‘You’re not invited’: Negotiating feminism within digital public sphere surrounding Lisa’s exotic dance

The problematic nature of women’s digital visibility

Counter to the initial expectation of diminishing gender differences, gender disparity remains evident in the online environment (Bimber, 2000; Herring and Stoerger, 2014) in representation, participation, and also in gender norms and power relations (Wilhelm, 2021). Mediated visibility as a ‘pervasive feature of the modern world’ entails both power and risks for political actors (Thompson, 2005: 31). Women’s mediated visibility is consistently subjected to sexist stereotyping of female portrayal (Bertaglia et al., 2023; Fox and Tang, 2014; Haines et al., 2023; Heron et al., 2014; Nic Giolla Easpaig, 2018; Nic Giolla Easpaig and Humphrey, 2017; Plakoyiannaki et al., 2008; Sambasivan et al., 2019; Sills et al., 2016; Teays, 2019), misogyny (Daniels, 2021; Han, 2018; Kolano, 2022; Southern and Harmer, 2019), sexualization (Barzoki et al., 2017; Deng et al., 2022; Salter, 2016), body surveillance (Gill, 2008; Gill and Orgad, 2017; Kohrs and Gill, 2021; Liss et al., 2011; Projansky, 2014), and conformity to ‘traditionally feminine’ norms (Duffy and Hund, 2019; Duffy and Pruchniewska, 2017; Nurka, 2014; Seekis et al., 2020; Wissinger, 2015) as well as gender biases in negative framing (Li and Luo, 2020). From overt hostility to subtler forms like jokes (Bemiller and Schneider, 2010; Nasreen, 2021; Oswald et al., 2019), women’s experiences are significantly impacted by existing gendered power relations across online spaces (Bemiller and Schneider, 2010; Zhou et al., 2022). In the context of emerging cyberspace culture, the neoliberal association of women’s bodies with their values and empowerment is deemed problematic from a feminist viewpoint (Travers, 2003; Winch, 2015: 21).

Likewise, online feminism navigates a complex paradox, as social network platforms are both potent weapons and treacherous battlefields for feminism (Dobson, 2015; Duffy, 2017; Roy et al., 2023; Sills et al., 2016). Besides online abuse and harassment against women who engage in feminist discourses (Lewis et al., 2017; Vera-Gray, 2017; Wilhelm, 2021), scholars have criticized the media-friendly discourse of celebrity feminism and corporate feminism (McRobbie, 2009), ‘popular feminism’ (Banet-Weiser, 2015, 2018) or ‘media-ready feminism’ (Press and Tripodi, 2021) for aiming at feminist visibility but failing to address deeper structural inequalities, asserting traditional gender norms and the ‘undoing of feminism’ through discourses of choice, empowerment and individualism (Dobson, 2015; McRobbie, 2009; Rottenberg, 2017). The complexities and nuances inherent in contemporary online feminism necessitate critical and intersectional examination of different factors shaping its visibility and conditioning its manifestations (Gill and Orgad, 2017; Mohanty, 2003).

Gender politics in ‘Confucian monarchies’

Literature on feminism in Asian context highlights a dual dynamic. On the one hand, online platforms provide alternatives spaces for feminist agency and expression (Han, 2021; Sari, 2019; Wang and Driscoll, 2019). On the other hand, they also reflect the discourse of ‘power femininity’, which aligns with popular post-feminism yet falls short of driving genuine progressive social change (Han, 2018; Lazar, 2006). Despite its economic strength and political power, the East Asia and the Pacific region faces the longest timeline for closing the gender gap – an estimated 189 years – among all regions analyzed in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report (World Economic Forum, 2023). The complexity of gender progress in the region stems from diverse social, cultural and political conditions, as well as the complex historical trajectories of Asian countries. In this context, feminist antagonism is often based on criticism of deviant women going astray from traditional roles, fake feminists, together with nationalistic reasons of state opponents (Huang, 2016, 2023; J Kim, 2017; Park and Kim, 2021).

Strongly influenced by Confucianism, East Asian societies uphold expectations of women to be ‘virtuous’ and ‘pious’ (Roces, 2022: 8; Vu and Yamada, 2020; Woodside, 1998). Women’s identities are attached to their domestic roles as daughters, wives, and mothers, while their presence in the public sphere is dictated to be inferior (Littlejohn, 2017). In Vietnam, traditional Confucian norms reinforce these expectations, requiring women to be adhere to the ‘three obediences’ (tam tòng) – to father, husband, and eldest son, as well as the ‘four virtues’ ‘(tứ đức) of capable work (công), decorous appearance (dung), polite speech (ngôn), and deferential behavior (hanh)’ (Leshkowich, 2014: 14–15).

In China, efforts for gender equality was involved in early twentieth century’s social movements (Li, 2013; Shi, 2024) and later became an essential component in the communist political agenda to mobilize influence toward the foundation of the People’s Republic of China but its current modernization and marketization have witnessed the gender discourse to some extent compromised against the context of revived traditional roles (Yang, 2020). Scholars including Chang et al. (2018) and Li (2025) argued for a renovating concept of feminism ‘with Chinese characteristics’ which incorporated a female identity into the Confucian ‘harmonious society’ rather than direct confrontation with patriarchy.

Though women in both Korea and Vietnam enjoyed more freedom before it was imported into these two countries (Dimri, 2023), Confucianism became the dominant ideology in both countries under the medieval hegemony of China, retaining its significant influence even after their independence (Woodside, 1998: 193). In South Korea, economic growth has not necessarily erased gender disparity, male-dominance is still omnipresent while traditional gender roles and Confucian views continue to hinder women empowerment (Cho and Lee, 2015; Seguino, 1997; Shin and Kwon, 2023).

Scholars often agree that Vietnamese society witnessed better gender equality than that of China because the country has a ‘strong matriarchal heritage’ associated with folktales of tenacious women who perseveringly demanded control of their own fates, historical heroines who fought and commanded troops in wars against foreign invaders, and prominent figures in early feminist literature who championed womanhood (Duong, 2001; Gray, 2018; Turley, 1972). Still, Confucianism, which was adopted as the main ideology in the country during feudalist period, is argued to suppress Vietnamese women’s positions both in the society and in the family to the dominance of male, constraining their roles to that of the self-containing and passive wife, mother, and daughter (Dineen and Le, 2015; Mai and Brundrett, 2020; Santillán et al., 2002; Vo et al., 2024; Waibel and Glück, 2013).

Feminist progress in Vietnam has been closely connected to the country’s political trajectories: Confucian directives were called on to be abandoned to allow women’s significant participation in the country’s anti-colonial fights for liberation as well as post-war economic development (Nguyễn and Rydstrom, 2022). Support for women’s liberation by bourgeois Westernized intellectuals, as evident in early twentieth century literature that depicted free-spirited women pursuing personal happiness, was criticized as disconnected from the general colonial society while the Communist Party included all women’s liberation in its early advocacy and movements (Turley, 1972). Women were recognized as a latent supporting force for the patriotic revolution, not only thanks to their dedicated participation in war efforts but also their intense involvement in major economic production in replacement for men’s labor then devoted to battlefields, with the typical example of collective actions directed by the Vietnamese Women Union, one of the world’s largest women organizations of its kind (Bunck, 1997; Duong, 2001; Turley, 1972; Waibel and Glück, 2013). Many scholars also argued for a central role of Vietnamese women in the historical trajectory of the country, claiming that their social position signifies the country’s tradition, its past of oppression, and readiness for modernity (Bunck, 1997; Tran, 2012; Tuyet, 2007).

In modern time, though making faster progress in gender equality compared to many other developing and even developed countries, as evident in its significant distance from South Korea and China in gender gap index (World Economic Forum, 2023), Vietnam still institutionally perpetuates gender norms that tie women to Confucian traditions and care-giver femininity ideals (Dineen and Le, 2015; Hoang, 2020; Schuler et al., 2006). Research into gender roles in Vietnam has highlighted that authentic Asian womanhood of sacrifice, devotion and dedication, traditions and continuity characterize the big picture (Knodel et al., 2005; Nguyễn and Rydstrom, 2022; Santillán et al., 2002; Thi et al., 2023; Vo et al., 2024; Waibel and Glück, 2013). In the course of national development within the context of globalization, cultural identity and traditional characteristics are highly appreciated, hence celebration of women roles and contributions to the society and the family has always been more associated with historical traditions and cultural heritage rather than deviating. It is worth noted that this cherishing of traditions is not uncommon, as can be seen in China and South Korea, as well as in several Asian countries.

Feminism in K-pop fandom context

With over 178 million fans across the world, K-pop is a global cultural force even though Asia remains its largest support base, with China being the biggest market, followed by Thailand and Vietnam, respectively (The Korea Foundation, 2023). The fact that the majority of K-pop fans are women (Harris, 2022) highlights its influence on gender progress within its fan community.

Despite South Korea’s developmental progress, K-Pop and the broader Korean culture industry remain highly patriarchal with strict gender dynamics that ‘keep young women at the bottom’ (Kim, 2018: 192). This phenomenon arguably can be traced to South Korea’s shift towards an increasingly service-oriented and neoliberal market in response to the International Monetary Fund crisis (G Kim, 2017: 521; Kim, 2018). G Kim (2017: 521) highlighted that the modernization and growth of Korea has always manipulated and exploited female bodies, making them ‘neoliberal subjects’. K-pop culture, influenced by the male gaze and aesthetic hegemony, has reinforced narrow beauty standards, limiting women’s self-awareness and pursuit of diverse beauty standards due to its popularity and expansion (Chen and Zhang, 2023). Furthermore, Dimri (2023) discussed the concept of Marketplace Feminism – wherein the K-pop industry takes advantage of the women empowerment’s concept, stemming from a neoliberal, post-feminist sensibility while simultaneously upholding deeply anti-feminist practices in reality.

South Korea’s Confucian heritage continues to shape societal gender expectations, placing female idols at the intersection of neoliberal developmentalism and traditional Confucianism. On the one hand, the developmental state of Korea encourages women’s participation in the service sector to meet the growing demand of the economy (G Kim, 2017: 522). On the other hand, female idols are still under the surveillance of the gender hierarchies and power dynamics dictated by Confucian values (J Kim, 2017). Kim and Kellner (2018) used Foucault’s (2010) notion of governmentality to examine how female idols have to govern themselves in positive transformation into a better self (G Kim, 2017). This governance manifests through expectations of obedience, discipline, and aesthetic conformity.

K-pop’s portrayal of ideal femininity frequently constructs female idols as hyperreal personas that merge innocence with explicit sexuality, reinforcing existing gender norms (Kim, 2019b). Systematic bodily restrictions and the ‘dollification’ of female idols contribute to the objectification, autonomy delimitation and patriarchal disciplining of female K-pop idols (Venters and Rothenberg, 2023). The 21^st century has witnessed an increasing trend in the introduction of fourth-generation K-pop girl groups that transform to strong and independent image (Shen, 2023), commonly referred to as the girl crush concept which promotes confidence and liberation. However, many K-pop fans critique girl crush as a commodified form of feminism that maintains the patriarchal status quo and gender power relations within the industry (Sun et al., 2022).

While female celebrities can serve as role models for young girls (Adamson and Kelan, 2019; Campbell and Wolbrecht, 2006; Nixon and Robinson, 1999), influencing cultural discourse and gender roles, their fame also makes them vulnerable to public scrutiny. Scholars highlight the negative effects of hypervisibility on premature girls (Gies, 2011; Jackson and Vares, 2015), as well as the widespread online sexual harassment faced by female idols, often rooted in misogyny and sexism, which is strongly linked to the prevalence of offensive comments in public discussions on social media (Park and Kim, 2021). Within the K-pop industry, neoliberal feminism, restricted female autonomy, and patriarchal gender norms continue to shape the experiences of idols. Those who openly support feminism frequently face backlash, illustrating the industry’s resistance to gender progressivism (Diao, 2023; Kim, 2011, 2019a; Septiani, 2022).

Recent literature on fan communities has recognized the increasing popularity of fannish behavior and ever-involving active audiences in the age of participatory culture (Jenkins, 2006; Littlejohn and Foss, 2009). In this line, fan is situated in a continuum from being extreme viewers at one end and effectively engaged co-producers of media text contributing to idols’ success at the other end (Hurova, 2023; Kang et al., 2022). Within the context of the increasingly transnational K-pop fandom, fans conduct their own meaning-making at the intersection between the cosmopolitanism of the border-transcending fandom and local geocultural characteristics (Lisa LEUNG, 2023; Yoon, 2022). While K-pop fan’s participatory role has been seen as perpetuating existing gender digital divide, manifesting post-feminism in the expanding influence of K-pop (Zheng, 2023), it was also argued that K-pop fans’ perceptions of gender have evolved from traditional binary notions to a more intricate relationship between biological sex and societal constructs (Luo, 2023).

Fan participatory culture & feminist counterpublics

The emergence of social media has sparked debate over whether social media can constitute public spheres – theorized by Habermas as spaces where private individuals assemble to discuss and form public opinion over the authority rules (Habermas, 1989). While some scholars critically highlight the limitations of social media as an appropriate public sphere (Fuchs, 2014; Pfetsch, 2018), others argued for social media’s role as a new, digitalized public sphere for fragmented, ‘plebeian’ online crowds (Gerbaudo, 2022; Smyrnaios and Baisnée, 2023; Staab and Thiel, 2022).

Concomitantly, this very concept of public sphere has been criticized for its historical exclusion of women, reinforcing gender norms, perpetuating white male domination while silencing diverse voices (Foss and Foss, 1991; Friedan, 1963; Griffin, 1996). Feminist scholars, most notably Nancy Fraser, have challenged this exclusion by advocating for the concept of feminist counterpublics as alternative spaces for dialogue and resistance (Fraser, 1990; Warner, 2002). Discursive activism as the key strategy to construct these counterpublics (Young, 1997) on cyberspace promises to promote feminist discourse and challenge dominant narratives (Clark, 2016; Clark-Parsons, 2018; Salter, 2016; Travers, 2003).

Feminist counterpublics are characterized by the participation of subaltern and marginalized groups who engage in dialogues of conflicting views internally and externally with other groups to reclaim public spaces and counter mainstream patriarchal norms (Fraser, 1990; Howlett and Ross, 2023; Jackson and Banaszczyk, 2016; Majewska, 2021; Sills et al., 2016). While traditional feminist counterpublics have been criticized for their limited visibility to non-participants, digital media has facilitated the emergence of online feminist counterpublics as subaltern parallel spaces that challenge dominant norms and gender oppression (Travers, 2003).

With the recent expanding role of fan communities in quotidian debates on contemporary political issues, fandoms have been seen both as a ‘training ground’ for participatory activism and oppressive spaces filled with socio-political tensions (Driessen et al., 2024). Online fandom communities have been argued to have characteristics of networked publics and counterpublics that challenge problematic depictions (McInroy et al., 2022). Given the transnational circulation of K-pop, the growing influence of social media in fan engagement (Jung, 2011), and the female-dominated nature of K-pop fandom (Harris, 2022), we theorized that the social media settings that allow for discussion among K-pop fans can serve as feminist counterpublics where marginalized voices can be amplified.

This study employs the concept of feminist counterpublics as its main construct in the inquiry for examining feminist discourse within fandom contexts. Drawing on Fraser’s (1990) argument that feminist women use counter language to describe their social reality within counterpublics, thereby resisting subjugation in mainstream public spheres, we investigate how fan communities function as counterpublics in negotiating feminist discourse surrounding Lisa’s controversial decision.

Our research aims to: (1) examine the operation of the feminist counterpublics in networked fan hubs and (2) explore how feminism is negotiated and constructed within intertextual settings.

While existing literature has significantly expanded our understanding of the rich tapestry of feminist voices and experiences, a conspicuous gap remains. Specifically, research on gendered visibility of women and online feminism in Global South context has often focused on specific, localized cases, shaped by the socio-economic and cultural factors inherent to gender research. However, to gain a more comprehensive understanding of online feminism, we need to extend our gaze beyond isolated instances and examine more diffusional phenomena, like this case surrounding Lisa that we are exploring.

Moreover, much of the existing literature has rightly focused on highly political cases involving feminist activism or movements, particularly in addressing the struggles that Asian women face within political contexts. However, we contend that feminism that is woven into the fabric of everyday lives, in spaces such as fandoms, also deserves thorough examination.

Examining how feminist discourse navigates challenges in digital spaces, especially in the context of Confucian-influenced societies like Vietnam, is therefore of significant importance. By focusing on the case of Lisa’s performance at Crazy Horse Paris, this study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how online feminist discourse is negotiated in the Global South, offering insights into the intersections of fandom, feminism, and digital activism.

Data collection

Social media is an essential instrument for shaping the topics discussed in public conversations (Brady, 2020: 95). Platforms have, on the one hand, enhanced the visibility of feminism in the context of the various feminist strands that exist today, on the other hand have also made it more challenging to differentiate between different strands of feminism (Banet-Weiser et al., 2020). Facebook, as a rich source of user-generated content, has been proved to accommodate online counterpublics (Chunly, 2020) and enhance knowledge sharing, discussion, interaction and cognitive engagement in learning (Hou et al., 2015; Zhu, 2006), standing a lucrative data source for analyzing power relations and cultural meanings embedded in feminist discourses.

The fact that Facebook is considered the most popular social network in the world (Dixon, 2024) and in Vietnam with over 70% of the country’s 97 million population utilizing this platform for content sharing (Tan, 2023) convinced the researchers of this platform’s ability to facilitate discursive discussions on feminism, hence the decision to use Facebook groups and pages as the sources of data.

We collected and qualitatively analyzed posts and related comments from Vietnamese Facebook users. The data for this research were gathered in November 2023, nearly 2 months after Lisa’s participation in CHP, when there were no longer any new major events related to this case, with an aim of collecting all viral posts covering the wholesome of this event. Initially, we utilized the keyword ‘Lisa Crazy Horse Paris’ in the Facebook search bar to identify highly engaged posts in Vietnamese language. That resulting posts were mostly in Vietnamese was understandable considering our Vietnamese virtual private network (VPN) and account locations. From Facebook-suggested posts, we examined the publishing accounts to identify in total 94 posts in 20 pages and groups related to the topic. Subsequently, we manually collected the content of these posts, along with metadata including the number of reactions, comments, and followers of the respective pages.

Rather than analyzing all 94 posts, we selected a subset that ensured a diversity of content and data sources as well as their discursiveness. Our initial examination of these posts led to the decision that a discursive post should have a minimum of 20 ‘rich’ comments – either over 100-word long or over 50 reactions each. Diversity was ensured by varying sources of selection and post content. Eventually, we only chose from each source one post with the highest comment/reaction or reaction/page followers ratios, prioritizing the comment/reaction ratio considering our intention of discourse analysis. Exceptions were a K-pop public discussion group and a confession page that featured more diverse content.

Ultimately, we selected 22 posts from 15 pages and public groups for our analysis, carefully collecting both the post content and the total 23,154 accompanying comments. When gathering comments, we used the ‘All comments’ display option to capture the full scope of data and minimize algorithmic bias. We thoroughly reviewed all comments, mindful that some with higher word counts, reactions, and replies might be buried at the bottom of the display interface. We chose to limit our selection to these 22 posts because they provided a comprehensive data set, reaching the saturation point as defined by Glaser and Strauss (2017). Beyond these 22 posts, no new themes or content emerged, reinforcing the completeness of our analysis. The data list with metric details is provided in our appendices.

Ethical considerations

Social media platforms have become valuable research tools, but they also raise ethical concerns, particularly regarding the assessment of potential risks (Hammer, 2017; Moreno et al., 2013). In this study, we utilized Facebook as a data collection platform, focusing on posts’ content. Our study exclusively accessed posts from public groups and fan pages without collecting personal information of social media users, such as names or account links. Given that access to this source of Facebook content is public, the information we collected is not private, and there was no interaction with the creators of the posts, our study does not fall under the category of human subjects research (Moreno et al., 2013). However, it is essential to acknowledge that the manual selection process, while necessary for ensuring data diversity, may have inadvertently introduced subjective bias. We are also aware of the issue that posts and comments are subject to monitoring and control by the administrators of the fan pages or groups and therefore some of the posts we collected could be deleted by the admins without any explanation or justification. Despite this, we chose to retain these posts as data because it is impossible to determine whether they were deleted by the original authors or by the admins, or to know the reasons behind their deletion. We consider posts and comments as ‘living data’ that capture the ‘ideas’ and ‘knowledge’ present at the time of data collection.

Data analysis

We use critical discourse analysis (CDA) method through the lens of feminist scholarship to qualitatively analyze the data and explore the relations between text, power, dominance, and social inequality (Van Dijk, 1993). To be specific, Van Dijk’s (1993: 249–250) CDA approach focuses on studying the role of ‘text’ in the reproduction of ‘dominance’ – which is ‘the exercise of power relations’ from the elites and institutions which lead to social inequality. This social inequality encompasses intersectionality – spanning political, cultural, class, ethnic, racial and gender disparities (Van Dijk, 1993). One fundamental principle of van Dijk’s CDA is to focus primarily on the power dynamics, injustice, and inequality resulting from the discourse (1993, p. 252). Leeuwen’s (2008) CDA was derived from Michel Foucault’s concept of discourse ‘as semantic constructions of specific aspects of reality that serve the interests of particular historic and/or social contexts’ which focuses significantly on the role of language in discourse analysis.

In this research, we aim to take the feminist perspectives into our data analysis. Incorporating feminist scholarship into CDA is what needs to be done (Lazar, 2005; Van Dijk, 1993: 251) to challenge the male-dominance in humanities and social science disciplines (Spender, 1981 as cited in Lazar, 2005). Feminist CDA relates to the analysis of gender, power, and ideology in discourse (Lazar, 2005). Fairclough (2013) introduced a three-level analysis approach: the text itself, the discursive practices, and the larger social context. We used the following framework when analyzing the data using CDA, deriving from Lazar’s (2005) feminist CDA approach and Fairclough’s (2013) three-level approach:

Text: we focused on the linguistic characteristics (lexical choices, metaphor), tone, and framing. We looked for patterns related to gender dynamics, power, and ideology. We paid attention to how languages generate norms and construct gender roles and identities.

Context: we considered the broader socio-cultural landscape, and contextualized the authorship, purpose, and target audience.

Power dynamics: We analyzed the power dynamics evident in the discourse, identifying authoritative voices and marginalized perspectives. We also looked for signs of silencing and resistance.

‘Honoring Asian values against appraisers of Western ones’ – waffling among different cultural values

The differing interpretations of Lisa’s performance at CHP highlight the clash between conflicting cultural values. While critics view her performance through the lens of a cultural clash between the West and Asia, her supporters defend it by emphasizing the importance of cultural diversity.

On one side of this debate, proponents of respecting cultural differences argue that there are no universal standards of right or wrong. Supporters of Lisa describe her performance as ‘cabaret’ or ‘burlesque’ – legitimate French art forms that celebrate women’s bodies and are gaining popularity among women. They maintain that the audience’s perception and response to a performance is ‘not the responsibility of the performer’ (Post 10, comment) but rather depends on the audience’s cultural values and educational background, especially given Lisa’s global influence. These supporters dismiss the discomfort with an art form that is well-established in Western and Thai cultures, attributing it to the critics’ narrow-mindedness. One supporter encapsulates this sentiment, stating, ‘I’m not enamored with Westerners because I am Asian and love Eastern culture more. However, hastily judging foreign art as cheap and merely entertaining with a narrow perspective is truly tactless and disrespectful’ (Post 15). Beyond promoting cultural diversity, support is also associated with celebration of one’s own progressive stance (Post 8) and criticism of detractors as ‘medieval fans’ stuck in outdated thinking (Post 12, comment). This is well in line with the common association of Western ideals with modernity, civilization and enlightenment.

In contrast, critics argue that there is a misunderstanding or even deliberate ‘concept-switching’ of calling striptease an art form, despite its core focus on women exposing their bodies to a limited, wealthy male audience. They contend that labeling it as art is simply a capitalist tactic to boost its reputation and normalize the business of using women’s bodies to attract male audiences. One critic stated, ‘CHP is by nature a strip club. The arts label just hides its vulgarity and attracts the rich to spend more. There is nothing prestigious to hail as if it was an honor to perform there’ (Post 10, comment). This line of reasoning dismisses the pro-Lisa arguments that celebrate Western cultural values of openness and body liberation as signs of modernity.

This discourse also reflects disapproval of such performances as unethical within an Asian, particularly Vietnamese, cultural context, with repeated condemnations of ‘corrupted family values and degenerated morality’ (Post 8, comment) in response to Lisa’s perceived embrace of Western culture and disregard for Asian norms, despite her Asian roots and K-pop idol identity. This dishonor extends to Western societies as well: ‘Even in Western pop culture, this is a shame, not a normal thing’ (Post 2, comment) and ‘a way for the Western super-rich to intimidate that even Asian idols are at their disposal’ (Post 12, comment). Critics further assert a universal alienation from reputable society, stating, ‘No matter where a country is, no matter how open-minded it is, the profession of stripper is only considered to be “more prestigious” than the profession of prostitute’ (Post 12, comment). Along this line of argument is support for China’s strict control over such content: ‘The Chinese government has done a good job in eliminating unhealthy content’ (Post 9, comment), with expectations of similar governance by Vietnamese authorities and fans.

‘Why on earth did she reduce herself to a stripper’ – feminist classism

Lisa’s willingness and enjoyment of her performance at Crazy Horse Paris were evident in her Instagram posts, where she expressed, ‘Such an amazing experience at “Crazy Horse.” Thank you everyone for making this happen. Call me whenever you need someone to fill a spot’ (Manobal, 2023). This expressed enthusiasm sparked a strong sentiment that she has deviated from her previously perceived ‘good girl’ identity.

While some received this change with understanding that her previous popularly well-behaved persona was commercially crafted as a form of for-profit fan service designed ‘to satisfy her fans’ illusion’, many expressed disappointments, feeling that Lisa had ‘ruined her image’ and even disillusionment that her innocent identity ‘is all fake’ (Post 7, comment). The debate around authenticity was particularly prominent, with terms such as ‘real nature’, ‘true’ and ‘fake’ frequently appearing in discussions about whether Lisa’s identity shift was genuine or manufactured.

In contrast to Lisa’s excitement, criticism equates her decision as a change in identity that reduced her status ‘from a top tier idol down to a stripper’ (Post 3, comment). This perceived identity shifts away from the high ‘distinguished’ K-pop idol status to the low stripper identity is described using words including ‘decline’, ‘bottom’, ‘downhill’, ‘cheap’, ‘devalue’, and ‘lowest grade’, These terms indicate strong disapproval of her decision, reinforcing a hierarchy of prestige within the entertainment industry. Additionally, critics denounced her objectification, using expressions like ‘for money action’, ‘plaything’, ‘object’, ‘amusement tool’. This devaluation was further contextualized by the fact that Lisa’s performances served a limited wealthy audience, in the wider context that Asian society disdain sexualized performances in particular and sex industry in general.

Deviating from the traditional scorn toward performing entertainers, as illustrated in the Confucian-rooted idiom ‘xướng ca vô loài’ (singing/dancing belongs to no class), the modern attitude towards performing arts has been significantly improved when popular artists are highly valued and praised. Nevertheless, this shift in public perception does not extend to striptease and similar sensual performances, which assumedly serve men, they remain stigmatized and therefore was not considered actual empowerment.

Despite arguments that Lisa’s performance was not illegal, critics labeled it as morally inappropriate, using terms such as ‘tam quan lệch lạc’ – ‘distorted worldviews and life perspectives’ (Post 2, comment), ‘moral decay’ (Post 8, comment) or ‘lố bịch’ – ‘grotesque’ (Post 21), ‘disgraceful’ (Post 10, comment). The moral stance that judges use of women’s bodies in entertainment is still prominently powerful in the assessment: ‘women’s bodies become a moral battlefield’ (Post 10, comment).

Even though the commenters do not make clear differentiation between dance movements in her previous performances and performances at CHP, it is Lisa’s active and enjoying attitude that got criticism in contrast with the perceived unwillingness of other ordinary striptease performers who are considered forced to this trajectory: ‘Only women at a dead-end would choose this path’. (Post 1, comment), ‘No ordinary woman would do this if they were not forced to’. (Post 12, comment), ‘No one takes pride in working in places like that’. (Post 10, comment), and ‘No celeb does the same thing’. (Post 4, comment).

Cardi B’s past comments on her own history of striptease were also cited as an example of how women unwillingly enter the industry. Such comments reflect a consistent societal perception that employment within sex industry is exclusively relegated to individuals of lower socio-economic standing, lacking alternative options. Nevertheless, Lisa’s proactive and deliberate choice to pursue this job stems not from financial or situational necessity, but rather from personal preference and affinity.

Criticism was also directed toward the perceived classism as illustrated in Lisa’s autonomy in choosing her attire. In a photograph featuring Lisa alongside other dancers, it is discerned that Lisa opted for a modified version of the Crazy Horse outfit, including a top that covers her upper body, unlike her fellow dancers who performed topless. This visual contrast reinforced perceptions of an unequal playing field, where Lisa could exercise choice in ways that other dancers could not.

Analogies between sexualized performances reveal varying social perceptions of performers: on stage, an idol is celebrated and gains popularity; in a burlesque club, her act is seen as a form of empowerment; yet for other striptease performers, the industry remains stigmatized as degrading and coercive.

Critics challenged this contradiction, questioning why performances in one setting were deemed respectable while similar performances elsewhere were condemned: ‘If it is normal to perform on stage, why is it cheap in a club?’ (Post 2, comment)

An equity-inquiring position was raised that an act of feminism should equally apply to anyone. Counter to Lisa’s supporting comments are those challenging these commenters to accept the same action from their loved one: ‘Who support this should do it or let their loved ones do this’ (Post 9, comment), ‘If their loved ones do the same, they will surely not think that it's normal’. (Post 10, comment), or ‘A normal mother would not be proud when her daughter does stripping’. (Post 11, comment).

What is ‘right-way’ feminism? – Negotiation between the public and individual image

At the center of the debate surrounding Lisa’s performance is the discourse of ‘right-way feminism’. Her supporters highlighted that her very decision is an embodiment of women empowerment and body freedom. The feminist liberation argument centers on the assertion that women have the freedom to engage in whatever activities they choose with their bodies through repeated use of vocabulary including ‘freedom’ (tự do), ‘autonomy’ (tự chủ), ‘choice’ (lựa chọn) throughout posts and comments to affirm Lisa’s autonomy in deciding what she wants to pursue: ‘Choice is choice’ (Post 8, comment), ‘It reflects her personal choice, an expression of her rights to pursue what she enjoys and has the freedom to do’. (Post 20), ‘It’s the right for women to make choices about their bodies, regardless of their identity or profession. Women still retain the autonomy’ (Post 20).

Lisa supporters alienated critics as ‘irrelevant’ ones who ‘are not invited to concern’ on the issue (Post 5, comment), acknowledging that Lisa ‘won’t even hear the criticism, let alone care’ (Post 1, comment), as evident in her Instagram post: ‘You’re not invited’ (Manobal, 2023).

However, the counterargument questions whether Lisa’s decision truly manifested women’s freedom. It scrutinizes Lisa’s choice, pondering if it fulfills her personal needs when contributing to the perpetuation of patriarchal values. The concern lies in the potential reinforcement of the sexualization of the female body within an establishment like the CHP, where services primarily cater to the entertainment preferences of a wealthy, male-dominated customer base.

‘I agree that my body is my choice, but if you have to choose, you must choose correctly’ (Post 1, comment).

‘“Your body, your choice” is a variation of “My body, my choice” […] This slogan promotes liberation. Liberating women from the ownership of men, or of society. […] when saying this sentence, be careful to see if that “choice” is something manipulated by the values of a male-dominated society or not. Beware of those who promote feminism by giving feminists the freedom to become entertainment…’ (Post 14)

‘Women have the freedom to wear as they want, but they do not need to strip their clothes to demonstrate their freedom’ (Post 10, comment)

This negation of Lisa’s performance as an act of empowering feminist expression is legitimized based on a perception of ‘right-way’ empowerment.

‘Feminist propaganda = wear as little as possible??? So women who dress discreetly are unfeminist, dependent, and oppressed???’ (Post 8, comment)

‘Feminism is fighting for gender equality, education, political leadership and other important things, not to perform in a striptease club’ (Post 1, comment)

‘Original feminism is demanding education rights and gender equality, now it is used to suppress men and support sleazy things’ (Post 9, comment)

The participants in the debate share a desire to offer educational insights aimed at fostering a better understanding of feminism. Definitions of feminism, choice, freedom are employed discursively, indicating a range of interpretations of feminism and underscores participants’ eagerness to refine and clarify feminist viewpoints to promote a perceived appropriate comprehension of the ideology.

Participants use strong and firm expressions of negation such as ‘never’, ‘not’, ‘no one’ when articulating their understanding of the feminism concepts:

‘There will never be a story about striptease being feminist and free’ (Post 8, comment)

‘No one wants to see women transformed into sex objects for men’ (Post 5, comment)

A noteworthy component of the debate on appropriateness is the positioning of feminist consideration in the context of public figures and their personal desires. When it comes to the impact of Lisa’s performance, there is a prevailingly expressed concern that her actions may negatively influence her predominantly young fan base as well as the broader K-pop community via normalization and popularization of strip clubs and sexualization when her fans’ devoted protectiveness of her actions was described as ‘brainless bleaching’ or ‘whitewash’, disapproving that ‘fans went too far to make excuses for their idol’ (Post 1, comment). Expressions like ‘she ruined this generation’ (Post 4, comment) or ‘All of K-pop has been impure’ encapsulates the apprehension regarding the potential repercussions of her performance.

As a public figure with significant influence, Lisa is expected to be mindful of the potential consequences of her actions, to serve as an example, to have a ‘complete awareness and worldview’ to behave properly. Proponents of stricter norms emphasized idols’ ‘responsibility’ that comes with fan support, privilege and fame that entitled the public to the right of judgment.

Especially in the context that K-pop idols function in the closed-knit interdependence connection with fans, the ‘unrecommended’ discourse was sustained with expressions highlighting the ‘dependence’ of idols on fans like ‘without fans idols are nothing’ or ‘idols live off fans’ (Post 3, 4, 12, comments) emphasized the perceived unequal power dynamic in which the dependence of idols on fans’ support for career development dictates fans’ decisive power: ‘In the end, fans are like customers to idols, and customers are gods’ (Post 12, comment). Lisa’s perceived ‘Western pivot’, signifying her disregard for their opinions, expectations, and values, ‘she does not care about Asian fans’ and ‘fans don’t have a say’ (Post 12, comment) in what their idols do, logically leads to the criticism that she is undeserving of fans’ support.

‘An entertainer making money from her audience dared to delusion that she is the queen’ (Post 9, comment).

‘Her wealth comes from her image, but you ask fans to respect idols’ decisions, are you kidding?’ (Post 8, comment).

On the other side of the dichotomy of fans-idols connection, some challenged the limitations imposed on idols. There are counterarguments asserting that the behavior of fans, particularly young ones, is not solely the responsibility of the idol. This perspective emphasizes the role of other societal institutions, such as families, in guiding and shaping the behavior and perspectives of young individuals. It is also noted that Lisa performed in a limited environment where children could not access, while there are other risks out there no matter whether she stripped or not.

Likewise, fans were also independent in the relationship with their idols as ‘fans cannot lecture idols’ (Post 7, comment) and they could form their own judgments rather than supporting idols steadfastly: ‘Why do fans have to support every decision their idols make????’ (Post 12, comment) This independence discourse is constructed with the use of modal verbs signposting ability such as ‘can’, ‘be able to’ or ‘not have to’ and complemented with the assertion that behaviors of fans, particularly young ones, cannot be shouldered only by the idols, emphasizing the role of other societal institutions, like families: ‘If fans follow idols and do bad things, then we should look back at their own homes’ (Post 12, comment).