“To become a gentleman” and other metaphors in the transition to university

On the co-construction of meaning throughout life course

Meaning making is a central element that defines us as human beings. As individuals, we construct meanings that enable us to create multiple ways of facing the vicissitudes encountered throughout our lives. Human trajectories are continuously transformed by the unpredictability of numerous events that may occur over a life course. Thus, to face life’s constant flux, we create, use, and destroy signs (Valsiner, 2014). In alignment with a perspective that acknowledges the active role of individuals in meaning transformation, this study is grounded in semiotic cultural psychology (Branco, 2021; de Paula et al., 2023; Tateo et al., 2022).

In contrast to this approach, which recognizes the individual’s agency in meaning making, traditional views of development have tended to describe typical trajectories and identify uniform processes that shape them. However, some analytical perspectives have pointed out that the explained processes often reflect current agendas in science, education, health, or welfare, rather than capturing the real complexity of human experience. For instance, Erik Erikson’s theory of ruptures and stages proposed to identify people who “failed” to become adults, framed human development under a normative and moral perspective. We recognize that all research and scientific endeavors inevitably encompass a moral dimension. Rather than disregarding this aspect, we choose to approach it reflexively, trying to examine its implications to render them visible. This perspective orients us toward understanding how various elements, in combination and over time, give rise to the remarkable diversity of life and developmental trajectories (Zittoun et al., 2013).

In this sense-and fortunately- the study of human development has evolved to encompass an understanding of the dynamics of people’s transformation throughout their life trajectories. It addresses the interplay between social guidance in a shared world-which both enables and constrains- and the flexible adaptation required to face life’s challenges. However, there are still few proposals that consider development from a dynamic and open perspective while simultaneously integrating meaning-making. Semiotic-cultural psychology, on the other hand, enables highlighting of these two essential aspects. From this perspective, we understand, first, that instead of simply reproducing their surroundings or limiting themselves to following constraints, individuals possess a unique capacity to alter their relationship with the world. Second, that human beings act meaningfully within specific contexts, transforming them in ways that, in turn, affect their actions. And third, that any event from the external world, including social guidance, is experienced and understood based on personal history and the meaning attributed to prior experiences (Zittoun, 2023; Zittoun et al., 2013). The present study is therefore framed within an analysis of young people’s life trajectories while navigating university—as a space configured by multiple meanings—reorganizing their personal repertoires based on dynamic and significant experiences. Theoretically, the cultural psychology perspective offers an alternative for understanding in depth the changes and transformations throughout individuals’ life course.

Transitions and the experience of Self’s reconfiguration in university

Developmental transitions are fundamental in the life trajectory of all humans. In the general framework of transitions, the sociocultural perspective has been to broadly study the implications on the human psyche starting from the ruptures in the life course of individuals (Awad & Zittoun, 2024). The remarkable works of Zittoun (Zittoun 2007, 2008; Zittoun & Gillespie, 2015) show how the study of developmental transitions can be understood as a window to explore the identity process.

Specifically, entering university represents a rupture in the flow of life events, as individuals encounter a new context with different rules, requiring them to adopt new ways of relating both to themselves and to their significant others. In summary, the transition to university requires that individuals find ways of reconfiguring their own Self (Zittoun, 2007). In the works of Zittoun and her collaborators, extensive research has examined how individuals navigate the ruptures life presents and the identity reconfiguration processes that follow these moments. Examples include choosing a child’s name (Zittoun, 2004), experiencing a war (Zittoun et al., 2012), moving into a nursing home (Zittoun et al., 2021), or transitioning to youth (Zittoun, 2007). In her theoretical framework, Zittoun (2007) provides a definition of life course transition as:

“Processes of adjustment to new life circumstances. Usually, transitions follow ruptures — modifications of what is taken-for-granted in a person's life — which can be due to various causes. A rupture can result from an important change in the cultural context...” (p. 195).

Entering university represents a significant transition for many young people, often accompanied by a series of important challenges. Not only does breaking away from the school routine mark a meaningful moment, but so do the subjective changes that the university’s new social context entails for a young individual. In recent debates about transitions to university, primarily with ethnic minorities and from developmental perspectives, it has been proposed that during this transit, students negotiate their own identity and face multiple challenges (Patterson et al., 2022; Wilkins, 2014). However, existing analyses often fall short when deeply exploring the emergence of Self transformations and the affective dynamics that underlie these changes. While literature agrees that the transition to university is a “sensitive period” for identity transformation, it is necessary to delve further into the singular dynamics of meaning construction, in which sociocultural, historical, and affective elements interact. Recent work by Roncancio-Moreno et al. (2023) and de Paula et al. (2023), emphasizes the inseparable unity of affect and cognition when analyzing changes throughout the life course of individuals.

The affective-semiotic and historical dimension of transition and its relationship with the self

From a semiotic-cultural psychology perspective (Valsiner, 2014), we understand transitions as scenarios of meaning co-construction, in which diverse personal, cultural, social, and historical experiences interact, giving rise to new forms of Self-system organization. In this sense, the Self-system is organized based on affective-semiotic fields laden with affect and configured through signs at various levels of generalization (Branco, 2018) and by the dialogical positions that each individual constructs in relation to their significant others (Roncancio-Moreno, 2015). For example, values are considered hypergeneralized signs due to their high level of affective rootedness and abstraction, meaning that individuals operate with them without necessarily verbalizing or explicitly accounting for them. Moreover, in Affective-Semiotic Fields (ASF), related meanings, oppositions, ambivalence, and constant tensions also converge. According to Roncancio-Moreno (2015), the ASF:

“are marked by semiotic tension and varying degrees of ambivalence. Each field is constructed by the tensions and ambivalences generated in the dialogical Self-system, which can be operationalized into groups of meanings and affections. The tension between these ASF depends on how the individual manages the force of cultural canalization and the expectations of social others that conflict with self-related meanings, allowing for the continuous regulation of the Self-system” (p.73).

In this way, our proposal conceives the Self-system as dynamic, dialogical, and self-regulatory, and when configured from ASF, its temporal stability is ensured (Roncancio-Moreno, 2015). Furthermore, a detailed analysis of how the individual constructs these ASF during the transition would reveal that positions about themselves emerge, enabling them to negotiate the tensions and ambivalences characteristic of this period of life. These positions are defined as the meanings the individual attributes to themselves, emerging in a continuous dialogic movement in relation to their significant others. Dynamic Self-Positioning (DSP) emerge in the ASF as ways of negotiating the tensions of the Self-system and are configured from emotions, values and affections (Roncancio-Moreno, 2015).

Building on this foundation, this article focuses on the transition experienced by a student from Colombia’s Pacific region as he enters university and navigates the multiple meanings he constructs about himself during his trajectory toward higher education. Theoretically, we will explore the emerging Affective-Semiotic Fields (ASF) and Dynamic Self-Positionings (DSP) in Pablo’s case. Our analysis centers on the dynamics of meaning co-construction in Pablo’s unique experience as the first member of his family to pursue higher education.

Context and participant

The study was carried out with a total of nine participants belonging to different university campuses around the urban zone of the same public university in Colombia. For the current analysis, we will show the case of Pablo, an Afro-Colombian man, 20 years old, who studies international trade at a public university. The campus is located on the Pacific coast of Valle, Colombia. Buenaventura, the city where the campus operates, is the country’s main maritime port on the Pacific Ocean. Therefore, it is a key center for international trade and connection with Asia and the rest of the world. On the other hand, it is an area with high violence rates due to the influence of various armed groups dedicated to drug trafficking, which, among other crimes, recruit young people like Pablo into their ranks. It is also a region with high rates of homicide and insecurity. 80% of the population lives in poverty, with 40% of them in extreme poverty. Access to public services is limited. In this context, Pablo’s admission to university represents a personal and collective achievement, reflecting the importance of higher education in promoting equity and inclusion in a region with a rich Afro-descendant history and culture. It also has significant economic potential due to its geographical position. In the case of Colombia, recent local and national governments have committed to educational programs that seek to guarantee access to higher education through forgivable loans. However, these initiatives are still framed within a classic justice logic that idealizes youth as “the country’s future”, generalizing the needs of specific groups, such as students from rural areas.

At the time of the research, Pablo was a second-semester student of International Trade, aged 20. His mother, employed in various jobs, is legally recognized in Colombia as a “female head of household,” meaning she is responsible for the physical security, welfare, and economic support of the family. His father does not contribute to the household economy and has not lived with him or his siblings for several years, although they occasionally meet. Among the many informal jobs Pablo has held are flyer distributor and air conditioning assistant, which he does to help his mother pay for his education. During the focus group session, Pablo was living with his mother and four siblings, aged 14, 19, 28, and 30, making him the third of five children from his parents’ marriage. By the time of the individual interviews, Pablo had already moved out of his family home to live independently with his girlfriend, which meant he had to work longer hours as a flyer distributor. He mentions that the most significant change he experienced when entering university was his social life, as his friends from the neighborhood, who had been his schoolmates, did not pursue university studies and now viewed him differently, “like a gentleman.” Pablo could potentially become the first professional in his family.

Data construction and procedures

Data were constructed between October 2023 and May 2024. A researcher traveled to the University located in the city of Buenaventura. During this visit, a focus group was conducted with other university students interested in participating in the research. This focus group consisted of four students from Pablo’s same academic program, who reported having a good personal relationship among themselves. The focus group questions were designed to explore aspects related to the transition to university life, the challenges posed by the new educational context, and the different ways they perceived themselves as university students. A guide for the focus groups was developed and reviewed by the project researchers.

Additionally, two semi-structured interviews were conducted, primarily aimed at understanding Pablo’s transition process to university from his subjective experience and what being a university student meant to him. All information was video recorded, fully transcribed, and microgenetically analyzed to explore emerging meanings from Pablo’s transition process. The results are presented through the elaboration of analytic categories based on semiotic cultural psychology. Recurrent and representative quotes were selected from both the focus group and the interviews, with indicators regarding the construction of meanings about self, the transition to university life, and the broader academic experience.

Pablo and the “gentleman” (caballero) metaphor

“With my friends it's now, no, Pablo, no, you're always lost now, already like a gentleman” (Focus group, Quote 1)

In this case study, we begin with the “gentleman metaphor” introduced by Pablo during the focus group in Quote 1. He refers to this metaphor when discussing the shift in his relationship with his neighborhood friends, with whom he attended school but who did not enter university. The meaning of the word “gentleman” used in this quote indicates the idea of “gentleman, colonizer,” linked to the colonial history experienced by Latin American societies. This sense of “gentleman” transcends the word itself and takes on a new affective meaning. Pablo’s friends perceive him as someone beginning to distance himself from their community upon entering university, transforming into someone different, someone who “commands.”

Pablo, in turn, identifies himself as this “gentleman” who conquers the university territory, taking an irreversible step, regardless of whether he ultimately achieves the goal of becoming a professional. This transit, far from being harmonious, becomes a moment of tension for Pablo, who feels divided as his peers no longer see him as one of them. His peers make it evident that he is no longer part of them, which pushes Pablo to construct new ways of “becoming” in an academic environment that shares different values, the values of the colonizers. The local culture of reference questions Pablo’s transition through the voices of his school friends, emphasizing the power asymmetry between the systems of meaning he interacts with throughout his life trajectory. These new relationships with his peers challenge him to reconsider his own values and about the vision of himself he had held up until now.

“I wanted to give that, that joy to my mother of studying and being able to graduate if it were possible, and the other was personal because I saw myself and I said, well, I want to study, I want to graduate from a university and I want to get a good job” (Focus group, Quote 2).

On the other hand, in Quotes 2 and 3 from the focus group, a contrast emerges regarding Pablo’s local peer culture. For his peers, inclusion in the informal-and sometimes criminal- economy offers the prospect of quick income, making university an unattractive or nonviable alternative. In contrast, Pablo chooses to postpone immediate financial gain, prioritizing an academic path that he expects will lead to an improved standard of living after graduation. He is perceived as someone who has changed, assuming responsibilities typical of adulthood, even if these do not fully align with the social expectations of “working quickly.” Pablo also identifies university education as a tool to bridge the gap between his current work experiences and his aspirations. This decision represents a step toward something greater-a “good job” he hopes to secure after completing his studies- and the possibility of transcending this divide by reshaping his sense of self, his social position, and his self-worth. Becoming part of the university community requires separating from his previous community, while also imagining himself as someone different in the future.

In this context, the processes described in the previous paragraphs point to a transformation within Pablo’s Self system, where “becoming a gentleman” symbolizes his aspiration to embrace new responsibilities and project himself as an adult. However, this transformation has not been fully consolidated, leaving Pablo in a phase of “becoming,” marked by uncertainty and multiple affective mobilizations. He must face the need to negotiate between two contradictory positions: being “the neighborhood friend, an equal” and “a gentleman, a colonizer.” This negotiation is central to his capacity for agency and resignification, enabling the emergence of new positions that help him manage the existing tension, for example, seeing himself as “responsible and independent”. Thus, Pablo creates new versions of his Self, envisioning himself as responsible not only in academic terms but also as a man who becomes independent of his maternal family’s home, assuming a new symbolic position in his current household.

When facing a context with new values and expectations-both personal and from significant social others-, the meanings that previously provided stability no longer function as they once did. The personal resources he relied on to navigate situations are no longer sufficient, requiring him to engage in a process of resignification to make sense of disruptions and restore stability to his Self. This process involves reconfiguring practices, habits, relationships, and even how time is organized. The challenge of integrating into a university environment tests him personally, academically, and socially, placing him in unfamiliar territory and compelling him to negotiate with various meanings. For instance, while he anticipated camaraderie (like that shared with his school friends), what he encounters instead is competition among peers.

Furthermore, when Pablo mentions in Quote 3 from the focus group that many families in his community have not attended university, he highlights a shared experience among the focus group members: the pressure of being a pioneer in higher education. By acknowledging that “things don’t turn out as expected,” he admits a gap between the social and familial expectations placed upon him and the reality he confronts. This gap situates him in a position of vulnerability but simultaneously allows him to recognize that his journey is not linear. The phrase, “so you can’t fail, you have to graduate, you have to work quickly,” underscores external pressures while also highlighting his growing differentiation from a social ideal he recognizes as complex and demanding. Finally, the “gentleman” metaphor reveals the affective load carried in Pablo’s words and those of his peers. It reveals a collective history of resistance that, while shared in group terms, must ultimately be realized on an individual level. This duality brings a burden of solitude and strength, requiring from Pablo a profound capacity for resistance.

Hypergeneralized signs in Pablo’s life

According to Branco (2016), values constitute hypergeneralized signs rooted in an individual’s affective system. In the present research, it was identified that, in Pablo’s case, discipline and responsibility/independence emerge as values that enable him to position himself to resolve tensions caused by the transition process and that question him about himself. Responsibility/independence emerges as a hypergeneralized sign regulating many of his actions, extending not only to his university experience but also to his daily life. During the interviews, Pablo informs the researchers that he has moved out of his family home and now lives with his girlfriend. This situation has brought greater responsibilities, as he is now the one working and covering the expenses in this new household. Despite the pressure Pablo expresses feeling from these new living conditions, positioning himself as someone responsible and independent provides greater stability within his Self-system.

On the other hand, academic life at the University emerges as a space for reconstruction of meanings in which Pablo answers his questions about how to be a student and how to exercise agency in this new life scenario. The transition shows how generalized meanings about discipline begin to be elaborated inside and outside the university, encompassing the entirety of Pablo’s life dimensions and suggesting an ongoing global ontological transformation (Quote 4).

“I'm still in process with that, because discipline is not just getting up early every day, and paying attention, no, discipline is inside the university and outside the university, starting from there.” (Interview 2, Quote 4)

Initially, Pablo understood discipline in academic or professional terms. By integrating discipline into his life beyond the university, he seeks to expand its meaning into a fundamental and overarching principle. Being disciplined across all areas of life emerges as an ideal that guides him, representing the consolidation of his identity as a capable and autonomous individual, and seeing himself as such. This effort reflects his attempt to create the necessary meaning structures to guide his actions and construct a coherent dialogue about himself, congruent across different contexts. It also highlights a process of internalizing external expectations, which are being transformed into a central component of his Self.

Nevertheless, a significant tension arises in Pablo’s case, stemming from the interplay between meanings associated with freedom and responsibility on one hand, and pleasure and duty on the other. These dualities represent his current self in contrast with the self he aspires to become. He is in a transitional phase where he begins to embrace responsibilities that demand additional effort and necessitate balancing competing demands (see Quotes 5 to 8).

“Well, it depends, for example, if I have an exam on a Monday and someone invites me to a party on Sunday, well, the exam is at seven in the morning, and the professor is very punctual. So, that’s where the effort of responsibility comes in—you have to cancel certain things or activities that you like or want to do to be responsible in university, that’s why”. (Interview 2, Quote 5)

Additionally, Pablo describes how he manages academic workload and performance challenges. University life becomes a scenario in which Pablo constantly interprets signs of his academic performance-especially the numerical value of grades- that influence how he perceives himself (actual self) and his vision of what he could become (future self). Thus, obtaining poor grades can lead him to a negative assessment of both his present Self and his future possibilities. For the participant, university life is marked by greater challenges and the need to develop specific strategies to prepare for, confront, and adapt to them. The strategies he employs are oriented toward rational control of feelings (not getting his hopes up), anticipation of negative outcomes, and performance control through determination.

Ambivalences and new positionings in the vital space of the university

In Pablo’s case, ambivalence is evident in the meanings constructed upon entering university. On one hand, he “went full of expectations”, suggesting a positive and hopeful anticipation about what the university might offer. On the other hand, being “expectant” indicates a more cautious attitude, proposing vigilance toward the unknown. It is notable to observe the verbal tense within his statement: Pablo speaks in the past, indicating that he has adopted a new position and perspective about himself and the university. This implies that not everything is as positive now as it initially seemed, and the initial ideals and expectations have diminished, paving the way for a more critical and reflective view of his university experience. The initial anticipation and optimism have been replaced by a more nuanced and realistic understanding, as he highlights in Interview 1, Quote 9.

“Well, I went full of expectations, so to speak, no, I went full of expectations no, I went expectant, that is, I went open to whatever could happen, you understand me?” (Interview 1, Quote 9)

This ambivalence in meanings could reflect an internal tension between the desire to fully embrace what the university offers, the fear of potential challenges, and the need for self-protection. This state of expectation may also be related to a sense of personal responsibility in which the participant feels the pressure to fulfill, without failing, both his own expectations and those of his closest environment. Being the first professional in his family could generate in his affective system a field-type sign related to responsibility. The attitude of being “expectant” may also be a way of protecting himself from the vulnerability that transition entails. By anticipating possible challenges, Pablo may be attempting to maintain control over the situation, preserving an inner monologue that reflects a preference for a specific interpretation of his experience. However, the latter may limit the appreciation of other alternatives for perspective-taking.

University life brings forth intense ambivalences for Pablo, stemming from the academic, emotional, and social demands that shape his experience in this context. It is also evident how he actively positions himself to self-regulate, deploying psychological resources to navigate the university context as a vital space where tensions and satisfactions coexist. In the semi-structured interviews, Quotes 10 and 11, Pablo provides insights into how these ambivalences manifest.

“Well, in the academic area, (ay hombe ¹ ), sometimes I would like to take a bomb, in a room and explode myself there alone, honestly, many tasks, that is in the academic area. Personally, I say that if it were up to me, I would take my pillow and my blanket to the university, that is, when there is not much academic hustle and bustle, you can sit around, anywhere in the university, any space is cool, you breathe tranquility”. (Interview 2, Quote 10)

On the one hand, the university is presented as a space of high academic demands, where the overload of tasks and responsibilities can generate a feeling of overwhelm, to the point of wanting to “explode” to get rid of the pressure. This expression represents the intensity of academic stress, which can become overwhelming and desperate. But, on the other hand, the participant describes the university as a place where he can find spaces of tranquility. The idea of bringing his pillow and blanket to college suggests that he sees the campus not only as a place of learning, but also as a refuge, a place where he can feel comfortable and at peace. The university is an environment that offers him the possibility of enjoying a kind of serenity that he seems not to find -or only partially- elsewhere.

What it means to be a man for pablo and the metaphor of “implanting”

During the interview, Pablo alludes to the implanting metaphor (Interview 1, Quotes 12 to 14).

“Since I was little, I always implanted an ideal in myself, yes, an ideal, a thought that a man has to provide security, a man has to be strong” (Interview 1, Quote 12).

When Pablo uses the metaphor of “implanting” and does it self-referentially “I always implanted an ideal in myself,” he shows a process in which he not only internalizes a set of social meanings but emphasizes his capacity to self-impose these meanings by integrating them into his Self-system. This suggests an active and self-affirmative meaning-making process in which Pablo acts as an agent. The metaphor of “implanting” is particularly expressive because it refers to a process of insertion, of something he planted early in his life to grow. It is very interesting because it may be interpreted as an embodied process, in which he not only adopts an idea external to him, on the cognitive plane, but makes it his own affectively and bodily. The use of this metaphor suggests that the meaning of how to be a man-from the standpoint of strength- is rooted in his being and has strong potential to regulate his feelings, emotions, decisions, and behaviors.

These meanings are reinterpreted, and Pablo can partially extend them. He then speaks of “being human” as a more general category than being a man. By being human he can express a request for help that does not contravene a social and internalized expectation of how to be a man, in other words, the “normal behavior for a man”. Thus, he can address a discrete request for help to specific people-not just “anyone”- at specific times that are important enough and not “at the slightest detail”; and in specific personal conditions that do not involve the loss of control over his feelings. Asking for help, then, is a highly coded and regulated behavior for Pablo because it is tied to meanings of masculinity in which, threateningly, relying on others or requesting help can be perceived as weakness and a loss of control over oneself and over events. The idea of being a man, in which strength, resolution, and the regulated handling of situations are central, helps us understand his tendency to face problems on his own before seeking external help. There is a process of self-definition with a hyper-generalized meaning, from which his statement “I have always been a person like that” makes sense. The hyper-generalization of meaning provides a clear and demanding referent, with which Pablo orients his life, while offering him a sense of mastery, agency, control, and independence.