Negotiating Femininity With Chinese Male Bodies: Discourses of Makeup in Men’s Lifestyle Magazines in Post-2000 China

Female Beauty: Symbols of Modernity and Economic Development, and Obligatory Practice

The concept of Chinese femininity since the 1980s has been constructed in a close relationship with the female body. The period of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) was a time of desexualization, during which outward expressions of beauty were denounced as vulgar and bourgeois (Evans 1997, 2000; Johansson 2001). In contrast, 1980s China was distinguished by the emancipation of values that had been repressed during the Cultural Revolution. One of these values was the expression of outward beauty as a woman, encompassing the use of makeup, clothing, and hairstyles (Honig and Hershatter 1988). Indeed, authorities encouraged the pursuit of external beauty, as women’s fashionable dress and well-groomed appearance were perceived as indicators of socialist progress (Honig and Hershatter 1988). The fact that not only young but also middle-aged women followed this socially “approved” value suggests that femininity began to be constructed in close relation to women during this period of political and social transformation (Honig and Hershatter 1988; Hooper 1994).

It is noteworthy that Chinese femininity in the 1980s was constructed with the dual obligation to achieve Western standards of beauty as a marker of modernity, while simultaneously preserving Chinese beauty. The Western standard of external beauty served as a symbol of affluence and development for China in contrast to the economic poverty before the 1980s, while traditional Chinese standards of beauty emphasizing inner beauty were Chinese values that must not be compromised (Johansson 2001; Man 2000). In other words, Western beauty was both an object of desire and a threat to Chinese values (Evans 1997). This contradiction is clearly illustrated by two contrasting images: blonde women commonly teaching makeup application in Chinese women’s magazines and Chinese women in cosmetics advertisements not overtly displaying their external beauty (Evans, 1997; Johansson, 2001). Despite the reduction of the distinct contrast between Western and Chinese women since the year 2000, the global and urban images of Chinese women with non-flamboyant and modest gentleness found in women’s magazines suggest that the contradiction in external beauty still persists (Chen 2016; Evans 2012).

The beauty industry has been a major driving force of economic development since the 1980s, indicating that femininity has inevitably been closely tied to the female body from the state’s perspective. The proliferation of cosmetics production facilities, women’s magazines, and advertisements in the late 1980s and early 1990s ensured that the beauty market was the fastest-growing industry in China at the time (Hooper 1994). In the 2000s, the beauty industry, often referred to as the “Meinu Jingji” (economy of beautiful women), which encompasses areas such as cosmetics and plastic surgery, became one of the most lucrative economic sectors, emerging as a key industry for the state and creating a significant number of jobs (Wen 2013; Xu and Feiner 2007).

The close relationship between the beauty industry and femininity, constructed as symbols of modernity and economic growth, has continuously reinforced gender-normative pressures on women to manage their bodies and appearance since the 2000s. For women, wearing makeup has been perceived as an “obligation” that must be fulfilled in general social relationships including romantic relationships and workplaces, and women who do not wear makeup are sometimes described with terms such as “laziness” (Ma 2025). In the same vein, the requirement for beautiful appearance among female job seekers serves as an indication for explaining women as the largest consumers of China’s cosmetic surgery industry, showing that beautiful appearance represents an essential condition for becoming a competitive woman (Ma 2025; Wen 2013). These phenomena suggest an inevitable obligation imposed on Chinese women to embody an “idealized female image” in male-centered social relationships.

Masculinizing Men’s Grooming and Unwelcomed Beautiful Men

In contrast to female beauty, the appearance of Chinese men began to be discussed in the context of global metrosexuality starting in the 2000s. During this period, male grooming was a practice primarily associated with the middle class, particularly high-income white-collar men. (Hird 2009). ⁵ Despite the potential for such grooming to be criticized as feminine in mainstream media, it was justified by focusing on the aspect of self-care within this professional context (Hird 2009). This connection between white-collar men and metrosexuality helped establish an image of successful urban men who are attentive to their appearance. White-collar men depicted in men’s magazines were idealized as the epitome of “Chinese global modernity” and became one of the masculinities favored by both “the state and the economy” (Hird 2009, 76–77, 82; 2016).

On the other hand, the appearance of Chinese men perceived as closer to female beauty has been subject to constant criticism. The noticeably feminine appearance of male contestant Xiang Ding, who appeared on the 2006 television show My Hero, sparked controversy and led to a warning from SARFT (Evans 2008; Hird 2009). Furthermore, SARFT’s 2021 notice, which clearly stated the termination of Niangpao (effeminate men)’s distorted aesthetics alongside regulations on clothing and makeup, substantiates the persistent criticism of such feminine male appearances.

Unlike women, the constraints on beautiful appearance for men show that Chinese men are obliged to maintain masculinity when navigating female-dominated domains such as makeup. Considering the state’s critical stance on and potential stigma of feminine men, images of beautiful Chinese men are inevitably confined to forms of what Wen (2021) termed “gentle yet manly”. This indicates that men engaging with beautification practices such as makeup, which have been constructed in close association with female beauty, are not unconditionally accepted, and negotiation with state-supported hegemonic masculinity is required (Hird 2024). In this sense, Chinese men’s engagement with beautification practices that have been closely associated with women may be difficult to interpret as weakening patriarchy.

These constraints can be attributed to the fact that male beauty is neither a symbol of modernity to be achieved in post-2000 China nor a driving force behind the significant expansion of the beauty industry. The association of white-collar men with the metrosexual, which was accepted in a context of self-improvement, may be comparable, albeit to varying degrees, to how “beautiful women” serve as indicators of the beauty industry’s economic success and a representation of China’s modernity. However, the concept of male beauty diverges from this context in that it reflects the image of a vulnerable male figure according to Western standards. The image of the “feminine and weak male” aligns with stereotypes of Asian men from a Western perspective and is also linked to homosexual men as a prime example of “subordinated masculinity” that is rejected by hegemonic masculinity (Connell 2005; Kong 2012). As several scholars noted, these images reflect a rejection of feminine men in a nationalistic context in China that suffered through the Opium Wars and was perceived by the West as the “sick man of East Asia” (Kong 2012; Song 2022b; Zheng 2015). Therefore, the external beauty of Chinese men, which is antithetical to the display of the state’s modernity, essentially places an obligation on the Chinese male body to break free from such negative images. The following sections describe research methods and examine how men’s lifestyle magazines address the obligation to escape these negative images when the male body is associated with external beauty through the use of makeup.

Data

To examine makeup-related discourses in Chinese men’s lifestyle magazines, Men’s Uno (2007–2023) and GQ (2009–2023) were selected based on the following criteria: (1) top-ranking fashion magazines in terms of market share, (2) consistent publication from the 2000s to 2023, and (3) availability of all published issues. First, through an initial investigation, it was determined that fashion magazines were more likely to provide makeup-related descriptions compared to other types of men’s lifestyle magazines (e.g., Men’s Health focusing on exercise and health). Also, top-ranking fashion magazines were expected to provide more data considering that most makeup-related articles are accompanied by product advertisements. Second, magazines continuously published from the 2000s to 2023 provided sufficient data on male makeup, a non-mainstream practice, and were more suitable in terms of data continuity and reliability. Third, access to huge volumes of print magazines was constrained by the limited collection of national-level institutions. Among the collections at the Shanghai library, the scope was narrowed down to Men’s Uno, GQ, and Esquire, which met the criteria (1) and (2) (i.e., top-ranking fashion magazine, and consistent publication). Esquire was excluded due to the difficulty in securing meaningful data, as descriptions on makeup were excessively brief and focused primarily on advertised makeup product features compared to the other two magazines. Finally, Men’s Uno and GQ were selected.

In these two magazines, the analysis was limited to articles describing general makeup, lip, eyebrow, and base makeup. ⁶ This was intended to distinguish “makeup” from practices that could overlap with men’s grooming, in line with the topic of this study examining the discursive construction of femininity in relation to male bodies. Accordingly, articles solely on practices already established within men’s grooming or less gendered practices were excluded (e.g., skincare, cleansing), although these could be considered pre-or post-steps of applying makeup. ⁷ However, articles that described these practices with a focus on general makeup, lip, eyebrow, and base makeup were included in the analysis. Following these criteria, a total of 42 articles were selected for analysis: 20 from Men’s Uno and 22 from GQ.

Approaches

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was chosen as the research approach in alignment with the research question: “How do Chinese men’s lifestyle magazines discursively enable the visibility of male makeup within the state regulatory context, and what stance do they take regarding gender hierarchy?” CDA focuses on power, emphasizing the discursive characteristics of how power relations in media are exercised and negotiated within discourse (Fairclough, Mulderrig, and Wodak 2011). Specifically, CDA addresses how discourse contributes to the production of social domination, which is a primary approach in CDA research that aligns well with the focus of this study (Wodak and Meyer 2015). In terms of specific practice, this study focused on the textual and sociocultural practice dimensions of Fairclough’s (2013) three-dimensional model, examining key vocabulary and rhetorical strategies while analyzing relationships with hegemonic masculinity, state ideology, and gender norms.

Data coding was conducted line by line. In the first-level coding, makeup-related vocabulary (e.g., product types, colors, textures), masculinity-constructing vocabulary (e.g., male types, gender contrast expressions), and justificatory rhetoric (e.g., naturalness, appropriateness, improvement) were extracted from each sentence. In the second-level coding, the justificatory rhetoric was compared with the makeup-related and masculinity-constructing vocabularies to derive themes (e.g., differentiation, changes over time, historical continuity). Drawing on the derived themes, discourse patterns were identified through comprehensive text review, and three discourse categories were established based on their frequency and relevance to the research question. ⁸ This coding process followed an iterative cycle of repeatedly reviewing and recoding the same data with constant reference to research journals and memos, thereby ensuring the consistency and trustworthiness of the coding. The following section explains these three discourse categories. Articles presented in each category were selected based on analytical richness and representativeness. Excerpts were selected to best illustrate each category while sentences deemed either irrelevant or overlapping with other categories were deliberately omitted.

Avoiding Femininity: Emphasis on Natural-Looking Makeup and Heterosexuality

The first discourse is characterized by the avoidance of femininity. As Barber’s (2008) study on men’s salon visits suggests, preserving masculinity without contaminating oneself with femininity provides men with a justification to freely engage in feminine practices. Similarly, the apparent attenuation of femininity, in articles of the two men’s lifestyle magazines, acts as a persuasive factor in maintaining masculinity, reducing aversion to male makeup, and encouraging male readers to wear makeup. The articles in both magazines frequently utilize words such as “natural,” “colorless,” and “nude makeup” to mitigate the risk of stigmatization that may arise when others notice a man wearing makeup. This delineates the boundaries for how makeup can be appropriately combined with male bodies.

It is noticeable that the boundaries are more reinforced with contrasting makeup between women and men. The comparison emphasizes the “natural-looking” men’s makeup and a men’s domain of makeup. Describing makeup within the men’s sphere, as a result, moves the concept of makeup away from femininity and clarifies the points at which the male body and makeup can be harmonized. An example of this is the article entitled “Carefully Curated Base Makeup”.

The similarity with women’s base makeup is that the purpose of men’s base makeup is also to even out skin tone, cover visible imperfections, and make the entire face look clean and healthy. The difference, however, is that women’s base makeup emphasizes more layering, with a pearlized primer to enhance the complexion, multiple foundations to blend skin tones, and various concealers, highlighters, and blushes to brighten the overall appearance. Men’s base makeup, on the other hand, is simpler and more understated. The step of using a pearlized primer can be omitted, and a light layer of foundation to even out the skin tone is sufficient. Concealer and contouring can be used if necessary. So, how should one choose a foundation? Men should avoid using foundations with pearlescent particles and should opt for matte textures. It’s best to choose a foundation that matches their skin tone or is slightly darker. (Xiao 2013, “Carefully Curated Base Makeup”, Men’s Uno, January 2013: 286)

In this excerpt, the words “more layering,” and “various highlighters and blushes” are used to describe women’s makeup. This shows that women’s makeup is more explicit, using diverse tools. In contrast, descriptions of men’s makeup employ words such as “simple” and “light” emphasizing the simplicity of the makeup process and the lack of visible results. By explicitly excluding “pearlescent primer”—a characteristic associated with women’s makeup mentioned in the previous sentence—and emphasizing “matte” or “dark” colors as considerations for men’s makeup selection, the masculine domain of makeup becomes more clearly defined. This approach establishes a distinct boundary, indicating that men’s makeup is fundamentally different from makeup as a feminine practice.

Another characteristic is the emphasis on heterosexuality, which serves to remove the potential stigma associated with makeup practices that could otherwise be perceived as a gay practice. The emphasis on heterosexuality is a common tendency found in many studies related to men engaging in feminine practices. For example, Hall, Gough, and Seymour-Smith (2012) found that male makeup video creators and respondents often positioned themselves as straight men, reflecting the perception that makeup is associated with women or gay men. Such emphasis on heterosexuality is a key factor in masculinizing and justifying men’s engagement in feminine practices that could be perceived as deviating from gender norms.

This is usually accomplished in articles from both magazines through narratives that evoke images of women as romantic partners of men. As Frank (2014) notes, attracting women as an important component of hegemonic masculinity can be used to reframe feminine practices as inherently normative and masculine activities. By underscoring the men’s domain of makeup while simultaneously disassociating it from the prevailing stereotypes that equate femininity with homosexuality, this approach alleviates men’s homosexual anxiety while positioning the practice of makeup as an integral aspect of hegemonic masculinity. An example of this is the article entitled “The Valentine’s Day Facial Look You Must Try”.

Fair skin is the best color to match clothes for people with fair skin, but it will make you look too delicate (it depends on your girlfriend’s preference). […] The foundation will make your skin condition and complexion look much better on that day. Choose the lightest water-based foundation. To make the effect more natural, you can only apply it to the parts with poor skin conditions (please choose a foundation that is exactly the same as your skin color). This can not only enhance your appearance but also make it impossible for others to tell that you have applied foundation. […] The principle of trimming eyebrows should be to follow the principle of clear outline and hard lines. Never trim them too thin or upward, which will make you look feminine. […] For you, eyebrow pencils will not look natural enough, and eyebrow powder is the best choice (but do not apply too much at a time, try to apply it slowly in small amounts and multiple times, it will be more natural). (TTAA 2012, “The Valentine’s Day Facial Look You Must Try”, GQ, February 2012: 97)

This excerpt recommends choosing clothes based on the “girlfriend’s preference” and skin color, and using foundation and eyebrow powder for a Valentine’s Day date. The process of applying makeup, framed within this heteronormative masculinity, is described with words that characterize masculine makeup, such as “the lightest,” “natural,” and “make it impossible for others to tell”. Simultaneously, “feminine” and “applying too much” are described as features to be avoided in masculine makeup. The process of base makeup and eyebrow makeup is explicitly framed as a heterosexual male practice through references to “that day” and “girlfriend” in the context of Valentine’s Day. This emphasis on heterosexual masculinity and the masculine features of makeup demonstrates that, despite the focus on men’s domain of makeup, there is a need to attenuate the risk of gay stigmatization associated with male makeup.

In this context, male makeup confined to heterosexual men can be interpreted as exemplifying the limitations of hybrid masculinity, as noted by Bridges and Pascoe (2014). Within the framework of hybrid masculinity, the selective engagement in feminine practices by heterosexual men while maintaining their privilege ultimately masculinizes these actions and reinforces existing power structures rather than genuinely embracing femininity (Bridges and Pascoe 2014; Demetriou 2001). This aligns with Shugart’s (2008) argument that metrosexuals, despite appearing to innovatively adopt feminine practices, ultimately reinforced normative masculinity. Similarly, the discursive construction of heterosexual men’s makeup merely shifts the practice from the realm of marginalized masculinity to that of hegemonic masculinity. Consequently, this discourse constructs the practice of male makeup as another form of hegemonic masculinity, supporting existing gender norms without challenging them.

Gender-Neutralizing Makeup: Separating Generations in New Trends

The second discourse renders makeup as a gender-neutral concept, indicating that articles in men’s lifestyle magazines do not merely avoid and masculinize femininity symbolized by makeup. These articles typically highlight male stars and beauty influencers embodying the image of “kkotminam” (pretty men) or “xiao xian rou” (young and good-looking men) to illustrate emerging trends in men’s makeup with emphasis on the need to embrace this shift and to practice male makeup. These discourse features provide persuasive grounds for positively associating the male body with the use of makeup.

It is noteworthy that these approaches, focusing on changing trends, contrast the new generation of men with the older generation to steer makeup toward a gender-neutral concept. These discourses construct that makeup is not exclusive to females from the perspective of the new generation. For example, an article entitled “Men Should Wear Makeup!” explains that men, like women, can equally participate in makeup.

Many people believe that love of beauty is a woman’s nature. However, when you shout that you want to be a jingzhi de zhuzhu nühai (delicate piggy girl), but are repeatedly defeated by laziness, a jingzhi de zhuzhu nanhai (delicate piggy boy) quietly comes online. ⁹ The pursuit of refinement is no longer just a privilege for girls. It is becoming more and more common for young men to wear makeup. Whether it is the popular xiao xian rou (young and good-looking men) and xiao nai gou (little milky puppy) on variety shows, or the male beauty bloggers who show their makeup skills on different social platforms, they are reminding you that the “male beauty era” has arrived! ¹⁰ […] Young men no longer have to worry about being shy with pink, girly-colored makeup. (Xiao 2018, “Men Should Wear Makeup!”, Men’s Uno, November 2018: 46)

This excerpt discusses the increasing trend of makeup among young Chinese men, distinguishing between different perceptions of male bodies based on their acceptance of makeup. By using Internet slang such as “jingzhi de zhuzhu nanhai (delicate piggy boy),” “xiao xian rou (young and good-looking men),” and “xiao nai gou (little milky puppy),” which refer to young males who take an interest in their appearance or look soft and cute, the text positions makeup-wearing Chinese men as part of a new generation. In contrast, the belief that the pursuit of external beauty is inherently feminine is framed as an outdated mindset, indirectly categorizing those who hold this view as belonging to an older generation. Descriptions of the arrival of the “male beauty era” and the title advocating that men should wear makeup emphasize that the makeup practices of these young men are something all men should follow. The idealization of men’s makeup extended to all men is further clarified in the concluding sentence, stating that there is no longer any need to feel ashamed if “pink, girly-colored makeup,” which symbolizes femininity, is associated with the male body. This stance effectively rejects the obligation of avoiding femininity embodied by men. It suggests that such obligation is merely a continuation of the outdated perception held by “many people” who mistakenly view the “love of beauty” as exclusively “a woman’s nature.”

In the same context of changing trends, another characteristic is that the shift in trends focuses on international as well as Chinese trends, emphasizing the “non-nationality” of men’s makeup (Jung 2011). These international trends are usually described through the examples of South Korea, where the cosmetics industry has developed significantly in East Asia, and renowned transnational Western brands. The international trends are portrayed as being on par with Chinese trends, depicting them as sharing a homogeneous culture.

This “non-nationality” places Chinese men’s makeup in a cosmopolitan context, yet it also highlights the locality of China, where conservative views of masculinity are prevalent. This Chinese locality creates a divide between older generations who are unable to accept change and younger men who align with global market-driven trends. An article entitled “Welcome to The Era of Men’s Beauty Makeup” exemplifies these characteristics. It presents the evolving trends of both the international and Chinese markets, describing them as largely similar with subtle differences that are each discussed under separate subtitles on different pages. Below is an excerpt from one of these, subtitled “The Momentum of Dynamic Growth.”

Last September, Chanel, which has always been “arrogant”, launched its first men’s color makeup product line named Boy de Chanel in South Korea. They introduced three products at once: a liquid foundation with SPF 25 that evens skin tone, a matte moisturizing lip balm, and an eyebrow pencil. After a brief test run, this series of color makeup was officially rolled out globally this January and stocked in major Chanel boutiques. This is the first men’s color makeup line in the history of this fashion brand, undoubtedly sending a signal to the entire fashion industry: the pursuit of beauty has nothing to do with gender, the era of men’s beauty has arrived. […] Whether delicate or masculine, men are gradually appearing in this once “male-prohibited” fantasy realm, continuously breaking through the stereotypes imposed by gender norms. (Shaun 2019, “Welcome to The Era of Men’s Beauty Makeup”. Men’s Uno, March 2019: 119)

This excerpt describes global luxury brand Chanel’s first-ever global launch of a men’s color cosmetics line. This launch represents a change in attitude for the previously “arrogant” global brand, reflecting the emergence of an era of male beauty and the notion that the pursuit of beauty is gender-neutral. The final sentence emphasizes the pursuit of beauty and its independence from gender, describing men in a unified way rather than categorizing them by adjectives such as “delicate” or “masculine”. These men are portrayed as agents challenging stereotypes related to domains that have been prohibited to men.

This approach indicates the structural condition in which Chinese men’s lifestyle magazines, dependent on advertising revenue as mentioned in the Introduction, cannot adopt a merely passive stance toward the state’s perspective emphasizing masculinity. In other words, this article, inserted alongside advertisements of the international brand Chanel, implies the commercial pressures that compel Chinese men’s lifestyle magazines to positively frame male makeup through narratives of shifting global trends and gender neutrality. Nevertheless, Chinese men’s lifestyle magazines, which remain subject to pre-censorship, structurally cannot take an actively oppositional stance against the state’s perspective while simultaneously presenting such positive narratives. Another excerpt below, subtitled “The Chinese Market Full of Business Opportunities” on a different page, shows this aspect.

It is worth noting that China’s men’s beauty market has surpassed South Korea to become the largest in Asia. […] Men’s cosmetics are no longer an embarrassing topic. […] Men’s demand for skin care is no longer limited to basic products such as facial cleansers and aftershaves. Cosmetics such as tinted moisturizers, eyebrow pencils, and lipsticks have also become the new favorites of male consumers. […] On social media, more and more men are becoming beauty makeup influencers with millions of followers. […] Perhaps, this is a trend driven by overall societal progress. […] In most traditional Chinese families, boys are often raised with a “rugged” style of education, where “makeup” is seen as something that severely diminishes “masculinity.” A man who pays too much attention to his appearance can easily be labeled as “Niang (effeminate)” by those around him. In reality, most men wear makeup for their own satisfaction. […] Attitudes are constantly evolving, and at least from a market perspective, the new generation of consumers is much more open to beauty. (Shaun, “Welcome to The Era of Men’s Beauty Makeup”. Men’s Uno, March 2019: 121)

This excerpt portrays Chinese men as agents who reject normative masculinity. The sentence describing the rise of beauty makeup influencers on social media, alongside earlier depictions of the growing male beauty market, contributes to framing the close relationship between cosmetics and the male body as driven by overall societal progress. This trend, attributed to social progress, contrasts with “traditional Chinese families”, where male makeup is seen as diminishing masculinity and labeled as Niang (effeminate). The “rugged style” education of “traditional Chinese families” aligns with the state media’s arguments that negatively view feminine men in the Niangpao discourse, emphasizing the father’s role within the family (Yu and Sui 2023; Zheng 2015). This critique of traditional families, which resonates with the state media’s discursive framing of male appearance as a “national crisis,” suggests that this article “indirectly” opposes such nationalist perspectives. The sentence that men wear makeup for their own satisfaction clearly expresses the desires of the “individual” in constructing a “cosmopolitan self” as explained by Rofel (2007), positioning Chinese men as agents rejecting normative masculinity.

However, it is noteworthy that the portrayal of men rejecting normative masculinity still does not “actively” oppose state discourse and lacks focus on women. The description of the market perspective qualified by “at least” in the last sentence suggests that an open stance toward men’s beauty is not a common view. The explanation of the Chinese male beauty market growth in the first sentence caters to the state’s emphasis on economic development. Additionally, the narrative dispelling concerns about masculinity that may be caused by makeup lacks awareness of issues regarding female makeup that is made “obligatory” for Chinese women, as examined in the previous section. These aspects indicate that the seemingly progressive gender-neutralizing discourse of male makeup selectively embraces female-dominated practices from the perspective of simply expanding the scope of male consumption. In other words, this discursive approach, which corresponds with discourse acceptable to the state and focuses on removing the “feminine” stigma that may be assigned to men, differs only in its discursive construction from the earlier discourse that avoids femininity, while still demonstrating that hybrid masculinity fails to weaken gender hierarchy.

Emphasis on Chinese Value: Linking Pre-modern and Contemporary Men’s Makeup

The final discourse links pre-modern and contemporary men’s makeup, acknowledging Chinese men’s beauty in a historical context. This approach justifies male makeup in two ways, contrasting with the discourse constructions discussed earlier. First, unlike the perspective that views makeup as a practice suddenly adopted by a new generation of men due to rapidly changing trends, this approach considers makeup as a male practice that has continued since pre-modern times. It frames men’s makeup not as a part of social change but as a practice rooted in historical tradition. Second, it highlights Chinese values within a nationalist context. Contrary to earlier discourses that construct cultural hybridity through examples from the global beauty industry or multinational corporations, the connection between pre-modern and contemporary men’s makeup in Chinese historical contexts seeks to find the authenticity of makeup within China. This approach positions makeup as a distinctively Chinese cultural value. Men’s makeup, justified from these two perspectives, is portrayed as an act that meets the aesthetic standards of pre-modern men. An article entitled “Observation Report of The National Style Beautiful Boy” describes the practice of powdering, which beautiful men in pre-modern times were obsessed with to achieve a white and flawless complexion.

The primary standard of beautiful men in pre-modern times was fair skin, ideally achieving a complexion as white and flawless as pearls or jade. […] To achieve fair skin, many beautiful men went to great lengths. Take Cao Cao’s family, for example—they were devoted fans of applying powder. The first thing Cao Zhi did after bathing was to apply powder; he would not meet guests without it, even leaving visitors waiting in the hall for over an hour. The most famous powder aficionado of the Wei and Jin period was Cao Cao’s stepson He Yan, who was called “Powdered He Lang.” He wouldn't leave home without applying powder, always carrying it with him to touch up his appearance. Besides powder, beautiful men in pre-modern times also loved to “apply rouge” to achieve “a complexion like peach blossoms.” […] This fierce operation is like applying foundation and blush in contemporary times. Of course, contemporary men have more choices—foundation creams, liquid foundations, concealers, and loose powders are all more effective. (Qian and Si 2019, “Observation Report of The National Style Beautiful Boy”. GQ, October 2019: 92)

The sentences in this excerpt describing Cao Cao and his sons consistently using powder suggest that makeup was a customary practice among the pre-modern upper class. Furthermore, the mention of beautiful men in pre-modern times pursuing not only powder but also rouge indicates that the accepted range of men’s cosmetics was extensive, from base to colored makeup. The subsequent sentences, which describe contemporary makeup without being confined to the elite class, imply that male makeup in contemporary times is a common and ordinary practice. The comparison of pre-modern powder and rouge to modern foundation and blush highlights the continuity of makeup practices, underscoring that contemporary makeup has its roots in the traditions of pre-modern Chinese men. The final sentence, which cites examples of more advanced cosmetic products, illustrates that contemporary men have a wider range of cosmetic options, thereby significantly broadening the opportunities for makeup choices among men in contemporary society.

This discourse structure demonstrates a perspective that acknowledges men’s beauty without explicitly avoiding femininity. The mention of blush and rouge in the excerpt clearly suggests colored makeup, symbolized as feminine in earlier discourse structures contrasting men’s and women’s makeup. However, in this historical context, the use of color cosmetics in men’s makeup is not depicted as feminine. Rather, color cosmetics, which have been continuously used from pre-modern times to the present, are regarded not as a symbol of femininity following the contemporary perspective, but as that of masculinity in the historical context. Therefore, the beauty expressed by men through color cosmetics functions as part of Chinese masculinity free from the stigmatization of feminine men within this discourse structure.

The discourse drawing on Chinese tradition is a common strategy to secure legitimacy amid potential criticism of men’s feminine expressions within a nationalist context. For example, Wei (2025) presents cases where supporters of “male effeminacy” utilize Chinese tradition by representing state-supported historic figures who were “effeminate” and close to “scholarly literati.” This is an alternative approach to the critical perspective on feminine men, aligning with Louie’s (2002) distinction of Chinese masculinity into two forms: wen and wu. According to Louie (2002), wen masculinity is defined by “soft and intellectual” traits, while wu masculinity is characterized by “physical strength and military prowess”, with wen masculinity historically prioritized over wu masculinity. The strategic utilization of tradition and this other form of Chinese masculinity show that Chinese nationalistic perspectives are not limited to one approach that positions masculine men as representatives of the state.

Despite this strategic approach, it is significant that this discourse does not signify a meaningful challenge to gender hierarchy. Exemplifying historic figures mitigates the potential for state criticism concerning male makeup in that the emphasis on Chinese ethnicity is a core policy direction of the state to solidify national identity. However, this approach merely positions another type of Chinese masculinity within the normative system without disrupting hegemonic masculinity. In other words, the emphasis on alternative masculinity, appealing to Chinese values, still preserves the existing system, only broadening men’s engagement with female-dominated domain. Consequently, this discourse demonstrates the limitations of hybrid masculinity, although it differs in its construction from the previous discourses.