Abstract
The discipline of psychology is increasingly recognizing the pervasive impact of the ever-changing socio-cultural contexts in which people are embedded. This dynamic nature of the social world is immensely impacted by globalization. As a phenomenon of psychological interest, globalization wields numerous changes across different domains and appears to continuously shape the contours of people’s experiences. Keeping this in mind, exploring people’s perceptions and understanding of globalization can serve as a good starting point to discover its diverse implications. Thus, this research focused on the experiences of urban, educated, middle-class, young people from the metropolitan context of Delhi-NCR, India. To this end, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 32 participants (M = 14, F = 18) between the ages of 18 to 28 years. Data were subjected to reflexive thematic analysis, using inductive coding. Emergent themes and subthemes, related to participants’ notions about globalization and its resultant socio-cultural changes along with their implications are thoroughly discussed.
Introduction
The phenomenon of globalization has been conceptualized in many ways. Considering its inherent complexity and pervasive scope, many definitions of globalization from diverse disciplines have been introduced (Pieterse, 1994; Stiglitz, 2007). Simply put, it can be described as, “the transmission of persons, processes, and products from one part of the world to another” (Prilleltensky, 2012, p. 613). Notably, Marshall McLuhan (1968), (1989) was one of the earliest scholars of globalization and introduced the concept of “global village” arising out of broadened communication and media technologies. Over the years, globalization has also generated significant debates about both its origins as well as implications, with some scholars describing it as a positive force enabling greater understanding and opportunities (e.g., Berry, 2008; Bhagwati, 2007; Dehshiri, 2000), while others have emphasized its role in creating hegemonic and inequitable structures across cultures (e.g., Marsella, 2005; Wiseman, 1998). The implications of globalization in generating disparities, within and across cultures, have been particularly noted (Mills, 2009). These disparities manifest as unevenly distributed wealth and economic opportunities (e.g., Dreher & Gaston, 2008), skewed power dynamics in the social and political systems (Held et al., 1999), and in the homogenization of the educational sphere (e.g., Olaniran & Agnello, 2008).
However, within the academic discourse in psychology, globalization as a focus of inquiry has remained largely absent until the past two decades (Gelfand et al., 2011; Marsella, 2012). More recently, there has been a growing consensus regarding globalization being a psychological construct with the potential to deeply influence the intricacies of the individual psyche, and not just as an “externally defined economic system” (Diaz & Zirkel, 2012, p. 440).
In this regard, Anthony Marsella (1998, 2001) has offered remarkable suggestions on how globalization should be construed as a psychological process. He highlighted the changing demands of living in a global world and stressed a need for broader psychology that can negotiate global challenges. Similarly, Prilleltensky (2012) described psychology as an object of globalization and emphasized the ways in which the discipline can deal with global issues. Interestingly, citing some of the definitions of globalization in psychology, Janssens et al. (2019) pointed out that most of these definitions describe globalization structurally rather than psychologically, thus, placing the individual outside of the process of globalization. They suggested that psychological studies of globalization should identify individuals as co-drivers of globalization. Burawoy et al. (2000) also introduced the idea of “grounded globalization”, i.e., providing centrality to the person within a system, thereby creating opportunities for a psychologically-driven knowledge to emerge.
While previous research has identified the links between globalization and many psychosocial variables, such as its implications for identity (Arnett, 2002; Kinnvall, 2004; Sharma & Sharma, 2010), cultural orientation (Friedman, 2000; Giddens, 2000), health and well-being (Das et al., 2008), inter-group relations (Chiu et al., 2011; Tong et al., 2011) among others, the existing literature highlights certain important gaps.
Within the Indian context, globalization exerts tremendous influences on an array of systems, effectively modifying the socialization processes and reference points in which people’s development and identities are rooted. In this context, the concept of globalization-based acculturation, introduced by Chen et al., (2008) is particularly relevant. The authors posit that globalization enables acculturative pressures for individuals even without physical movement across cultures.
Moreover, most of the existing work in the Indian context focuses on globalization in terms of its associated variables or prospective outcomes, with approaching the field with a positivist or post-positivist perspective. Meanwhile, literature that discusses the subjective experiences of people vis-à-vis globalization is lesser in comparison to existing quantitative studies and is also particular in its focus (e.g., Ozer et al., 2017; Palackal, 2011). For instance, Antony Palackal’s (2011) work is a sociological analysis of consumer culture and identity as shaped by globalization. Ozer et al. (2017) have explored the globalization-based acculturation process among the Ladakhi youth. However, there is still considerable scope in this regard to employ qualitatively driven research that adopts a psychological lens to explore the role of people’s perceptions and negotiations with these dynamic processes.
Method
Research Objectives
This study attempted to explore the ways in which urban, educated, middle-class, young individuals in the Indian context understand the phenomenon of globalization. Considering its continuous and pervasive influence on the contexts in which people are embedded and thus on the diverse aspects of their lives, it becomes important to understand how people perceive these processes and how they make sense of the many changes that channels of globalization exert around them. Young people of all cultures (especially those with a history of colonialism) are situated at a crucial crossroads where their coming into their own and figuring out their own identities are shaped by their responses to these influences. Thus, keeping this in mind, young individuals were selected as the target population for this study. More specifically, the following research questions are addressed in this paper: 1. How do young people from the metropolitan context of India perceive the phenomena of globalization? 2. How do people construe the implications of globalization on the socio-cultural processes around them?
Participants
Participants for this study comprised 32 young people (M–14, F–18). More specifically, the participants belonged to a particular socio-economic profile i.e., they were situated in an urban setting, and came from educated, middle-class backgrounds. The choice of focusing on the experiences of individuals from a common background was intentional, considering this group has an overwhelming access to the various agents of globalization. The participants, thus, represent the perceptions of a particular class of individuals. Apart from the similarities, the participants represented diverse educational, occupational, and religious backgrounds. Out of the sample, 44% of the participants were students, 53% were employed in different sectors, and 3% were not pursuing any education or occupation at the time of data collection.
In terms of the ecological setting, participants were drawn from the National Capital Region of India. The NCR comprises Delhi and its surrounding districts from the states of Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, and Rajasthan. It was considered appropriate to include the sample from this region as it resembles a melting pot, with its blend of people from multiple cultural backgrounds as well as a prominent presence of many channels of globalization.
The method of purposive sampling was employed to identify the sample. To this end, the inclusion criteria was not particularly strict but entailed that the participants were: (i) within the age range of 18 to 28 years; (ii) able to comprehend the English/Hindi language; and (iii) currently residing in Delhi-NCR.
Procedure
Keeping in mind the research objectives, it was decided that a qualitative mode of inquiry would be suitable to elicit the participants’ understanding. To this end, a semi-structured interview schedule was created with careful consideration to ensure that no questions were leading, ambiguous or difficult for the participants to grasp. Appropriate probes and prompts were also incorporated. Before finalizing the interview schedule, it was tested in a small pilot study with five participants and based on the experiences during the pilot, questions were modified accordingly. This was followed by the identification of potential participants.
Before the commencement of the interview, the researcher explained to the participants all the necessary details about the research and their rights as participants, which allowed them to provide informed consent. The participants were informed that their participation was voluntary and they were within their right to withdraw from the study at any point. To ensure their confidentiality, pseudonyms have been assigned to all the participants and they are referred to by the same throughout this paper.
All the interviews were conducted face-to-face in a distraction-free environment and lasted between 45 to 90 minutes for most participants; all the interviews were audio-recorded. The interviews began with collecting relevant demographic details and covered several open-ended questions that allowed the participants to reflect on and discuss their conceptualization of globalization. Although the questions were framed in English, the researcher and participants switched between English and Hindi if the participants found that more comfortable. Data collection continued until new insights stopped emerging and it was felt that the data had become saturated.
Data Analysis
After completion, the interviews were duly transcribed and were subjected to reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Braun et al., 2019) using inductive coding. To begin with, the researcher familiarized themselves with the data through careful transcription and multiple readings of each data item. Insights from field notes were also incorporated as the researcher noted down initial ideas about what was represented in each interview. Once this was finished, data was systematically coded to identify relevant and potentially interesting features of the data. This was followed by organizing the codes into potential themes and collating all the relevant data extracts under each theme. The themes were then carefully reviewed in a two-phased process i.e., each theme was verified in relation to the coded extracts, and then for the overall data set. This allowed the themes to become more refined so that there was homogeneity within the theme, while each one was distinct from the others. After this thematic structure was finalized, all the themes and subthemes were appropriately labeled and defined.
Results and Discussion
The thematic analysis of the data elicited a range of meanings associated with globalization as discussed by the participants. Results include two emergent themes: the first one explains participants' descriptions of globalization, while the second theme displays their reflective understanding of the socio-cultural implications of globalization. Previous research also emphasized the need to move away from a narrow view of globalization as mainly concerned with an economic and technological flow, but to also consider its diverse social-cultural underpinnings (Kellner, 2002). A step in this direction, thus, should involve exploring people’s perceptions about the phenomenon as they grapple with its various forces as a constant agent operating around them.
Notions About Globalization
The first theme pertains to the various notions of globalization as constructed and relayed by the participants. Although the participants were expected to be familiar with the term, they were encouraged to provide personal definitions of globalization, relying on what ideas were spontaneously generated at the mention of the word.
For most participants, the term “globalization” was first introduced to them in school and many of them began with text-book explanations rooted in academic experience. However, upon being asked to further reflect from a personal space, they provided their own descriptions supported by relevant examples. Some of the commonalities in their descriptions yielded the following subthemes:
Globalization as a Multifaceted Process
The participants described globalization as a complex and multifaceted phenomenon cutting across a variety of domains. Some domains were mentioned by almost all the participants, while other domains were mentioned by only a few. For instance, most participants began describing globalization as an economic process, facilitated by trade policies and forces of the market. They emphasized the job-related and monetary opportunities that arise out of cross-border contact. In this context, various participants referred to the impact of multinational corporations and the booming outsourcing industry in India. For instance, Prateek (an engineer) stated a personal example, “Most of the jobs that exist in India come from abroad. I work in an MNC as well. So, I can relate to that.”
Many participants discussed the role of socio-cultural processes as a major player in a globalizing world. They emphasized that elements of other cultures cross-over in their own local contexts, thereby changing the socio-cultural topography in which they are embedded. For instance, Lavanya (a fashion designer) defined globalization as, “It involves influence of other cultures’ ideas, values, and customs. Instead of one culture completely fading away, you see elements from more than one existing together.” Esha (a student) described it as, “…cultures proliferating across tangible boundaries and people everywhere adopting things that they like… basically picking and choosing stuff that they like from other cultures and adopting that and playing around with those influences, I guess.” Moreover, while some participants majorly focused on one or two domains, others provided a more complex picture. For instance, Kartik (an accountant) presented a multidimensional view of globalization, “It includes many things—money, products, cultural symbols, trade, politics, cuisines, even sports… like all sorts of stuff.”
Thus, the participants’ accounts depict a complex picture of globalization as a dynamic, multidimensional process. While its economic aspect received most attention, other domains such as culture, politics, technology, and knowledge were also a part of participants’ representations. These findings are aligned with the conceptions of globalization as presented in the existing literature (see Appadurai, 1996; Kellner, 2002; Robertson & White, 2007). Few studies have also explored lay perceptions of globalization. For instance, Yang et al. (2011) used multidimensional scaling to understand lay perceptions of globalization among samples from the United States and China. Results from the study highlighted five facets of globalization suggested by the participants; these included expanding global business enterprises, migration, information technology, international regulatory bodies, and global threats. The processes of globalization are, thus, facilitated by different means depending upon the selected domain or object of analysis. As all of these processes confront the lives of individuals in different ways leading to variegated consequences, people’s perceptions of these processes can help understand and deal effectively with their outcomes (Chiu, et al., 2011).
Globalization as Enhanced Choices
A recurrent idea from the data centered around the diverse opportunities and exposure enabled by global processes. With the rapid percolation of global culture into local systems, people are socialized amidst diverse references, thereby experiencing enhanced choices. This ranged from not just the choices dominating the physical world that surrounds us but also ideas, opportunities and institutions within which people operate. Many participants referred to examples of increased options that became available to them as a result of living in a globalizing world. For instance, Manish (a writer) explained that, “I don’t think I would have certain hobbies if not for the exposure that I have from across the world. Also, what I read and write about have changed a lot over the years. The music that I listen to… a lot of these things are accessible only because the networks are globalized.” Along similar lines, Vinay stated, “When I ask my dad or grand-dad if they used to eat out a lot when they were younger, they told me that they didn’t. Everything was cooked at home. And now it’s normal for us to go out twice or thrice a week to have food in McDonalds or Dominos or whatever. Earlier, there weren’t so many options. Now, due to globalization, in every street and corner, we can see some fast-food joint.”
Other participants stressed more on its psychosocial implications, that is, the ways in which being aware of other cultures may influence choices regarding one’s cultural identifications, worldviews and value systems. As Gurbani contended, “Maybe for our parents, they had to look at our country… it was only India for them, but for us, we have to look at the whole world.” Notably, this theme appeared to be more prominent for those participants who had migrated to Delhi-NCR a few years earlier, compared to those who had grown up in this context. Participants from the former group cited that shifting to Delhi then opened up many “glocal” spaces for them and made them aware of many possibilities that they did not have as much access to earlier.
Globalization as Overcoming Boundaries
Participants also perceived globalization as overcoming boundaries and enabling increasing connectivity with other parts of the world. Many explained that globalization paves the way for borderless-ness where societies are becoming progressively integrated despite physical distance. In this context, participants described globalization as, “the emergence of a global village”, “removal of artificial borders”, “a world without very strict boundaries”, and “all nations are a single unit.”
Here, participants elaborated on various elements of contemporary life including the economy, technological advancements, media, increasing mobility and issues of global relevance that surpass local boundaries and exert influence on people from different societies. As Natasha (a lawyer) noted, “Nothing is really a national problem now. Everything is a global problem. Like Trump becoming president was not a national agenda, but it was a global agenda.” Similarly, Erika also stated, “Everything is interrelated, and this happened especially post the Second World War… every important international event has its repercussions all the way. Like if something happened in the United States, it has an effect in Japan as well.” Furthermore, talking more specifically about her workplace context, Rupali (a HR manager in an American organization) described the ease with which she can effectively manage a team of employees spread across the world. In this way, experiencing globalization as a mechanism for blurring boundaries (both physical and psychological) came up as a recurrent notion.
This finding is consistent with previous research and how most globalization scholars define the phenomenon. For instance, the idea of globalization as overcoming boundaries is similar to Robertson’s (1992) understanding of globalization as being more aware of the world as whole. Moving away from the technical elements related to this connectivity, he emphasized the emergence of a “global consciousness” which allows people to recognize the increasing connectivity in the world, leading to an intense experience and “consciousness” of the world as an interconnected space. Similarly, Rumford (2008, p. 134) explained, “one consequence of globalization is a heightened awareness of the world as a single place, an interconnected and networked space of human activity”.
Globalization as Westernization
For many participants, globalization was represented as synonymous with Westernization. Throughout the interviews, participants defined globalization with reference to particular Western nations, with the USA and parts of Europe as being the predominant responses. While some did acknowledge the reciprocal exchanges between different cultures and nation-states, the overshadowing influence exerted by the West on other societies remained a dominant discourse. For instance, Aarushi explained globalization as, “Every day or every week, we are developing or we are progressing more towards… you could say… more towards Westernized ways.” Similarly, Priya also claimed, “India is Westernizing very much in terms of how we think, how we react, how we are as a society.”
In this regard, it is interesting to note that some participants consciously called out the hegemonic influence of the West in creating an increasingly homogeneous world order. To give an example, Maria (a student) stated, “It is interesting that we always say West and not global. I am really trying to say global, but it will not be fair to call it a global culture.” She further explained, “When we talk about global culture, it is mostly about the Western import to the East and not vice versa, which is definitely true of what we do is mostly influenced by America or the UK.” On the other hand, other participants repeatedly used the two terms interchangeably, without even realizing that they were doing so. During many interviews, the West remained the major benchmark with reference to which the participants spoke.
These findings are also corroborated by previous research (Stiglitz, 2007). In two cross-regional studies conducted by Yang et al., (2011), college students from the United States, Taiwan, Mainland China and Hong Kong reported perceiving globalization as related with modernization, Americanization, and Westernization. Similarly, Rosenmann (2017) explored lay perceptions within a Jewish Israeli context and reported that global culture is clustered with Western culture, resulting in the construction of a globalized-Western culture in people’s perceptions. Anthony Marsella (2005, 2012) also warned against the spread of “hegemonic” globalization, as he explained the dominant imposition of the values and lifestyle flowing from North American and Western European nations. Furthermore, Scholte’s (2000) definition of globalization emphasized “globalization as Westernization (or Americanization)”, among other things.
Looking at the data, it was evident that this understanding of globalization as Westernization was in large part a product of greater salience of Western influences as compared to others. As Aniket explained, “Global is mostly western, I guess. Europe and America are being considered more influential because they come to our side more in comparison to other countries. Popular TV shows, clubbing, clothes, malls… They are very symbolic of the Western culture. They are easily available to us to imitate.” This is not surprising considering the role of socio-historical processes related to developments in communication, technology, and science (Diaz & Zirkel, 2012). Others also pointed out similar reasons, especially due to the percolation of Western media in the Indian context more so than media from other cultural settings. However, perhaps a more important reason behind this can be attributed to India’s colonial past, as a common trend across many participants’ accounts highlighted a general understanding of the West as “better”, pointing towards a prevalent colonial mentality. This was evident in a variety of comparisons that were made by many participants. In this way, a strong dominance of the West as a marker of globalization turned out to be particularly prominent.
Changes in the Socio-Cultural Context
Findings also highlight the perceived socio-cultural changes experienced by the participants due to their exposure to multiple channels of globalization. As one of them stated, “Art, news, and media represent cultural markers about how we think and behave, how we’re different from others, and what we have in common.” Participants cited a diverse range of global markers, such as consumer products, media, language usage, education, and work, and also how people relate to each other. The subthemes under this theme are explained below.
Changes in Patterns of Consumption
For many participants, a salient marker of globalization pertained to the many changes in patterns of consumption that they reported from their lives. This finding was not particularly surprising, since changes in consumption practices as a marker of globalization have been explored in many previous studies (Lukose, 2005). For this subtheme, most examples provided by the participants fell under three categories: clothing, lifestyle products, and food. With the rising entry of foreign brands and franchises in the Indian market, there has been an explosion of choices available to people. Participants claimed that in these three domains, a shift in their preferences is most prominent.
Regarding the role of fashion trends, participants cited the impact of e-commerce websites and social media platforms in bridging the gap between the local and the global. It was apparent that participants’ preferences for certain types of clothes and brands weren’t just limited to their consumption practices but also seemed to be tied to the ways in which they see themselves. For instance, Aarushi reported, “The way I dress... I wouldn’t say it’s Indian at all. So, even if I am dressed in Indian clothes, it’s not entirely traditional Indian. So, where does that come from? It comes from exposure to what other ways of dressing there are in the world.” Similarly, Pulkit stated, “Like the kind of clothes I wear, they are very different from traditional Indian clothes. I prefer western brands, so obviously I am borrowing their ideology.” While many participants emphasized their agency in choosing to adopt more global styles, some even cited the pressures exerted by specific contexts, such as the workplace. In this regard, Prateek explained, “Being an IT professional requires formal dressing. So, my wardrobe mainly consists of western clothing but bits and pieces of Indian wear for some occasional, festive seasons.”
Apart from clothing, participants described their interest in trying out different lifestyle products from the global market. As shared by a participant, “If my friend in the US tells me that, “this product is very good, you just buy it for yourself.” Definitely, next time when I go to the local market, I will look for that product.” In accordance with the present results, other researchers have also explained similar trends in marketing of “global brands” for people across the world (Friedman, 2000).
Lastly, this sub-theme also covers the changes in food-related preferences and eating habits discussed by the participants. Pulkit explained, “Our meals have changed… our parents didn’t know what pasta is, but that is what we mostly eat when we go out. So, we have imbibed it in our lifestyle as if it was always there.” In this context, Esha cited the role of Western franchisees incorporating local flavors and elements in their menu to cater to the local population. For her, growing up in a metropolitan context made it difficult for her to recognize that some of the places where she routinely ordered food were not even from her cultural context.
In the Indian context, Ghosh (2011) discussed the ever-expanding food diversity which has been fueled by global processes. He described the role of fast-food outlets in modifying people’s eating habits and preferences, with implications for obesity, diabetes, heart disease, etc. The availability of foods from different cultures and their role in transforming the population’s dietary habits have been recorded by other studies as well (Mendez & Popkin, 2004; Tomlinson, 1999). The effects of such dietary changes have an impact on physical health (Hu, 2011; Zaman et al., 2013), as well as psychological health (e.g., Jensen, 2011).
Media as a Key Facilitator
Unsurprisingly, engagement with different types of media came up repeatedly during the interviews. Considering the impact of media and the internet, in enabling constant connectivity and flow of culture and information, many participants cited the ways in which this exposure wields influence around them. In this context, many participants described the internet as an umbrella medium that supports multiple mediated channels (e.g., cinema, television, literature, music, social media, etc.) and allows diverse forms of engagement between people from different cultures. It poses a truly effective tool since many people may not be able to experience first-hand contact with other cultures, but mediated interactions facilitate many indirect windows to the outside world.
Apart from providing information and entertainment, media also opens up opportunities for people to find virtual communities, meaningful representations of their own identities, and exert strong cultural influences which bear implications for people’s identifications, values, and attitudes. As Priya contended, “And being able to access media, I think it changes us as people. It brings up questions in almost every field of our country’s functioning. Media representation creates awareness and understanding.” Thus, young people’s ideologies and identities too, evolve under the influence of such channels (Bargh & McKenna, 2004; Dassen, 2000).
Interestingly, most participants reported a preference for globally produced content over locally produced content across different media channels. For instance, Tushar expressed, “I don’t watch Indian television. Nothing other than what is basically on YouTube or say Indian talk shows. Rather than that, it is only an international platform like Netflix, Amazon Prime, or others.” This skewed interest in global platforms also resonated closely with the idea of being part of a “global audience” as was reiterated by one of the participants.
Reshaping the Relational Realm
This sub-theme highlights the dynamic impact of globalization on the relationships people share with each other. Extending the idea presented in the previous theme, media influence supports a widening of contact between diverse populations; participants reported being engaged with wider social networks and experiencing an evolution of their interaction patterns and relationships. As one of them expressed, “My best friend… I found her on Twitter without knowing that, you know, she was Indian or whether she lived close by… I made a lot of friends that way because we had something common to talk about.”
As families are increasingly becoming geographically displaced, many participants cited the benefits of advancements in telecommunication and social media in enabling contact and reducing the sense of psychological distancing and isolation. Participants credited globalization as an agent of change in many social practices, and in allowing appreciation of diversity. Regarding cultural disapproval of cross-sex friendships, Vinay shared an incident when he was traveling with a female friend. Recalling his fear of being recognized by an acquaintance, he shared, “So, me as an Indian, I didn’t think it was right for me to go with some girl alone. Nowadays, it doesn’t mean anything. Boys and girls can be friends. But at that time, it was a dilemma for me whether I should go alone with her or not? But globalization allowed a change in that feeling.” Not just this, many of the participants attributed the normalization of dating, choosing one’s partners, acceptance of non-heterosexual relationships to increasing cultural globalization.
Finally, a movement away from traditional family communication patterns was also reported. In the patriarchal context of many Indian families, a hierarchy (based on age and gender) within the family is particularly prevalent. However, more recently, a shift is becoming noticeable with younger members in the family striving for greater autonomy and being more assertive about their ideologies (Gogineni et al., 2018). Indeed, this degree of change is also supported by the privileged backgrounds of the participants, as for many middle-to-upper-class urban Indians, there is greater involvement in higher education, career, and contact with global systems, thereby further amplifying these changes.
Imports in Education and Work
Results also depicted the perceived influences of globalization in the field of education and work. Although the participants were selected from different educational and occupational backgrounds, many points of consonance emerged in their narratives.
Comparing the Indian education system with the education systems in other cultures, many participants deemed one better than the other. Some participants highlighted the shift towards an Americanized model of education being adopted in the Indian higher education policies, while others highlighted that the hegemonic influence of the West on education has always been prevalent. Talking about her experience in college, Maria clarified, “We had a post-colonial paper last semester and that was the first time I had read theories on African culture, colonialism, and gender. They were quite interesting and we have just one paper out of like eight papers. Also, I don’t know if we have any Eastern theory on gender emancipation, because we haven’t been taught that. We have a certain amalgamation of theories from the West, which we try and apply to our context.” The implications of this ‘globalization of education’ have also been discussed by previous scholars. Many studies have investigated the impact of globalization on educational practices and policies in several nations (Spring, 2012).
In the Indian context, changes in educational policies and practices, especially with increasing privatization, and commercialization, indicate a movement towards shaping individuals who would thrive in a global, competitive market. However, the grassroots reality is replete with many challenges and inequality (Anand, 2015). In this scenario, on one hand, there is a small section of the Indian society with access to elite institutions with a global outlook, ready to step into an equally global job-market. On the contrary, many social groups remain inadvertently excluded from such opportunities due to social and economic deprivation. More specifically in India, the caste system remains a major source of social stratification, exclusion as well as economic subjugation (Radhakrishnan, 2009). Many scholars, thus, point out that the impact of globalization further widens this gap between the various sections of society (Monga et al., 2016).
Such changes and developments with respect to the Indian educational contexts are closely tied to what is perceived as the need of the hour in the current globalizing context. In India, the early 1990’s led to the introduction of the new economic policy which opened the doors for international organizations to invest in the Indian markets. The trifecta of globalization, liberalization, and privatization led to wide ranging financial reforms and subsequently changed the economic and organizational contexts within the country (Ray, 2012).
In the present study, participants also cited the pervasiveness of global structures and values in their organizational contexts. While some participants shared that working with a global team helps develop a better understanding of diversity, others expressed the challenges and pressures posed by the same. To give an example of the benefits of globalization, Aniket (an engineer employed in a British organization) referred to the recent emphasis being given to gender-based diversity and stricter labor laws in the workplace context. He stated, “In other countries, they focus on sex-ratio within organizations. When they [Indian organizations] started off with that, it was very difficult for them to maintain that in India because girls were not allowed to work. But gradually they started increasing and currently, the company I am working in has a ratio of about 40% girls in comparison to boys, which I think is very high in comparison to [local] companies.”
In a global scenario, communication within the workplace poses specific challenges. For instance, Rupali explained that she has to modify her communication style and emotional display rules depending upon whether she’s interacting with her Indian or American coworkers. She elaborated that when communicating with her American coworkers, she does not jump straight to the work, instead first begins with a friendly interaction. On the other hand, Kanan (working in a French organization) commented about his coworkers, “If you are trying to be friendly with them, then that is going to be a problem for you.” Therefore, to thrive in a globalized workplace context, individuals need to possess considerable bicultural competence (Mukherji et al., 2016).
A particularly salient example of this in the Indian context can be seen in the massive boom in India’s international call centers, a part of the outsourcing industry where Indian agents cater to a clientele based in the US, the UK, Canada, etc. In an ethnographic study conducted by Aneesh (2012) in the city of Gurgaon, India, he highlighted the rigorous cultural adjustments and training incurred by the call center agents in order to engage in global communication. Most commonly, it includes accent neutralization, adopting American-sounding pseudonyms, and unlearning one’s cultural mannerisms. Such training not only influences the behavioral and linguistic repertoire of the agents but also creates identity-related ramifications. Finally, since many call-centers operate at night-time, agents suffer from many physical and somatic changes. Thus, while globalization has brought with it new opportunities, its variegated repercussions cannot be ignored.
Influence on Language Usage
This subtheme elucidates the pressures and changes related to language usage emerge in the local context. As a vastly diverse country, India ranks fourth in the world regarding its linguistic diversity with over 6600 mother tongues as listed in the 2001 Census Survey of India. It recognizes 22 official languages as given in the VIIIth Schedule of the Constitution of India, and includes English as an associate official language (Mohanty, 2010). It is thus, no surprise that most people across the country tend to be bilingual and multilingual. It must be noted that the foray of the English language in India can be traced back to British imperialism. However, the status of English as a language of power continues to remain crucial for most Indian people, especially among those situated in urban contexts (Faust & Nagar, 2001; Proctor, 2015).
For most participants, learning English was deemed necessary for success, and was imposed on them by their families as well as teachers. Talking about his childhood, Nitin explained, “As a kid, the first thing I learned was my mother tongue—Malayalam… and then with time, probably I was shoved into learning English. It is very important in your life. You want to get a job, you need English. You want to go somewhere, you need English. You want to go to college… you want to get good friends, you learn English.” Likewise, Sheryl shared, “You are told to communicate in English. It starts in early school. You are taught to read Enid Blyton. My first book was Matilda which is by Roald Dahl and by the time you start reading Indian authors, you sort of have a hierarchy in your head… Even my parents value English more. It just shows you are a smart person.”
A major issue involves the national language education policy (the Three Language Formula), which recommends Hindi, English, and a regional/modern Indian language in schools. However, the implementation of the model has been far from ideal as it continually reinforces the hegemony of Hindi and English (Bhattacharya, 2017). In this scenario, as students are expected to adjust to a global, technology-driven world, the imposition of English in different sectors (particularly in education and work contexts) exerts tremendous pressures on the students and creates a linguistic hierarchy (Mohanty, 2008).
Citing the role of media in creating these linguistic changes, Esha provided the example of her interaction with an acquaintance’s young child, “We are globalized to such an extent that this 4-year-old kid, sitting in a family where people don’t speak English but he speaks in an Americanized accent. That’s because of his interaction with media and internet and obviously because cartoons come in English accents, right?” Moreover, participants also expressed their frustrations with linguistic elitism. As Maria shared, “I am a Tamilian and I do not know Tamil that well. I barely know it. I understand it, I can’t speak or write, but I know English and I learnt French. You know, it is kind of ironic that way.” Similarly, Priya noted that she is more proficient in English as compared to Hindi, “…like how we think in English. We are bilingual but so are many Europeans, but they don’t do that. We do it because we were so colonized…”
Mohanty (2010) argues that this linguistic hierarchy with English at the top creates a double divide where many local languages experience a reduction in significance and domain shrinkage. These findings are an obvious product of this double divide that exists in Indian society as social norms related to this linguistic hierarchy become salient right during childhood (Mohanty et al., 1999). Research exploring Indians’ attitudes towards English shows that the young Indian population does not view English as a colonial imposition, but as a natural force in the current globalized context as necessary for ensuring success (Vaish, 2005; Veettil, 2013). However, a large chunk of India’s population continues to rely on the school system to enable English acquisition and considering India’s vast social inequality, many remain excluded from institutions that can make this possible (Annamalai, 2005; Gupta, 1997). In this way, English poses as a ‘‘divider rather than a unifier’’ in India (Sheorey, 2006), where its boons are only accorded to the privileged sections of the society (Mohanty, 2006; Ramanathan, 1999).
Recognition of Unequal Opportunities
The final subtheme depicts the participants’ acknowledgment of the challenges associated with globalization, especially with respect to the inequalities created and maintained by globalization. While several participants didn’t report many challenges, some of them did recognize that the liberties and opportunities emerging out of globalization are only available to individuals from privileged backgrounds. For instance, Manish shared, “Thanks to my very privileged upbringing, I had access to its [globalization’s] greater gifts but… but still there are hierarchies… those hierarchies are very cemented.”
He further emphasized the role of globalization in expanding social inequalities. Citing the uneven impact of globalization, he explained, “I see globalization as a structure which is defined by inequality… The influences of modernity became very pronounced and they’ve only grown to the point that now we are facing this crisis in which a lot of people have been left behind.” Similarly, Sheryl compared globalization with colonization and questioned whether as a nation, India could benefit from it. She further expressed her concerns about whether such global agents and processes could lead to more threats to cohesion. She explained, “India is globalized but not evenly globalized. A very small part of the system is sitting in urban areas, the larger population is not. Technology-wise also I don’t think it has trickled down to most of our country.” According to her, rising capitalism (described by her as a “hegemonic bait of development”) and lack of uniformity in access to global channels could become the cause of serious rifts in society.
Other participants also reflected on the impact of capitalism and acknowledged how it commodifies crucial social issues. In fact, the issues which are given more attention at the local level are often ones which are considered more important at the global level, thereby leaving significant sections of society much behind.
Furthermore, some of the participants continued to cite instances in which they experience disparities. For instance, there was a common recognition that despite being from privileged backgrounds themselves, there were many opportunities which remained outside the reach of the current participants due to the intersectionality of their varied identities. Talking in the context of educational prospects, Nandini complained, “Because I am an Indian and in a lot of places, I get rejected because my first language is not English. It really makes me feel bad. A lot of universities I think wouldn’t want me because I’m an Indian. Even though globalization has opened so much, I am not able to do anything as… we are still a developing country.”
Overall, the participants’ perceptions provided a nuanced and layered awareness about globalization and its various implications in their lives, as well as in the larger social context. Their perceptions (mediated by the positions they hold in society, the transformation of their personal value systems, and the impact of the ever-evolving social fabric) allow a glimpse in the way people make meaning of their experiences and engage with such dynamic social phenomenon. The young, urban, educated, middle-class Indians actively negotiate various global influences, while re-orienting their understanding of themselves in their social context. Even the more tangible aspects of globalization create impacts which are psycho-social in nature. For instance, rising consumer culture is not just about the products people use, but what these products stand for. It impacts people’s cultural identifications, what they value, and how they want to present themselves to others. Thus, as more young people identify with the idea of being “a global Indian”, it raises serious concerns about its implications for broader societal issues.
Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research
Regarding limitations of this work, it is important to note that the sample chosen did not possess divergence with respect to social class and caste. It mainly comprised people with a considerable level of privilege, although they were selected considering that they would have significant contact with channels of globalization. However, subsequent studies could benefit from taking a more diverse and intersectional sample in terms of social class, caste (especially relevant in the Indian context), and location of the participants. Furthermore, employing triangulation in terms of methods of data collection could also add further richness to future studies.
Implications of the Study
Considering the unique position held by India as a developing nation with its enormous diversity, it is interesting to note that while a section of the society seems to imbibe many emblems of modernity and global orientation, a big part of its population also remains fairly untouched and even excluded by it. In such a scenario, the implications of globalization also take varied shapes, depending upon the privileges accorded to particular groups. Moreover, many of the socio-political consequences of any phenomenon are also mediated by the perceptions of community members. Keeping this in mind, this study attempted to uncover the notions held by young people socialized amidst the metropolitan context within India, regarding the way they understand the phenomenon of globalization and its various social implications. Indeed, these findings may provide a small window into the experiences of people from a vast, complicated society, but they shall still pave the way forward in a meaningful fashion. Furthermore, since there is a dearth of qualitatively driven studies on globalization, this study helps to fill the gaps in the literature by shedding light on participants' subjective understanding, elucidating the relevance of a group’s social construal and conditioning, thereby, helping to generate a deeper understanding of its consequences for individuals and communities.
Conclusion
This study sought to understand the ways in which young people situated amidst the urban, metropolitan space in India understand and experience globalization. To this end, the researchers employed semi-structured interviews and subjected the data to reflexive thematic analysis to uncover the participants’ subjective perceptions. Results indicate that most participants viewed globalization as a multifaceted phenomenon, leading to increased connectivity across geographically spread communities and enhanced choices. For many participants, the process of globalization appeared to be synonymous with westernization. Furthermore, they described many perceived changes in their socio-cultural context as a result of living in a globalizing context.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Indian Council of Social Science Research [File. No. RFD/2014-15/GEN/PSY/287].
