Evolution of destination image among visitors and non-visitors: Construal level theory perspective

Overview

Destination image (DI) is a foundational concept in tourism research, shaping tourists’ destination choice, on-site experiences, and post-visit behaviors. Traditionally, DI comprises two primary dimensions: cognitive (knowledge, beliefs, destination attributes, and characteristics) and affective (emotions and feelings) (Artuger and Cetinsoz, 2017; Baloglu and McCleary, 1999), with some scholars also emphasizing a conative dimension (likelihood to visit or recommend a destination) (Agapito et al., 2013; Stylos et al., 2016; Woosnam et al., 2020). These dimensions are inter-connected, with cognitive evaluations typically preceding affective responses and conative intentions (Llodrà-Riera et al., 2015). Understanding and managing these DI components is key to building successful destination marketing.

However, the formation of DI is a highly subjective process and varies substantially depending on individuals’ prior experience with a destination (Fakeye and Crompton, 1991). Non-visitors tend to rely on secondary sources such as media portrayals, promotional materials, and word-of-mouth information, resulting in abstract or superficial images that may lack realism or depth (Cherifi et al., 2014). In contrast, first-time and repeat visitors construct more nuanced and stable images based on direct, personal experiences with the destination's infrastructure, value, and emotional resonance (Lu et al., 2023). These differences between visitors and non-visitors reflect broader psychological processes—including prior exposure, expectations, and cultural distance—that shape how people perceive and memorize places (Ye and Tussyadiah, 2011). To further understand these distinctions, it is helpful to examine how the discourse on DI has developed.

Over the past five decades, scholars have explored DI from various angles, ranging from early comparisons of visitors’ and non-visitors’ perceptions to more recent investigations into emotional solidarity, cultural distance, and tourist–resident interactions (Le Hong and Hsu, 2024; Pike, 2002; Stepchenkova and Mills, 2010; Wang et al., 2023). However, despite these advances, most studies remain descriptive, lacking in-depth explanations of the psychological mechanisms that influence DI formation. What drives some non-visitors to hold rich and realistic images of a place, while others rely on distorted or generalized impressions? To address this gap, the present study applies Construal Level Theory (CLT), a well-established framework in social psychology that explains how psychological distance affects the way people mentally construe objects, people, and places (Trope and Liberman, 2010). By framing the inquiry through CLT, it becomes possible to investigate how individuals’ perceived closeness to a destination influences the complexity, specificity, and emotional tone of their DI, thus filling a notable gap in existing literature.

Focusing on Arab visitors and non-visitors to Japan, this study offers a novel application of CLT in the context of cross-cultural tourism. Arab people represent a regionally diverse group with a growing interest in Japan and varying degrees of psychological and cultural proximity to it. Building on the earlier discussion of psychological mechanisms, this study examines how cognitive mediators reduce psychological distance and influence DI among Arabs, thereby contributing to the DI literature and offering practical insights for culturally sensitive destination marketing.

Study context: Arab perception of Japan

Japan is geographically, culturally, linguistically, and socially distant from Arabs. However, unlike other countries (e.g. South Korea, China, and European countries), Japan offers a special blend of symbolic familiarity and experiential distance for Arabs. On the one hand, perceived familiarity with Japan without direct experience is mediated by daily interactions with Japanese products (e.g. cars, food, and electronic devices) and the mass media's promotion of Japanese popular culture (e.g. Anime and drama). Moreover, there has been an increasing amount of Arabic content on social media about Japan (e.g. nippon.com and bloggers’ reels), leading to a distinctive combination of perceived exoticism and symbolic proximity with Japanese culture and people among a broad range of Arab audiences. However, some Arabs hold an exaggerated view of Japan as the “Sister Planet” (Abaza, 2002), or as a country living in the future, admiring Japan for its cutting-edge technology, balanced modernization and tradition, cleanliness, punctuality, and hospitality. On the other hand, experiential distance from Japan has been reduced by the growing number of Arab visitors, driven by the Japanese government's efforts to attract more Arab visitors, including the establishment of the Japan National Tourism Organization (JNTO) regional office in Dubai in November 2021. Additionally, Japan promotes itself as an optimal tourist destination for all cultures, particularly by catering to Muslim (including Arab) tourists with Halal food, prayer spaces, and multi-lingual signage (Henderson, 2016). As a result, recent statistical reports indicate a significant increase in Arab visitors to Japan, with an 81% rise from 29,916 in 2019—the highest before the COVID-19 pandemic—to 54,317 tourists in 2024 (Japan National Tourism Organization, 2025). About 73% of these visitors are from Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and Qatar. Moreover, a recent survey by Travel Voice (2023) found that visiting Japan is a dream for 96% of surveyed Arabs, with 99% of them having never been there.

This co-existence of symbolic familiarity and experiential distance provides an optimal context for analyzing CLT mechanisms, specifically by examining how distance-induced DI construal processes differ between individuals with and without direct experience.

Research questions, objectives, and originality

Although several studies have explored Japan's DI from the perspectives of Chinese, Malaysian, Indonesian, and Western tourists (e.g. Chew and Jahari, 2014; Liou, 2010; Stegnienko et al., 2018), the Arab market remains under-explored. No prior research has utilized CLT to investigate how psychological distance influences Arab tourists’ perceptions of Japan. CLT helps move beyond surface-level comparisons of DI by explaining how and why psychological distance influences image construction. This application bridges DI theory with psychological theories of mental construal, providing a deeper understanding of how cognitive, affective, and conative attributes evolve across levels of familiarity and proximity. Accordingly, this study fills that gap by investigating how Arab visitors and non-visitors form cognitive, affective, and conative images of Japan. Specifically, it addresses the following research questions:

To what extent do the perceptions of Arab visitors to Japan reflect low-level, concrete construals compared to the higher-level, abstract construals of non-visitors, as predicted by CLT? And to what extent do these attributes differ between Arab visitors and non-visitors?

Adopting CLT in this context enriches the theoretical discourse on DI by introducing a psychological structure to its formation and evolution. Empirically, it provides a nuanced understanding of Arab tourists’ perceptions of Japan, including novel constructs such as vicarious visitors. Practically, it equips destination marketers and tourism authorities (e.g. JNTO) with strategies to bridge psychological distance, foster familiarity, and convert interest into visitation.

CLT and tourism

CLT provides a framework for understanding perceptions of both visitors and non-visitors toward their destinations. According to this theory, the degree of abstraction at which information is represented in the cognitive hierarchy depends on the psychological distance between people and the objects or events being perceived (Wang et al., 2022). Psychological distance refers to the “subjective experience that something is close or far away from the self, here, and now” (Trope and Liberman, 2010: 440). It manifests in several forms: (1) temporal (how far in time), (2) spatial (how far in physical distance), (3) social (distance between an individual and others), and (4) hypotheticality (likelihood of an event/action) (Su and Li, 2024). The CLT core principle is that distant events or places are construed at a high, abstract level, whereas proximal events or places are construed at a low, concrete level (Yan et al., 2024). Thus, high-level construals are more abstract and superordinate, whereas low-level construals are more detailed and contextualized (Su and Li, 2024). This difference in construal levels influences how information is processed, affecting individuals’ expressions, evaluations, perceptions, and behaviors in different mental representations of psychological distance (Sun and Sano, 2024).

Previous tourism studies have demonstrated that tourists’ psychological distance significantly influences how they evaluate destination marketing messages and their behavioral responses. For instance, Kim et al. (2016) found that tourists prefer abstract promotional information for spatially distant destinations and specific information for nearby destinations. In a similar vein, Wang and Lehto (2020) argued that abstract social media advertisements increase visit intentions for distant destinations, while specific advertisements are more effective for closer destinations. Building on these findings, studies on tourist DI have identified similar results. For instance, Wang et al. (2022) found that aligning the DI with tourists’ psychological distance enhances the attractiveness and persuasiveness of advertisements. Similarly, Tan (2017) observed that temporal psychological distance changes tourists’ use of word-of-mouth information regarding safety and relaxation attributes. Chung and Chen (2018) demonstrated that individuals refer to superficial images for distant destinations, whereas for familiar destinations they rely on concrete, attribute-rich images. This claim suggests that non-visitors hold generalized images, whereas experienced tourists develop more detailed ones.

In this study, we build on the CLT to investigate how psychological distance affects perceptions of Japan as a tourist destination among visitors and non-visitors. CLT suggests that individuals use different approaches to understand places, depending on whether they are familiar or unfamiliar with them. We apply this psychological framework to examine how psychological distance, shaped by direct or indirect experience, influences abstract and concrete perceptions of a destination. This study contributes to DI and psychological research by demonstrating how cognitive processes, such as construal levels, influence the formation of DI.

DI formation

Due to its significant influence on destination selection and tourist behavior, DI has been a subject of interest in tourism research since the 1970s. It is commonly described as “the sum of beliefs, ideas, and impressions that a person has of a destination” (Crompton, 1979). Over the years, several conceptualizations have been introduced; nonetheless, most tourism literature concurs that DI is a multi-faceted construct encompassing cognitive, affective, and conative dimensions (Gorji et al., 2023). Although the three DI constructs are inter-related, cognitive evaluations of a destination are often antecedents to both affective and conative aspects (Figure 1). This relationship suggests that visitors’ and non-visitors’ feelings and intentions are primarily directed by their cognitive assessment of the destination's attributes (Llodrà-Riera et al., 2015).

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Figure 1.

Inter-related relationship between the DI dimensions (source: by authors). DI: destination image.

Changes in individuals’ DI through visitation have long been recognized in early DI formation literature. However, scholars have introduced various terms and definitions to describe DI variations, such as organic versus induced (Gartner, 1994; Gunn, 1972), primary versus secondary (Kislali et al., 2020), or naïve versus complex (Fakeye and Crompton, 1991). For instance, Fakeye and Crompton (1991) outline three stages of image formation: organic (general knowledge from education/media), induced (promotional materials during holiday planning), and complex (personal experience at the destination). Hence, non-visitors know less about the destination than visitors (Hughes and Allen, 2008), while first-time visits often update or correct prior images through comparative evaluations of pre-visit expectations versus on-site realities (Lu et al., 2023). Overall, research indicates that firsthand experience at the destination significantly shapes and modifies DI (Echtner and Ritchie, 1991; Stylidis et al., 2017).

Beyond experience, DI is shaped by socio-cultural and psychological factors. Yilmaz and Yilmaz (2020) suggest that two different backgrounds can shape non-visitors’ images: pre-trip destination background (information sources, brand, travel constraints) and pre-trip personal background (tourist profiles, motivations, familiarity, beliefs, risk, cultural values). Similarly, Bianchi and Milberg (2017) found that destination brand awareness, brand image, and value are the primary drivers attracting non-visitors to long-haul holiday destinations. As a result, long-haul visitors develop concrete DI focusing on the destination's specific themes (Wu et al., 2021). Studies have also found that emotional solidarity and resident–tourist interaction quality (Stylidis, 2022; Woosnam et al., 2020), cultural distance, and perceived discrimination (Le Hong and Hsu, 2024), as well as pro-social cultural orientations that heighten empathy and place attachment (Tian et al., 2021), all play significant roles in shaping DI. These studies suggest that DI research should consider factors beyond experience that may widen or narrow the perceived distance between the tourist and the destination.

Most DI research narrowly focuses on post-visit evaluations, assuming that the experience is the sole driver of image formation. This experiential bias limits understanding why some non-visitors form detailed, reality-congruent images, while others retain abstract or inaccurate perceptions. This study argues that applying CLT introduces a crucial shift: psychological distance, rather than experience alone, influences the formation of DI. By foregrounding the roles of mental construal and mediated familiarity, this approach reframes DI differences beyond mere visitor experience, advancing a mechanism-based framework that addresses how mental and cultural proximity shape tourist perceptions and intentions.

DI of Japan

The DI of Japan has been primarily examined in specific contexts, such as media portrayals and cultural encounters (Liou, 2010; Song and Kim, 2016; Turzynski-Azimi, 2021). For example, Nghiêm-Phú and Bagul (2020) argued that cultural encounters, particularly sensory images (e.g. visual, auditory, olfactory, gustatory, and tactile), serve as foundational inputs in shaping potential Malaysian tourists’ DI during pre-trip planning for a visit to Japan. Moreover, Stegnienko et al. (2018) identified cultural heritage and service infrastructure as significant strengths of Japan's DI, while high prices, visa acquisition issues, and language barriers were noted as weaknesses by both previous/potential Russian visitors to Japan. In addition, Josephine et al. (2023) found that past travel experiences and subjective norms (e.g. opinions of family and friends) significantly influenced Indonesian tourists’ decisions to revisit Japan.

In a different context, Chew and Jahari (2014) explored how perceived physical risks following the Fukushima disaster in 2011 negatively influenced the intentions of Malaysians to revisit Japan, despite not significantly impacting their perceptions or emotions about the destination. Similarly, Wu and Shimizu (2020) used a hypothetical earthquake scenario as a stimulus to assess the changes in Japan DI among respondents from China and the USA. They argued that the effectiveness of tourism recovery strategies for tourist destinations frequently exposed to natural disasters is strongly influenced by the cultural proximity (familiarity) of targeted visitors.

Despite three decades of research on Japan's DI, two key gaps remain. First, few studies examine the growing Arab market, despite increased interest and arrivals. Particularly, the understanding of Arabs’ cultural expectations and DI remains limited (Isomae, 2013). Second, little is known about psychological mechanisms, such as psychological distance and mediated familiarity, that help non-visitors form concrete, nuanced images of Japan. This study addresses these gaps by including Arab tourists, both visitors and non-visitors, in the Japan DI discussion and proposing a mechanism-based framework that explains how various perceptions of Japan emerge, whether abstract or reality-congruent. These insights will help Japan's destination marketers and policymakers (e.g. JNTO-Dubai) bridge cultural and psychological distance and convert interest into travel.

Perceived attributes and cognitive sources

Three main themes emerged from data coding, analysis, and aggregation: cognitive, affective, and conative, reflecting the multi-faceted aspects of DI. Cognitive representations were especially prominent, with participants evaluating Japan's built and natural environments, culture, people, and challenges, either based on direct experiences of Arab visitors or on secondary sources accessed by non-visitors.

Table 2 presents the relative frequencies of cognitive attributes associated with Japan among Arab visitors and non-visitors, as identified through qualitative coding in NVivo. Both groups strongly associate Japan with natural landscapes and seasonal aesthetics, such as cherry blossoms, indicating that the natural environment is a globally recognized symbolic image of Japan. Cultural heritage and traditions, including traditional culture, lifestyle, clothing, and ceremonies, were emphasized equally by both groups, regardless of travel experience. Although Japanese pop culture enjoys global popularity, it was mentioned only occasionally, suggesting that Arab respondents are not predominantly influenced by Japan's entertainment-driven imagery. Notable differences emerged between the groups. Visitors emphasized Japanese behavior and social norms, such as respect, politeness, and punctuality. They also emphasized the quality of urban infrastructure, culinary experiences, safety measures, and challenges encountered during their stay. These findings suggest that firsthand observation enhances appreciation of intangible cultural values and enables more nuanced evaluation. In contrast, non-visitors appear more influenced by global images of Japan as a technologically advanced nation and frequently admire its innovation, sometimes describing it as a “sister planet.” For example, one non-visitor expressed admiration for Japan's technological advancements, stating, “Compared to other countries, Japan has experienced rapid technological advances over the past few decades. Thanks to advanced technology, Japan is living in the future and enjoying a luxurious lifestyle” (ID 18).

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Table 2.

Most frequently cited perceptual attributes of Japan among Arab visitors and non-visitors.

Attribute category	Representative terms	Visitors	Non-visitors
Urban infrastructure	Road, hotel, transportation system	●●●●	●
Natural environment	Mountain, island, weather, cherry blossoms	●●●●	●●●●
Cultural heritage and traditions	Temple, traditional culture, tea ceremony	●●●	●●●
Modernity and technology	Advanced technology, quality, Shinkansen	●●●	●●●●
Food and cuisine	Local food, sushi, ramen, Halal	●●●	●●
People and social norms	Punctual, respectful, polite, helpful, disciplined	●●●●●	●
Anime and pop culture	Anime, Manga, dressing style, color	●	●
Safety and order	Safe, clean, well-organized, rule	●●●●	●●
Challenges and concerns	Cost, language barriers, far distance, crowd	●●●●	●●

Note: Dot scale reflects relative frequency of mention within each group (●●●●●: very frequent, ●: occasional). Based on qualitative coding in NVivo 15, the dot scale is illustrative of relative salience, not cardinal values.

The findings suggest that although Arab non-visitors frequently possess over-simplified or exaggerated perceptions of Japan, they attribute symbolic qualities to Japan similar to those identified by visitors. Notably, nearly one-third of non-visitors (32%) demonstrated accurate or realistic perspectives of Japan despite lacking firsthand experience. This meaningful minority contrasts with the remaining 68% whose images were more abstract or idealized, a distinction central to the vicarious visitor construct developed below. For example, a non-visitor expects that major tourist cities such as Tokyo and Kyoto will be crowded. He added, “Japan is famous for its skyscrapers, Buddhist temples, and historical palaces such as Tokyo Imperial Palace” (ID 36). These detailed perspectives prompt further inquiry into the sources of cognitive attributes that Arab visitors and non-visitors associate with Japan.

Figure 2 illustrates the cognitive sources utilized by Arab visitors and non-visitors when constructing their image of Japan, as identified through qualitative coding in NVivo. To determine whether the observed distributional patterns reflect systematic differences rather than sampling variation, Fisher's exact tests were conducted on the proportions of each source category across the two groups. The findings indicate that several sources are distinctively characteristic of each group. Non-visitors demonstrated a greater reliance on stereotypes and overseas experience with Japanese culture or people (p < .001 for both), whereas direct comparative experience, such as previous visits to Japan and home-country comparisons, was significantly more prevalent in visitors’ accounts (p < .001 and p < .05, respectively). Importantly, narratives from previous visitors served as a common cognitive resource for both groups (p = .52), indicating that trusted human accounts act as a credible bridge regardless of direct visit experience (see Supplemental Table A1 for full Fisher's exact test results).

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Figure 2.

Cognitive mediators reported by Arab visitors and non-visitors (mention frequencies from qualitative coding). Asterisks indicate sources where proportional distributions differed significantly between groups (Fisher's exact test: *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001); non-significant differences indicate shared cognitive resources across groups.

When evaluating the Japanese environment, people, and culture, both groups consistently draw on comparisons with their home countries, current places of residence, and other destinations they have visited. Arab visitors, however, integrate these comparisons with their firsthand experience(s), resulting in more realistic and nuanced understandings of Japan. Among non-visitors, those who construct close-to-reality images of Japan—the vicarious visitors—are distinguished not by the quantity but by the credibility of their cognitive sources. These include direct encounters with Japanese people or culture abroad, trusted accounts from family members or close friends who had visited Japan, experience with culturally similar neighboring destinations such as China and South Korea, and a relevant educational background. As one participant illustratively described:

I studied in Canada with Japanese people, who were kind to me … In 2022, I visited the Japan area at the Boulevard World in Riyadh, where examples of traditional Japanese clothing, Sakura trees, and Samurai culture were exhibited. (ID 17)

This pattern aligns with Baloglu and McCleary’s (1999) argument that credibility, rather than mere volume, of information sources is a key stimulus in DI formation. Indirect but reliable exposure leads to more accurate perceptions, whereas reliance on stereotypes or mass media tends to produce inflated or idealized DIs, a distinction confirmed by the significantly higher reliance on stereotypes observed among non-visitors (p < .001). Consistent with Weaver and Tang (2021), this credibility-driven sub-group represents vicarious visitors who construct a pragmatic, close-to-reality image of a non-visited destination through indirect yet trustworthy sources. Based on cognitive source patterns and travel status, interviewees were grouped into frequent visitors, first-time visitors, vicarious visitors, and other non-visitors (see Table 1). The following section examines how these source patterns shape the characteristics of Japan's DI across these groups.

Characteristics of DI

Figure 3 synthesizes the aforementioned findings by illustrating how variations in cognitive intermediaries shape the Arabs’ overall DI of Japan. First, frequent visitors have concrete, detailed views of Japanese people, culture, and environment, informed by multiple personal visits. Additionally, they expressed strong feelings, both positive and negative, that capture a genuine sense of Japan's urban, cultural, and natural settings (e.g. transportation, art, cuisine, drinks, and weather). Therefore, their loyalty and conative intentions regarding recommending or revisiting Japan are clearer and more specific, informed by past experiences. For instance, a frequent visitor (ID 23) suggests visiting Japan in April, as the weather is better, and the country resembles a paradise with cherry blossoms in bloom. His recommendations are based on memorable experiences from four prior visits to Japan in 2000, 2003, 2010, and 2016, spanning different seasons.

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Figure 3.

Characteristics of DI among visitors and non-visitors according to their psychological distance. DI: destination image.

Second, 62.5% of first-time visitors recalled secondary features of Japan, such as locals’ attitudes and traditional art, from recent short-term trips (averaging 2 weeks), reflecting the interpretive depth that even brief direct experience adds to DI formation—a level of nuance absent among non-visitors relying solely on secondary sources. While others shared primary features from Japan, like prominent landmarks and services, which they recalled from an earlier visit a long time ago. Both groups’ evaluations are shaped by comparing pre-visit expectations with actual experiences, often resulting in positive emotions when expectations are met and negative feelings when they are not. For instance, one interviewee who had visited Japan only once, in December 2024, said she did not expect to receive as much respect from the Japanese people as an Arab woman. She added: “This was so elegant; I think it is the best choice to visit for Arabs” (ID 19). Another participant was disappointed by the crowdedness, small hotel rooms, and unexpected rubbish in Tokyo (ID 07). These narratives illustrate the impact of pre-visit expectations on first-time visitors’ emotions and behavioral intentions. When expectations are met, visitors are more likely to provide positive feedback and return. Conversely, unmet expectations may deter return visits or prompt visitors to adjust their future travel plans to avoid the obstacles they encountered on the first visit.

Third, vicarious visitors, relying on indirect but reliable sources, hold a DI of Japan that closely resembles that of first-time visitors. For instance, they shared both general and detailed views of Japan, including advanced technology, modern and traditional houses, capsule hotels, the Shinkansen (bullet train), and traditional tea ceremonies. Like first-time visitors, they expressed a sense of connection and passion for Japan, articulating both positive and negative emotional thoughts about the Japanese people. For instance, one participant described a friendly encounter with a Japanese girl in Italy. She said: “When I was alone in Italy, I met a Japanese girl who offered me help by taking me pictures at many tourist landmarks, ending with becoming friends and helping each other” (ID 09). Such indirect experiences with Japanese culture and people increase the interest of vicarious visitors in visiting Japan. However, they lack confidence about their first trip and often make conditional travel plans, such as traveling in groups (IDs 11, 17, and 25) or participating in multi-country trips that include destinations such as South Korea, Taiwan, and the Philippines (ID 09).

Finally, other non-visitors often hold superficial views and sometimes unrealistic perceptions of Japan, gained from less trustworthy sources. Their cognitive views of Japan focus on technology and perfectionism, sometimes illustrated by common sayings in their home countries, such as “Do you think you are in Japan?!” (ID 35), which serves as an exclamatory expression that positions Japan as superior to other countries. This group of non-visitors envisions Japan through imagined auditory, gustatory, olfactory, tactile, and visual senses of desirable experiences. For example, a non-visitor said, “I want to see the airport floating in the ocean as a piece of art” (ID 21). This narrative demonstrates how unrealistic perceptions and visual-sensory imaginings of Japan influence non-visitors’ conative aspects, leading to aspirational rather than actionable goals. Consequently, their plans to visit Japan are often abstract or impractical, highlighting a lack of direct or indirect experiential knowledge of Japanese people and culture. Therefore, their plans to visit Japan are often abstract or unfeasible, driven by inaccurate perceptions and exaggerated emotions, reflecting abstract motivations and a limited understanding of Japan's landmarks.

These findings indicate that Arabs’ varying levels of concrete and abstract DIs are mainly shaped by their cognitive sources, supporting the argument of Llodrà-Riera et al. (2015) that individuals’ cognitive processes determine their overall DI. Moreover, Figure 3 conceptually synthesizes that reliance on distinct cognitive intermediaries corresponds to systematic shifts along the construal continuum, ranging from psychologically proximal to psychologically distant representations of Japan. For instance, frequent visitors, drawing on repeated direct experiences, develop detailed perspectives and emotionally grounded attributes, which foster concrete evaluations and clearly defined intentions consistent with low-level construals. First-time and vicarious visitors, informed by personal experience or credible indirect exposure, form partially concrete perceptions and interpretive-sensory experiences that explain their oriented goals, thereby reflecting intermediate-level construals. In contrast, non-visitors who rely on less credible cognitive sources tend to form superficial, sometimes idealized views that articulate their imagination and future aspirations regarding Japan, indicating high-level construals. This synthesis aligns with the notion of the CLT, emphasizing that abstract DI stems from high-level construals and concrete DI from low-level construals (Su and Li, 2024), with psychological distance determining the degree of abstraction at which information is processed within the cognitive hierarchy (Tan, 2018; Wang et al., 2022). Also, it provides a theoretical basis for understanding DI formation through the lens of construal-level mechanisms, which are further discussed in the following section.

Psychological distance from Japan

As outlined above, psychological distance is expressed through four dimensions: temporal, spatial, social, and hypothetical. Table 3 illustrates the differences in these dimensions across four groups: frequent visitors, first-time visitors, vicarious visitors, and other non-visitors.

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Table 3.

Arabs perceived psychological distance from Japan.

Distance	Frequent visitors	First-time visitors	Vicarious visitors	Other non-visitors
Temporal	A revisit to Japan is intended within 5 years.		A visit to Japan is possible shortly.	A visit to Japan is a far dream.
Spatial	Japan is not that far.	Japan is a bit far.	Japan is relatively far.	Japan is so far.
Social	There are social norms that are identical to or adaptable to ours.	There are many similar social norms to ours.	There may be a few social norms similar to ours.	Social norms are totally different from ours.
Hypotheticality	Will revisit Japan. (Likely)	Will revisit Japan. (Probably)	May visit Japan. (Highly possible)	Might visit Japan. (Uncertain)
Overall image	Concrete and detailed	Realistic and pragmatic	Close-to-reality	Abstract and idealized
	Close————————————————————————————-> Distant

Theoretical implications

The study offers significant contributions to DI literature. In particular, the study extends prior DI research, which has largely documented differences between visitors and non-visitors descriptively, by applying CLT to provide a mechanism-based explanation of how psychological distance shapes the nature and robustness of DI formation. Theoretically, while previous research rarely models why non-visitors hold concrete images, this study adopts CLT to explain the mechanism. It demonstrates that the four psychological distance dimensions (temporal, spatial, social, and hypothetical) systematically shape the level of construal (abstract vs. concrete) underlying DI formation. Additionally, the study introduces a four-group visitor/non-visitor typology based on cognitive mediators. Critically, the study demonstrates that source credibility, rather than the mere presence of cognitive mediators, is the primary determinant of image robustness. This is evidenced by a significantly greater reliance on stereotypes among non-visitors (p < .001) and by a shared reliance on visitors’ narratives across both groups (p = .515). These findings extend CLT and established DI frameworks by demonstrating that psychological distance and credible mediators, rather than just physical proximity, largely shape the robustness and nature of DI, including the appeal associated with remoteness. These conclusions are drawn from an exploratory qualitative study and are presented as theoretically generative propositions warranting further quantitative validation.

These findings also suggest that DI formation should be understood as a dynamic process shaped by both experiential familiarity and mediated familiarity. While direct travel experience reduces psychological distance through firsthand interaction with the destination, credible indirect exposure—such as trusted social narratives, cultural encounters, or educational experiences—can also partially simulate experiential knowledge. This insight broadens existing DI frameworks by demonstrating that realistic destination perceptions may emerge even in the absence of direct visitation when credible cognitive mediators are present.

This study also highlights the importance of integrating perspectives of psychological distance into DI research. The findings demonstrate that reducing perceived psychological distance enables individuals to form more detailed and specific DIs, underscoring the central role of credible cognitive information sources in shaping these perceptions. By highlighting the dynamic relationship between psychological distance and DI formation, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of how tourist perceptions evolve across varying levels of familiarity and exposure.

Practical implications

Practically, understanding how psychological distance interacts with DI offers valuable insights for destination marketing organizations (DMOs) aiming to attract non-visitors. By easing access to credible content that challenges stereotypes or providing immersive virtual/interactive experiences, DMOs can make destinations feel more accessible and relatable to their audience. Addressing social and cultural concerns through multi-lingual support, staff training, and cultural exchange initiatives, as well as supplying faith-based amenities and diverse lodging options, further helps overcome barriers and reduce psychological distance. Outbound agencies can also play a pivotal role in shaping accurate perceptions of destinations by fostering cultural engagement abroad through cultural festivals, pre-departure informative seminars, or pop-up events in target markets. Together, these targeted efforts create vivid, realistic images that inspire higher visitation and satisfaction.

More broadly, the findings suggest that destination marketers should strategically manage the credibility of the information environment surrounding the destination while reducing perceived psychological distance through concrete and relatable communication strategies. Marketing content can emphasize specific experiential details—such as everyday travel moments, local interactions, and the destination's sensory elements—to help potential visitors mentally simulate the trip and transform abstract perceptions into more concrete mental representations. Credibility can be further strengthened through authentic narratives shared by trusted travelers, culturally relatable influencers, diaspora communities, or user-generated storytelling formats such as short-form travel videos, traveler diaries, or interactive virtual tours. Such approaches allow potential visitors to visualize realistic experiences and may be particularly valuable for long-haul or culturally distant destinations, where reducing psychological distance can help overcome perceived barriers and encourage visitation.

Limitations and future research

Several limitations should be acknowledged when interpreting the findings. First, the study relies on qualitative interviews with a relatively small sample, prioritizing conceptual depth over statistical generalizability. Second, the study focuses on a single destination context (Japan), which may shape the specific patterns of mediated familiarity and psychological distance observed among participants. Third, although the analysis identifies distinct participant sub-groups, these categories emerged inductively from the data and should be interpreted as analytical constructs rather than rigid market segments. Fourth, the scope is limited to Arab tourists with varying cognitive intermediaries and perceived barriers; future research may examine how varied mediated exposures, such as “third culture,” social media storytelling, or virtual tourism experiences, continue to shape DI through psychological distance across broader groups. Fifth, the participant composition reflects sub-regional variation within the Arab world that warrants acknowledgment. Egyptian participants accounted for approximately 50% of the non-visitor group, while Gulf Arab participants accounted for approximately 73% of the visitor group. This uneven distribution may introduce sub-regional bias, as socio-cultural backgrounds, travel patterns, and exposure to Japanese culture may differ across Arab sub-regions, including North Africa, the Levant, and the Gulf. Future research should endeavor to include more nationally and sub-regionally balanced Arab samples to assess the broader generalizability of the identified DI formation patterns and visitor typology across the Arab world.

Future quantitative research could build on these findings in several directions. The four-group visitor/non-visitor typology could be operationalized in large-scale survey designs using established psychological distance and construal level scales, enabling formal hypothesis testing of the relationships identified here. Experimental designs could further test whether exposure to credible versus non-credible cognitive sources produces measurable differences in psychological distance and image concreteness among non-visitors. Additionally, a larger-sample content analysis would allow more powerful non-parametric comparisons across all four visitor groups, providing stronger confirmatory evidence for the patterns observed qualitatively in the present study. Lastly, country-specific research can further illustrate how varying perceived socio-cultural encounters shape perceived psychological distance and the formation of DI among prospective Arab travelers.