or disapproval among their peer group and larger student body of beliefs and behaviors related to SV may also play a role in an individual’s behaviors. A devised theater approach was taken with two directors from the University Theater Department and the local theater production company and 11 cast members who were current university students. Devised theater allows for the disruption of traditional hierarchical theater productions and includes creation from scratch, centering the lived experiences of the cast as cocreators (Watkins, 2016). Directors of the production led the student cast through a series of workshops over the course of a year, including improvisational acting activities designed to elicit real-life examples of students’ experiences on campus, structured writing activities, and further development of scenes eventually selected by directors and the cast. Workshops began with basic structured improvisational activities for student actors to become comfortable interacting and acting out iterations of real-life experiences and continued with the directors recording and writing down dialogue scenes, with student actors and writers refining dialogue over time. An initial draft of the script was formulated by recorded and written dialogue generated from student actors and revised with feedback from student writers and actors.
The production was created for, and marketed to the larger student body on campus through class announcements, emails, social media, and fliers. In addition, the production was listed as an approved educational activity for those in recruitment for Greek life on campus. The 90-minute show followed 11 students throughout the course of their sophomore year of college. Scenes explored (1) a woman processing her experience with sexual assault by a male partner after a night of drinking; (2) a queer relationship in which one woman’s parents were not accepting of her sexuality and her partner comes out as nonbinary; (3) a Black woman who struggles with experiences of racism, including her White friends pressuring her to go to a party at a fraternity house where a Confederate flag is displayed prominently; (4) a student struggling with mental health issues as a queer Black man at a majority White institution; and (5) a student struggling with substance abuse issues, in particular alcohol abuse. The Roleplay script is currently published (Avidon et al., 2021). Other themes highlighted the amount of academic and social pressure students were under at an elite university, which led to issues including anxiety and high-risk drinking.
Study Procedures
Data collection, including administration of pretest-posttest surveys, took place in September 2019. All data collection procedures were approved by the university institutional review Board. Participants who reserved free tickets online for the production prior to the night of the performance were automatically emailed an anonymous Qualtrics survey link for a pretest survey the morning of the performance date to complete prior to viewing. Students who reserved tickets on-site immediately before the performance were provided with the pretest survey link after signing in and they used tablets or their cellular devices to complete the survey in a private area of the theater lobby. Participants were provided with a general introduction to the survey, including a statement about understanding their opinions and experiences related to the production and about confidentiality of all survey data. They were then provided with a place to electronically consent into the study before completing the survey. Only participants who selected “yes” for electronic consent and provided their email for follow-up were included in the study. A Qualtrics link to the posttest survey was automatically emailed, after the production began, to all who completed the pretest survey. As students left the theater, they were given a reminder to complete their posttest surveys within 1 week using the link emailed. Reminder emails through Qualtrics were distributed 24, 48, and 120 hr after the production for those who had not yet completed the survey. Students who completed both the pre- and posttest surveys received a US$5 Amazon gift card.
Study participants included undergraduate students 18 years of age or older, who spoke fluent English, from a University in the Southeastern United States. Approximately, 427 undergraduate students attended the Roleplay production. Out of students who attended, 174 students (29.7%) were required to attend the production for a class, including students from an introductory gender and sexuality studies course and an introductory public health course. Differences in baseline data and propensity to change were assessed to compare students required to attend with other students, and no significant differences were found. The majority of students (n = 406) completed the pretest survey, for an initial response rate of 95%. Only completed matched pairs (n = 272) for the pre- and posttest surveys were included in analyses. After assigning random identification numbers to each participant, email addresses were immediately removed from study data. The final response rate for pretest–posttest surveys was 67%. Both surveys took approximately 15 min to complete.
Measures
Survey content included validated measures to assess beliefs regarding rape myth acceptance, sexual consent, heteronormativity in romantic relationships, and perceived prevalence of racism on the university’s campus. Scales and questions were chosen utilizing the TPB (Ajzen, 1991) and based on the content of Roleplay and anticipated areas of change.
Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, Short Form
This measure includes 19 statements about common rape myths, including who can be a rape victim or perpetrator and what constitutes rape (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). Reliability was found to be high at both pretest (α = .89) and posttest (α = .92). Five subdomains of rape myth acceptance are assessed with subscales, including explicit and implied consent, the role of alcohol in rape, men’s propensity toward rape, and false disclosure of rape. Participants were asked to rate how much they agreed with each statement on a 5-point Likert-type scale, from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Examples of items include the following: (1) “If a woman is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for what happened”; (2) “A lot of times, girls who say they were raped agreed to have sex and then regret it”; (3) “Guys don’t usually intend to force sex on a girl, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away”; and (4) “If both people are drunk, it can’t be rape.” A total mean score is calculated ranging from 1 to 5, with higher scores indicating greater acceptance of rape myths.
Heteronormative Attitudes and Beliefs Scale
This scale was used to assess beliefs about binary categories of gender and sex that are biologically determined and indistinguishable from one another (i.e., sex = gender) and normative behavioral expectations for women and men in romantic or sexual relationships (Habarth, 2015). The measure was found to be reliable at both pretest (α = .89) and posttest (α = .88). The 16-item measure comprises two subscales: The Essential Sex and Gender Subscale and the Normative Behavior Subscale. Subscales consist of statements about the construct of gender, including the topics of sex versus gender, and defined gender roles. Participants were asked to indicate how much they agreed with each item on a 7-point Likert-type scale, from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Examples of items include the following: (1) “All people are either male or female”; (2) “In intimate relationships, people should act only according to what is traditionally expected of their gender”; and (3) “People should partner with whomever they choose, regardless of sex or gender.” A total score is calculated ranging from 1 to 5, with higher scores indicating stronger heteronormative attitudes and beliefs.
Perceived Racism
The survey included a question created for this study on perceived prevalence of racism: “What level of racism do you think exists on this university’s campus?” with answer choices: 1 = low, 2 = medium, or 3 = high.
Demographics
The surveys also captured basic demographic information including gender, sexual orientation, age, year in school, race/ethnicity, and exposure to other SV prevention programs or content on campus. Response options for each variable are listed in Table 1.
Respondent Sociodemographic Characteristics (n = 295).
Note. SV = sexual violence.
Data Analysis
Univariate, bivariate, and multivariate analyses were all conducted in STATA 15. Descriptive statistics for the sample included frequency distributions, means, and standard deviations. Paired t tests to assess changes in the main variables of interest (rape myth acceptance, heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, and perceived racism) between the pre- and posttest surveys were conducted. In addition, independent two-sample t tests and one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) tests were used to assess differences between pre- and posttest surveys by demographic characteristics. Finally, multivariate regressions were conducted on the difference scores for each of the three main outcomes to evaluate variations in change scores pretest–posttest by demographics. Specifically, multiple linear regressions were utilized to examine variations in change scores for rape myth acceptance and heteronormative attitudes and beliefs by gender identity, class status, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity. Multivariate logistic regression was utilized to assess variations in change scores for perceived racism by gender identity, class status, and race/ethnicity. Sexual orientation and prior exposure to SV prevention or education as they relate to perceived racism were not examined as these covariates are not examined in previous research literature on racism.
Results
Demographic characteristics of participants are presented in Table 1. Out of the student sample of 272 students with matched pretests and posttests, most respondents were female (87%), freshman or sophomores (65%), White (70.3%), heterosexual (65%), and had previously participated in an SV prevention or education program in college (89%). The mean age of participants was 19.4 years of age (SD = 1.93).
First, results were examined looking at the changes in rape myth acceptance, heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, and perceived racism between the pretest and posttest using paired t tests. There were significant changes in participants’ rape myth acceptance and heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, as presented in Table 2. Participants reported a decrease in rape myth acceptance, (ΔM = 0.04, SD = 0.25), t(261) = 2.57, p < .01, and a decrease in heteronormative attitudes and beliefs (ΔM = 0.09, SD = 0.36), t(267) = 3.32, p < .0001. In addition, respondents reported an increase in perceived racism on campus after viewing the Roleplay production (ΔM = −0.15, SD = 0.47), t(266) = −5.15, p < .0001.
Attitudes and Beliefs Scale Means and Paired t Tests.
Scores range from 1 to 5 with higher scores indicating greater acceptance of rape myths. bScores range from 1 to 5 with higher scores indicating greater heteronormative attitudes and beliefs. cScores range from 1 to 5 with higher scores indicating higher perceived prevalence of racism on campus.
Variations by demographic groups for changes in rape myth acceptance, heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, and perceived racism were then examined (Table 3). For rape myth acceptance and heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, no apparent differences were present when grouped by gender identity, sexual orientation, year in school, and previous trainings on sexual assault. Perceived racism on campus did not differ by year in school. However, when examined by race, only White and mixed-race students’ levels of perceived racism increased. For Asian, Black, and Hispanic or Latinx students, the perceived level of racism remained nearly constant.
The t Tests and ANOVAs by Selected Sociodemographic Variables.
Note. ANOVA = analysis of variance; SV = sexual violence.
p < .05.
Regression model results are presented in Table 4. There were no significant differences between demographic groups for changes in rape myth acceptance scores nor heteronormative attitudes and beliefs scores from pretest to posttest. Both class status and race were associated with changes in perceived prevalence of racism on campus. The odds of freshmen students reporting an increase in perceived prevalence of racism from pretest to posttest were 2.28 times more than other class years (95% CI = [1.02, 5.12]; p < .05). Furthermore, the odds of White students reporting an increase in perceived prevalence of racism from pretest to posttest were 4.89 times more than other racial and ethnic groups (95% CI = [1.28, 18.61]; p < .05).
Regression Analysis for Rape Myth Acceptance, Heteronormative Attitudes and Beliefs, and Perceived Racism.
Note. SV = sexual violence.
p < .05.
Discussion
This study contributes to growing literature examining theater as a tool for SV prevention. We expand on the existing knowledge base by utilizing concepts from intersectionality and social dominance theories (Crenshaw, 1991; Sidanius et al., 2004) to examine changes in not only college men’s and women’s attitudes toward SV, but also intersecting forms of oppression, including racism, sexism, and homophobia. Previous peer theater interventions to address SV for college students have primarily targeted bystander behaviors and measured changes only in attitudes toward SV (Black et al., 2000; Christensen, 2013; McMahon et al., 2015; Mitchell & Freitag, 2011). The findings from this study indicate that theater may be an important health promotion tool not only for changing attitudes and norms regarding SV across genders, but also for changing attitudes regarding other forms of discrimination that relate to SV. Given their co-occurrence, changing attitudes regarding multiple forms of discrimination may in fact lead to significant reductions in rape myth acceptance (Aosved & Long, 2006).
As hypothesized, the overall decrease in rape myth acceptance scores in this sample suggests that the Roleplay production may be effective in challenging and changing beliefs about SV. The Roleplay production was uniquely suited to its undergraduate audience as it was written and produced by fellow students with an emphasis on SV within the college environment. While most SV prevention efforts on college campuses have focused on diminishing risk for potential victims or educating potential perpetrators (DeGue et al., 2014; Jouriles et al., 2018; Mujal et al., 2021), this intervention targeted the broader campus student community to shift-related attitudes and norms. The production presented real-world examples of when peer norms may support or promote acts of SV and allowed audience members to challenge their own beliefs about SV. Research on theater interventions for SV prevention has found that confronting audience members with situations in which they can see how a social norm is harmful is necessary before attempting to challenge said norms (Mitchell & Freitag, 2011).
Interestingly, contrary to hypotheses, there were no significant differences in changes to rape myth acceptance and heteronormative attitudes and beliefs by demographic groups. This may be because students overall reported low rape myth acceptance and heteronormative beliefs at pretest. However, results from this study demonstrate the promise of theater as a method for changing attitudes related to SV across diverse student audiences. Both rape myth acceptance (Davies et al., 2012; Iconis, 2008; Worthen, 2017) and heteronormative attitudes and beliefs (Habarth et al., 2020; Habarth, 2015; Harbaugh & Lindsey, 2015) have been previously found to be highest among heterosexual men, which we also found in our baseline data. Furthermore, our findings align with past research that demonstrates no significant differences by race and ethnicity in rape myth acceptance (Carmody & Washington, 2001; Johnson et al., 1997) and heteronormative beliefs (Worthen, 2018).
Importantly, White student respondents reported increased perceived prevalence of racism on campus at posttest, indicating that watching the Roleplay production was likely important for increasing awareness about the prevalence of racism on campus among White students. Given the prevalence of anti-Black racism at predominately White universities (S. R. Harper et al., 2011; S. R. Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Harwood et al., 2018; Kelly et al., 2021), an important step to changing cultural norms that uphold discriminatory behavior may be to educate White students about racism and the lived experiences of students of color on college campuses. In particular, theater may be an effective educational tool for changing White students’ perceptions of racial bias and racism as one form of oppression (Barolsky, 2021; Rizk et al., 2020). Racist attitudes and rape myth acceptance are strongly associated forms of intolerant beliefs (Aosved & Long, 2006).
Limitations and Future Research
Results from this study should be interpreted with certain limitations in mind. Although there was no comparison group and we therefore cannot attribute changes in attitudes directly to the Roleplay intervention, the pretest-posttest follow-up time was brief (within 1 week), allowing for greater confidence in the potential influence of the intervention in changing students’ attitudes in the short term. In addition, given no longitudinal data collection, we do not know about the sustained impact of the intervention in reducing SV-related attitudes. However, immediate change after an intervention is the first step needed for long-term change in attitudes and behavior. No behavioral data were collected either; however, rape myth acceptance has been shown to strongly predict SV behaviors in a number of studies (Bohner et al., 2006; Iconis, 2008; Yapp & Quayle, 2018). There is also the possibility of self-selection bias, meaning that the students who chose to attend the Roleplay production and complete both surveys may be different in some way than the larger student body. Although demographic group distributions are somewhat reflective of the larger university student body, selection bias may account for the smaller subsamples of students who identified as male and/or homosexual compared with the overall student body and the other sexual orientation category overall. Furthermore, it may limit generalizability of results to the full student body or to different student populations. In addition, the lack of statistically significant differences in rape myth acceptance, heteronormative attitudes and beliefs, and perceived racism within demographic groups may be due to low power from smaller sample sizes for participants identifying as nonfemale, non-White, and nonheterosexual, and not having participated in previous SV prevention activities. Measurement bias is another potential limitation. However, we worked to mitigate the potential for social desirability bias by utilizing a confidential, online survey that students could complete on their own and we only asked for a personal email address to match pretest-posttest scores. Finally, there was some attrition between the pre- and posttest surveys, a common challenge in survey research with college students, which does not affect data quality (Fosnacht et al., 2017).
Future research should consider the long-term impacts of theater interventions in changing social norms and behaviors related to SV among students. In particular, assessing changes in behaviors related to SV and intersecting forms of oppression, rather than singular identity characteristics assessed in this study, after intervention for students throughout their college experience would be particularly valuable to understand sustained impact. In addition, further investigation of the relationship between SV, sexism, homophobia, and racism individually, interpersonally, and institutionally would allow for more nuanced and targeted prevention strategies that fully address intersectionality. For example, the majority of SV research on college campuses to date focuses on White, cisgender, heterosexual women as victims of SV (Linder et al., 2020). Despite high rates of SV perpetration among men and high rates of victimization among LGBTQ+ students and students of color (Cantor et al., 2020; Kammer-Kerwick et al., 2019), little research has been conducted to unpack the reasons why these rates are elevated. Examining the risk and protective factors for SV from an intersectional lens that focuses on perpetration, and not just victimization, would allow for development of new and adaptation of existing interventions to become more comprehensive strategies to address SV on campus. Furthermore, additional research should explore the long-term impacts of theater on changing biased and racist behavior among students, and how that behavior may connect to reductions in SV.
Implications for Practice
Colleges and universities attempting to implement novel solutions to SV on campus should consider including student-led productions that can be culturally responsive and work through an intersectional framework. In particular, although targeting heterosexual male students may be particularly important, given their high rates of SV perpetration and White students regarding racism, it is important to target the entire campus community in shifting norms regarding rape myth acceptance, homophobia, racism, and sexism that all intersect to create an environment for SV. Furthermore, while the process of creating such a production can be time and labor intensive, guides are being developed through this work for university administrators, health promotion staff, and faculty, which could serve as a roadmap for wider implementation. Students involved in the production described in this research reported that development of a formal course or offering course credit in exchange for participation in production development would work to relieve the burden of the time investment involved in the production process, as well as potentially make participation accessible and more attractive for a wider range of students. Given the complexities of addressing SV on campus, a multipronged approach is critical. Reinforcement of interventions may be important for SV prevention, so there may be several strategies to collectively help to change individual and campus-wide culture (Banyard et al., 2018). Giving similar priority to innovative approaches to SV such as peer education theater as compared with more traditional training approaches ensures that administrators are targeting multiple avenues for SV prevention.
Conclusion
Peer educational theater is an increasingly widespread tool for SV prevention on college campuses (Christensen, 2013; Evans et al., 2019; McMahon et al., 2015). However, there is substantial criticism of intervention strategies that do not consider forms of discrimination and oppression that intersect with SV (McCauley et al., 2019). Findings from this study suggest that theater interventions may not only be an effective method for addressing SV, but also for related forms of discrimination, including sexism, homophobia, and racism among students. By demonstrating the intersection of multiple forms of oppression and how they connect to SV with the use of peer education theater, students may be able to more concretely understand examples of bias and discrimination. Such interventions have the potential to significantly reduce the prevalence of SV and other types of discriminatory behaviors on college campuses on a broad student population level.
Footnotes
Author’s Note
Sarah Stoltman is now affiliated to Eden House, New Orleans, LA, USA.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The current study was supported by funding from the Carol Lavin Bernick Faculty Grant (PI: Fleckman) at Tulane University.
