Mapuche entrepreneur women profiles and their trajectories in poverty alleviation programs

Effects on financial capacity

At a financial level, several participants expressed an improvement in their living conditions due to the productive activities and support of the organization. This occurred because of an effective increase in their income, which allowed them to support themselves autonomously and better manage their resources, considering the reinvestment in materials and household expenses. For example, these participants equipped their house with appliances and financed the education of their children. This contributed to improve their life quality and hope for a better future, as one of the participants says:

I know that by having an income one can live a little bit better every day, (…) having the things I still need for my house, guaranteeing the education of my children for the future (Participant 1, woman, Mapuche traditional weaver, rural area).

In the case of the women in the rural area, financial stability that came from having a guaranteed monthly income was very important in contrast with the uncertainty generated by the seasonality of the work in the fields. This stability was attributed to their own production, as well as due to the support from the organization in the marketing of their products, as it was observed in the ethnographic fieldwork during the participation in trade fairs, group training and community gatherings. Additionally, for these women it was relevant to manage their money independently from that of their partners, acquiring a more active role in this area.

Effects on labour development

At a labor level, the participants saw several effects that contributed to the development of their enterprises. On one hand, they widely valued the opportunity to be trained for their occupations and equipped with knowledge about good business management. This translates into the acquisition of new technical knowledge, as well as strengthening or formalizing prior knowledge. For example, in respect to the traditional Mapuche weaving in the rural context, women reported learning to spin, dye and draw; as for the business, participants said they were able to draw up a budget, plan activities, reduce expenses and increase profits. According to them this had a direct effect on the improvement of the quality of their products, as well as a suitable management of their businesses, which allowed them to grow and overcome obstacles. One of the participants emphasized the acquired knowledge on how to economize costs and to earn more, starting to do things that were not even in her mind before.

On the other hand, a positive effect in this area was the acquisition of enterprise related language. For the participants this was relevant because using this new language allowed them to behave in line with the “business world’s habits”, developing greater confidence when facing their clients and when negotiating, as they comprehended a greater number of technical words, allowing them to communicate properly and effectively. This was consistent with ethnographic observation of business management trainings, where participants incorporate non-Mapuche words related to entrepreneurship (such as technical tools or names of administrative documents).

In the case of participants from urban areas, the intention of having an autonomous management of their enterprises, i.e., not depending on others to fulfill their activities (e.g., neighborhood leaders), stands out. This implied a renewed willingness to acquire knowledge and improve the enterprises installations. In the case of the women from the rural areas, it was particularly important to be busy at work.

Effects on self-perception

Effects at the psychological level could be characterized as a renewed self-perception, were perceptions of the work they did were improved as well as the perception of their future possibilities. Renewed self-perception was mentioned most often, opening up the possibility of changing the way of being. For example, shyness was a common characteristic of the Mapuche women in the rural area, however, one participant referred that overcoming this characteristic allowed her to grow as a person, communicate with others and feel better about herself. Also, for participants in the rural area it was possible to have a different perception of their role as a woman, which implied a new way of setting out their lives and occupations, and the ability to leave their houses and work. These aspects were observed during ethnographic fieldwork on community gatherings and trade fairs, where woman that did not go out of their houses, or did not speak with strangers, developed enough confidence to do so.

Another broadly mentioned effect was one on “self-esteem”, this included personal characteristics such as self-worth and feeling competent, as well as actions directed to setting goals and overcoming obstacles to achieve them. This was considered crucial to properly perform in their enterprises, seeing a mutual influence between renewed self-perception and perceptions of their own work and the value of it. In their accounts, increased self-worth was influenced by clients’ positive recognition of their work and reinforced by the recognition of program colleagues and intervention agents. This led to satisfaction in the work field, feeling proud of their work, a general sense of satisfaction at a personal level, and greater psychological well-being. In this sense, supporting participants’ self-worth led to a path, from external recognition to internal validation. Furthermore, this allowed them to have a vision of what they wanted to do in the future and persevering until achieving it. As for the relationship between self-worth and work, one of the participants explained:

Yes, I think that I improved my self-esteem in the sense of valuing my work. When I myself value my work, I am valuing me. Before I used to work, made a product and sold it at a low price, almost giving it away. With all the work we do here I told myself I couldn't give it away because this it's worth something, because this is me (Participant 4, woman, Mapuche clothe designer, urban area).

Effects on the family

The participants spontaneously spoke about their families, expressing changes in the family dynamics, the roles fulfilled, and the support perceived because of the program. First, regarding family dynamics, the women from rural areas, who had not worked previously, the idea of “going out” became very important. Attending training sessions, meetings and sales fairs allowed them to be part of the working world. In terms of the family dynamic, this translated into earning the respect of their children and partners when going out of the house, as initially they had been strongly opposed to this, but had softened during the program due to conversations and family agreements. Finally, their family gave in, and the women felt empowered to express their need to go out and participate. About these issues one participant shared:

It has changed, because they have already gotten used to that, for anything that I want to do or that I have to take part in, now they don't say to me “why are you going to do that?”, because they would be against it, because they didn't like that sometimes these were things that they couldn't understand. But not anymore, because by saying that I'm doing it, I just do it. (…) I spoke to them, especially with my daughter, I told them that I needed to go out and I could see this was a change for me because I felt more confident about doing my things (Participant 2, woman, Mapuche traditional weaver rural area).

In the case of women who had previous work experiences (both in the urban and rural area), the greatest gain of carrying out an independent productive activity was that they could work from home and, even though there were periods when they had to go to fairs or courses, working at home allowed them to take more responsibility for their children. Therefore, the effect for these women was the possibility of complementing work and home. The transversal effects (i.e., considering men participants) were improving the communication inside the house (with the partner and children) and having greater confidence.

Second, regarding effects on the roles fulfilled, participants emphasized taking on an active financial role thanks to their enterprises and noted a change in attitudes toward them from their family, as members began to perceive them as hard-working people. Third, regarding the effects on the support perception, the participants mentioned the support and involvement of the family in the business as important. Several people mentioned the crucial role that their family had (husband/wife, brothers/sisters, sons/daughters), collaborating in certain tasks and receiving a salary for this on occasions. For example, due to ethnographic fieldwork it was possible to visit a “ruca” (Mapuche traditional house) built by a participants’ partner so that she could exhibit and sell her products.

Effects on the relationships with others

According to participants’ experiences, these effects focused on their relationship with clients and training colleagues, as well as in their relationship with other institutions or groups. In general, this was due to practical instances of the program, such as attending fairs or courses, which created opportunities for interpersonal and institutional connection.

In terms of the interpersonal relationships, the interaction with the clients stood out for all the participants, particularly when these were non-Mapuche. They mentioned having had a positive relation with these people, marked by the non-discrimination and valuation of their work. Several participants shared having experienced discrimination during childhood, therefore these positive experiences with non-Mapuche offered the possibility of reparation. Another aspect of the interpersonal relations that was greatly influenced by the program, particularly in the case of women in the rural area, was the relationship they had with their colleagues in the association and having formed friendships with some of them. This was greatly valued by the participants as they could meet and share time with “kind” and “friendly” people, as well as escaping day-to-day worries (e.g., taking care of family members). For women in the rural area, this profound effect was attributed to the enclosed environment they normally experienced. For participants in the urban area, this social need seemed to already have been met. At a broader level it was relevant to have acquired the capacity to lead and speak in public, which was seen in ethnographic fieldwork, as the participants assumed leadership roles in their organizations.

In respect to the relationship with other institutions and groups, participants mentioned that having established a greater connection with them brought several benefits. Participants from the rural area said they had increased their network of contacts due to attending fairs, opportunities in which they interacted with other arts and crafts groups and with sponsoring institutions. This were opportunities to showcase their products, market their services and increase their motivation to expand their businesses. These institutions and groups valued and supported participants’ work, while they could also learn from the experiences of other entrepreneurs. Participants from the urban area managed to relate with institutions like the Internal Revenue Service and the Councils to formalize their businesses. They also looked for support from other organizations like neighborhood groups and public entities (e.g., the National Commission for Indigenous Development CONADI). This gave them greater knowledge about how these entities work and the procedures they must follow to access help and support when necessary. In addition, it was pointed out that, thanks to the program, they learned to demand respect and express their discontent in the complaints book when they felt discriminated.

Participants’ profiles

Three different participants’ profiles were identified: the fighter, the submissive and the reluctant. Furthermore, these profiles were linked with specific effects related to each of them. These configurations emerged in the encounter during the ethnographic fieldwork with these people and were contrasted and confirmed in the interviews held. Through these instances, certain distinctions, and recurrences in the way in which participants expressed things, in how they understood their life circumstances and acted on them were noticed, as well as in the way they related with others and with the program. Nevertheless, these profiles refer to subjective positions in relation to their way of being entrepreneurs in the programs, which may vary according to the opportunities and challenges that people live, rather than essentialist and static “ways of being”. For example, a frequent pattern was that women initiated their participation at the programs being characterized mainly by the submissive profile and afterwards many developed a fighter’s profile.

First, the fighter profile refer to participants that were characterized for presenting themselves as entrepreneurs, open to new experiences, motivated to learn and hard-working. More so, they are the ones who assumed responsibilities and leadership positions. Second, the submissive, according to the words of those in charge of both programs, were the “typical Mapuche woman”, that is to say, those shy and silent women, without autonomy in respect to the men of the family (partner, sons, brothers), with low self-esteem, who struggled to learn and were not educated. More so, these women tended to settle for things, be less of an entrepreneur and accepted family traditions. Third, the reluctant participants expressed their reluctance either negatively or impulsively. Participants that reacted negatively initially opposed change, but once they tried what they were proposed, they manage to learn and participate. The ones thar reacted impulsively were aggressively against the program and do not try what is being proposed.

Considering these participants’ profiles, trajectories and distinctive effects, which marked the type of participation in the programs, were identified.

Reactions to their background

Regardless of the profile, all the participants came from an adverse setting, characterized by poverty and abuse, having suffered discrimination for being Mapuche and stories of domestic violence. However, each person reacted or faced this context differently: while discrimination would lead some participants to reticence, it would lead others (such the submissive) to silence.

Facing this context, the fighter wanted to and could break the chains of abuse and poverty, looking for an alternative through the program. The submissive stayed enclosed in herself and her home, remaining a chronic victim of violence, feeling very hurt. The reluctant was characterized by creating bad relationships with others, extending their aggressive reactions when facing unfortunate situations, and having a negative attitude with others. The latter profile was very noticeable during the observations of the training sessions where these participants were aggressive, reactive, and unfriendly towards other participants and the intervention agents. In the following vignette, the coordinator of the rural area program shared her reflections:

There is variety of women in [the rural organization]. There is a profile of women who are real fighters, entrepreneurs, who are motivated to learn new things, when there is training, they are the first ones to sign up, they like to learn and have new experiences, they are hard-working and bring many products, they consider [the rural organization] as a serious work source. There are other women who are shyer, for whom is difficult to start businesses, is complicated for them to learn because they had little schooling, their self-esteem falls a lot, they are very submissive, they say yes to everything and don’t have their own will, it is very hard for them to start weaving, they are scared of innovating and making new things. There are others that are really negative, they say no to everything even before trying, but after trying and daring to take the step they realize that they can do it. There are others who are very impulsive, who react badly and do not measure the consequences of their words, but then when they do they have already thrown cast the first stone or said no to learning something (Participant 8, woman, Coordinator, rural area).

Relationship with the program

In terms of the relation that the participants established with the programs, this also varied according to profile. The fighter and the submissive were in tune with the rules of the programs considering the common good, while the reluctant challenged the rules, seeking personal gain. In this way, the attitude with which these people arrived at the programs had an impact on their type of participation. The first two profiles saw the programs as an opportunity for progress, so they adapted and took advantage of this. On the contrary, the reluctant profile –which was less frequent– had difficulty reconciling with the spirit of the programs, they were more conflictive people who, according to those in charge, tended to drop out of the programs, expressing if there is no motivation for the training and for incorporating the tools learned, it simply will not have any major technical effects on the ventures. Nevertheless, some ended the training, but they constantly expressed their reluctance and did not manage to succeed with their enterprises.

Common foundation and specific profiles’ positive effects

Each of the different participation trajectories detected were associated with specific positive effects. The common foundation for these trajectories to emerge, regardless of the profile, was the increase in financial capacity due to the enterprises, the peace of mind, and the recognition as Mapuche entrepreneur. The economic improvement became a fundamental condition, allowing participants enough peace of mind to reduce general anxieties. Starting from this, success stories were reported, like “moving forward” and “one can do it”, which progressively leading to feeling recognized as Mapuche entrepreneurs, improving their relationship with others and recursively their financial capacity as well. This common foundation produce different trajectories depending on the participants’ profile.

In the case of the fighter, they experienced self-reaffirmation on their capacities, as they could reinforce their competences and obtain a sensation of greater confidence. On the other hand, exclusively in the case of women, they managed the articulation of diverse roles by complementing their dedication to their homes and to work. During the ethnographic observations of the training sessions held in the participants’ homes, it was possible to see these multiple roles, as they were developing their entrepreneurship while taking care of their children. This turned out to be very relevant, given a context demanding role multiplicity. The conflict of these women before entering the programs was the need to generate economic resources, forcing them to leave home, resenting leaving their children. By participating in these programs, they reported a new financial alternative which allowed them to work from their homes and still be able to directly take care of their children.

In the case of the submissive women, this type of participant expressed the greatest effects, due to the experience of freedom by “leaving” their homes and joining the workforce, which broke dynamics of abuse and oppression. This does not necessarily mean that these women worked outside the home, just as the women of the previous profile, for them it was very important to spend time at home and be directly in charge of looking after the children; but the possibility to go to training, share with other women in work meetings and attend fairs outside their town was highly appreciated. These women reported having dared to express themselves for who they were, to express their opinion and show their positive changes to the family, feeling the support of their partners and children who began to be more understanding and less controlling. By “going out”, particularly in the rural context, these women overcame shyness, improved their self-esteem and gained more confidence. The change in this profile was substantial and is expressly manifested in the affirmation “yes, we can”.

In the case of the reluctant, the ones who stayed in the program, the main effect was building healthier relations with others and using their time constructively. These participants managed to advance in their businesses and, as they could build their trust in the rest, it was possible for them to reverse their poor attitude towards them. In this sense, an effect of the program was that they “opened up” and considered other ways of acting and relating with others (e.g., when dealing with clients, particularly non-Mapuche people). This occurred, in the opinion of those in charge of the programs, because they channeled their “negative energy” constructively.

Overall, the result experienced by many of the participants was that they achieved recognition as “Mapuche entrepreneur” by themselves and others, due to having an occupation and increased income, which simultaneously led them to a greater social and productive integration, which is linked with the possibility of leaving the cycle of poverty and abuse:

I think that there are women who have grown as people by having an economic activity. When the woman has an economic empowerment, they can distribute their money and acquire a more complete autonomy, in the sense of being able to say no to the husband when he hits them, to dream that their children can get ahead in life and give them better education, to break out of the cycle of poverty, of abandonment and of violence. So, [the rural organization] has contributed to this and any support to a woman in this sense, also helps an entire family. Then, this is what is positive when a woman acquires economic power (Participant 8, woman, Coordinator, rural area).