Abstract
Recent legal and policy developments concerning Europe’s Traveller/Roma have brought into sharp focus the structural inequalities facing traditionally nomadic minorities. Despite such interventions however, European human rights norms have struggled to address an equality challenge that exists at the interface of indirect discrimination, socio-economic rights and multiculturalism. To illustrate the policy and legislative dynamics underpinning Traveller/Roma exclusion, this article critically analyses the difficulties of accessing culturally appropriate housing for the Irish Travelling Community. It highlights how Irish litigation on behalf of Travellers has tested the boundaries of Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, particularly the extent to which a minimum core of accommodation provision may be secured. The article argues that the recent European Court on Human Rights case of Winterstein v. France provides fresh impetus for the protection of Traveller/Roma cultural identity in the housing sphere.
Introduction
Creating stronger legal and policy interventions to tackle the enduring prevalence of what has been termed Europe’s last acceptable form of racism (Gil-Robles, 2004) is a key challenge across the continent. Such reform however must be underpinned by an awareness of the specific legal dynamics which facilitate Traveller/Roma housing exclusion. 1 Using Irish experiences to illustrate the limits of formal equal treatment, this article analyses the reasons behind inadequate accommodation rates and enforcement, even in a nation with relatively long established legislative framework for Traveller accommodation. It underlines how long waits for appropriate accommodation, accompanied by overbroad eviction powers, can create a climate of constructive assimilation impinging upon cultural rights.
The article then analyses whether the obligation to facilitate a Traveller/Roma way of life under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) can be applied to break this cycle of discrimination. Whilst Article 8 embraces only a civil right to respect for one’s home, the centrality of secure accommodation to Traveller/Roma cultural and family life has led the European Court on Human Rights (ECtHR) to underline the importance of the interests protected through it. Recognizing Article 8 as lying at the ‘heart of a web of fundamental rights’, 2 the Court has increasingly emphasized the need for procedural safeguards and accurate proportionality balancing. As a result, Article 8 can be viewed as requiring State Parties to create a coordinated framework for the provision of culturally appropriate accommodation. This framework must condition the use of eviction powers upon adequate consideration of alternative accommodation options. The ECtHR has also imposed a greater burden of justification on States by focusing upon proper impact assessment, consultation and the creation of clear accommodation plans when analysing the proportionality of States’ actions in the housing sphere. The growing linkages between the Court’s approach and other international human rights instruments further support the position that Article 8 can be applied as a ‘circuit breaker’ against the cycle of delayed implementation of accommodation programmes and related evictions.
Ireland as a case study of Traveller/Roma housing exclusion
In Buckley v. UK, the first ECtHR case dealing directly with nomadic Travellers, Justice Pettiti criticized the majority for failing to tackle the ‘vicious circle’, whereby ‘unreasonable combinations’ of eviction laws and housing legislation prevented Traveller families from living in certain areas. 3 This ‘deliberate superimposition and accumulation of administrative rules’, he argued, made it ‘totally impossible’ to pursue a Traveller way of life. 4 Irish experiences underline these prevailing patterns of exclusion, with constructive assimilation into standard housing occurring through the interactions of housing legislation, homelessness and planning enforcement.
The Irish Travelling Community suffers from severe socio-economic exclusion, with vast disparities between them and the majority population in education, employment and health. Irish Travellers suffer from an 84% unemployment rate and only 13% of Traveller children complete second-level education. 5 A recent study found that Traveller men live 15 years and Traveller women 11.5 years less than the general population. 6 From the state’s establishment to relatively recent legislative reforms, government policy ascribed their existence to a ‘culture of poverty’ and aimed at their settlement and assimilation into the majority population. The first official study on the Travelling Community, the Report of the Commission on Itinerancy 1963, denied the existence of Traveller culture, claiming that Travellers ‘lacked respect for social conventions, law and the rights of property’. 7 It called for the halting of evictions against Travellers in order to facilitate their settlement into housing.
Throughout the next 20 years, the number of Travellers living on the side of the road without accommodation remained static. The 1983 Report of the Travelling People Review Body revisited the issue, finding that local authorities had made no effort to implement the 1963 policy and tended ‘to treat travellers as non-citizens’. 8 Despite this, the Review body discouraged the provision of culturally appropriate accommodation, calling for ‘serviced sites to be kept to a minimum’. 9
In 1995, the Irish government formed the Task Force on the Travelling Community, which proposed the ‘redefinition of the Traveller situation in terms of cultural rights as opposed to simply being a poverty issue’. 10 It made an express commitment to ‘providing permanent serviced caravan site accommodation for all Traveller families who require it by the year 2000’. 11 The Task Force stressed that such provision was essential ‘for both groups to enter into, and set the terms for, new relationships on a basis of equality’. 12 Government was to commit to providing three forms of culturally specific accommodation: group housing, permanent housing sites and transient sites. Whilst the Task Force Report provided the impetus for the current Housing (Traveller Accommodation) Act 1998, this statutory framework has ultimately failed to deliver upon its promise.
The limits of inclusion: ‘Reasonable steps’ and accommodation programmes
The failings of Ireland’s Housing (Traveller Accommodation) Act 1998 illustrate three trends of European wide significance. The first is the difficulty of securing substantive equality through a court-centric framework of legal reasonableness. Secondly, local authorities have remained free to offer standard, rented housing, while citing poorly formed long-term plans for Traveller-specific accommodation. Finally, widespread use is made of eviction powers often not linked to past toleration of unauthorized sites or the existence of Traveller-specific accommodation in a particular area.
Slow implementation of accommodation programmes
The 1998 Act created a duty to provide for Traveller-specific accommodation in the form of group housing, as well as permanent and temporary halting sites. It requires local authorities to adopt a Traveller Accommodation Programme (TAP), specifying the accommodation needs of Travellers and accommodation projects required to address these needs. 13 It must also include measures for implementation, specific to each category of accommodation required. 14 Beyond these commitments, however, the Act contains no express principles relating to cultural identity or equality. It does not reiterate the equality aims of accommodation provision set out by the Task Force Report. The shift from a cultural rights focus is seen by the statute’s reference to the ‘distinct needs’ of Travellers and ‘annual patterns of movement’ rather than to their cultural or nomadic identity. 15 This is despite the Task Force Report’s focus upon institutional discrimination and its recommendation that any legislation ‘specifically identify its intention to protect cultural identity’. 16
The first negative trend under the Act is the failure to secure timely, adequate provision of Traveller accommodation since 1998. This is attributable to the statute’s language of reasonableness, and the absence of express equality or cultural rights underpinnings. Local authorities are placed under an obligation to ‘take any reasonable steps as are necessary’ to implement their TAP. 17 Crucially, the Act relies entirely upon judicial oversight to enforce this provision. With the duty framed in terms of rationality, the Irish judiciary has been reluctant to enforce positive obligations of provision. The resultant slow implementation of programmes, combined with an overreliance on temporary standard housing, has led international human rights bodies to regularly urge Ireland to increase the provision of appropriate accommodation over the past decade. 18
The Task Force Report recommended that 3100 units of additional Traveller-specific accommodation be provided. 19 The Government acknowledges 2027 new and refurbished units have been provided to date. 20 There remain 327 families in unauthorized sites, with 663 families regarded as ‘sharing accommodation’ in the latest annual count. 21 In 1999, the first annual count set the figure awaiting accommodation at 1207 families. 22 If the current figure for those currently sharing is combined with those on unauthorized and emergency sites, then the number of families awaiting accommodation is 1024. Whilst shortcomings in the protection of socio-economic rights are often defended by reference to resource limitations, there has been a clear underspend of the available resources under the Act. 23 The period 1998–2015 covers both a time of great prosperity in Ireland and the aftermath of severe recession. Since Ireland’s economic crash in 2009, the capital funding for Traveller accommodation has been cut by 85%. 24 Nevertheless, in the years 2010–2012, on average only 63.6% of this reduced budget allocation was spent, as local authorities failed to draw down available funds. 25
Constructive assimilation into standard housing
In addition to unmet need, the Act has failed to interrupt a process of constructive assimilation, whereby Travellers are pushed into standard housing whilst Traveller-specific accommodation projects are deferred. The number of Travellers in standard housing rose by 56% in the years 2000–2009, with provision for halting sites decreasing. 26 Whilst in 2002 only 162 Traveller families were in private rental accommodation, this has now risen to 2717. 27 These families may not have security of tenure, and many are awaiting permanent accommodation solutions. The government view is that the current situation is reflective of Travellers choosing to leave, or not formally applying for, Traveller-specific accommodation. Traveller representative groups argue that the reality of poorly serviced halting sites and continual exposure to eviction has forced families to resort to standard housing. Almost one-third of Irish Traveller households living in caravan accommodation had no sewerage facilities in 2011, with one in five having no piped water source. 28 An independent study commissioned by the government concluded that ‘Travellers would generally prefer to live in Traveller-specific accommodation but when their options were limited they might settle for private rented accommodation.’ 29
The move away from Traveller-specific options by local authorities is facilitated by the failure to frame the Act in terms of cultural identity and non-discrimination. The resulting hierarchy of provision is evidenced by the failure of local authorities to make any effective provision for nomadic Travellers. Despite the initial Task Force target of 1000 temporary halting site pitches, 30 only four local authorities currently have transient sites in operation, with all of these being used for emergency accommodation. 31 Court rulings have also upheld the insertion of ‘indigenous clauses’ within TAPs, whereby local authorities limit their allocations to Travellers ordinarily resident within their functional area for the past 3 years. 32 The 1998 Act scheme of provision is thus underpinned by a localism incompatible with nomadism.
Local authorities are furthermore under no legal obligation to provide caravans, as distinct from halting sites. In Doherty v. South Dublin County Council, 33 the High Court held that the 1998 Act did not address homelessness specifically, thereby leaving intact the existing definition under the Housing Act 1988. This made no express distinction between Travellers and the settled community, providing only that a person is homeless where there is no accommodation he or she can ‘reasonably occupy’. 34 The Court refused to construe ‘reasonably’ in the light of cultural identity, holding that ‘such a right would be in contradistinction to the ordinary adaptations which every member of the community must make’ such as occupying a nursing home or retirement village. 35 The ruling is of great significance, as the average life of a caravan is 10 years. Those living on halting sites largely rely upon the government’s Caravan Loan Scheme, which has in recent years been suspended by a large number of councils due to concerns regarding its financial sustainability. 36
Eviction powers and the criminalization of trespass
The final negative trend under the Act is the use of eviction powers without regard for the non-availability of Traveller-specific accommodation. Section 19(c) of the Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2002 criminalized trespass on private property, enabling police to direct individuals to leave a location where, in the view of police, their occupation is ‘likely to’ ‘substantially interfere’ with the lawful use of the land. Individuals subject to the direction bear the burden of proof in showing that they have obtained the owners’ consent. A failure to comply is made subject to 1 month imprisonment and a penalty of EUR€3000, with police also empowered to confiscate any object brought onto the land. 37
The trespass laws have so far survived challenge in the domestic courts under the Constitution and the European Convention of Human Rights Act 2003. In McDonagh v. Kilkenny County Council, 38 the High Court held that the applicant’s illegal occupation of local authority land meant that the matter did not fall within the ambit of Article 8. The Court also invoked a blanket principle that human rights cannot shield illegal invasion of property. As Article 8 was not engaged, the case did not consider the State’s obligations under Article 14, in particular the argument that the law in its design and enforcement was indirectly discriminatory.
The compatibility of the law with the Convention must be reappraised in the light of the most recent ECtHR case of Winterstein v. France 39 discussed below. The 2002 Act does not recognize a defence of reasonable excuse, and police are under no obligation to provide notice. Eviction can occur without any consideration of alternative accommodation and there is no official register of evictions. Whilst interim relief to pursue judicial review may be available, such an action only occurred in the McDonagh case, with that precedent illustrating the limited arguments which can be advanced on behalf of applicants. Finally, the protection of private property could be otherwise secured through other statutory enforcement measures. 40
The Irish Government claims that the 1998 Traveller Accommodation Act represents a ‘planned, integrated and comprehensive response to meet the accommodation needs of Travellers’. 41 This section has, however, shown that the failure of the 1998 Act to embed a language of cultural rights and equality has created dangerous interstices which do not challenge the failure to provide halting sites at the same level as housing. Its model of supplementary housing provision does not represent a statute geared towards tackling historically rooted anti-Travellerism.
Positive obligations to provide accommodation under Article 8 ECHR
Given the prevailing dynamics, litigation on behalf of Travellers’ rights has sought to rely upon emerging arguments regarding the right to respect for home and family life under the ECHR. These domestic actions have, in particular, explored the state’s responsibilities towards especially vulnerable Travellers. On two occasions, the Irish High Court has found a failure of local authorities to act has led to such serious adverse consequences that it undermined the very essence of the applicants’ Article 8 rights. This jurisprudence is of great significance in evaluating the scope for the protection of socio-economic rights within the Convention.
The ECtHR has acknowledged that Article 8 ‘does not…recognize a right to be provided with a home’.
42
Its traditional tendency towards eschewing positive obligations is best illustrated by the admissibility decision in Codona v. UK.
43
There the ECtHR upheld a short-term offer of standard housing to Travellers who had requested caravan accommodation. Whilst this article will provide an up to date analysis of the concept of facilitation in the next section, Codona contains the high watermark of the Court’s formal equality approach: … the Court does not rule out that, in principle, Article 8 could impose a positive obligation on the authorities to provide accommodation for a homeless gypsy which is such that it facilitates ‘gypsy way of life’. However, it considers that this obligation could only arise where the authorities had such accommodation at their disposal and were making a choice between offering such accommodation or accommodation which was not ‘suitable’ for the cultural needs of a gypsy.
44
Cases of severe intrusion upon Article 8 Rights
In spite of the emphasis in cases such as Codona, Article 8 has had an unexpectedly strong impact in cases involving particularly vulnerable members of the Irish Travelling Community. These cases, culminating in a March 2015 ruling by the Irish Supreme Court, reflected upon whether positive provision could, in extreme circumstances, be necessary to prevent the effective deprivation of private and family life under Article 8. The case law also contributes to broader international debates as to whether a national court may reach ‘innovative’ decisions regarding Convention articles (Bjorge, 2012). 47
The first ruling in which the High Court found that Article 8 can ground a positive obligation to provide suitable accommodation was Mary O’Donnell v. South Dublin County Council. 48 This case concerned three Traveller applicants suffering from a severe condition known as Hurler’s Syndrome. They required assistance with dressing, washing and a range of other daily activities. Their caravan was located on an authorized halting site, with 10 people sharing its two bedrooms, a living area and a bathroom. During the preparation of the Council’s TAP, the family had expressed their preference for permanent halting site accommodation. The council was in the course of developing a permanent facility, which had been delayed by local opposition, but was due, in the Council’s estimation, to be completed in a year.
Laffoy J noted that there was no direct Strasbourg jurisprudence on when provision was necessary in order to facilitate meaningful exercise of Article 8 rights. Nevertheless, the Court was willing to recognize that there could be a positive duty to provide ‘where special circumstances cause a direct interference of a serious kind in family life’. 49 This was supported by the United Kingdom Court of Appeal decision in Anufrijeva v. Southwark London Borough Council, 50 where it was held that Article 3 ECHR (prohibition of inhuman and degrading treatment) was capable of imposing a positive obligation to provide. The Court in Anufrijeva had stressed that there must be ‘an element of culpability’ on the part of the authority before such an obligation could be imposed. 51
Laffoy J stressed that whilst culpability of the local authority was one factor, regard was also to be had to the severity of the consequences for the individuals involved. Her Honour relied upon the United Kingdom authority of R(Bernard v. Enfield London BC) where Sullivan J stressed that individuals with severe disability constituted a particularly vulnerable group and that positive measures were needed to enable them to enjoy ‘a normal private and family life’.
52
In holding that the council had not acted compatibly with Article 8, Sullivan J stressed that suitably adapted accommodation would have ‘secured [the applicant’s] physical and psychological integrity…restoring her dignity as a human being’.
53
Laffoy J similarly concluded that the circumstances of the case raised a positive obligation to provide suitable caravan accommodation. The Court stressed it was not functioning as a ‘shadow housing authority’, nor recognizing an obligation to make provision for every Traveller, rather: this case is about the particular circumstances of one family which has three severely disabled members, two of whom were minors when these proceedings started, who to the knowledge of the defendant have been living in unacceptable conditions since 2005, and whose plight is not going to be alleviated until August 2008 at the earliest, if it will be then.
54
These two High Court opinions did not appear to fit within the wider constitutional tendency of the Irish Courts to defer to the executive in matters concerning socio-economic rights. This broader culture is embodied most directly by Murphy J in T.D. v. Minister for Education, who ruled out the possibility that the Constitution would directly provide for any form of socio-economic benefit to citizens ‘however needy or deserving’. 56 Perhaps reflecting this, the council appealed the Ellen O’Donnell judgement to the Supreme Court, which delivered its ruling in March 2015.
‘Outpacing’ Strasbourg? The Supreme Court in O’Donnell
Stressing the extreme nature of the facts involved, the Supreme Court upheld the High Court ruling. 57 Significantly, however, it did not base the outcome upon the ECHR, but rather upon Article 40.3 of the Irish Constitution, which requires the State to, as far as practicable, defend and vindicate the personal rights of the citizen. 58 Whilst the Convention was thus not part of the binding portion of the Court’s ruling, it did make a number of comments which stressed that national courts should adopt a conservative approach to interpreting Strasbourg jurisprudence.
The Supreme Court supported the position taken by the United Kingdom House of the Lords in the landmark case of R (Ullah v. Secretary of State). 59 It stressed that in interpreting the Convention under Ireland’s ECHR Act 2003, 60 regard should be had only to ‘clear and consistent’ principles laid down in Strasbourg jurisprudence. McMenamin J warned that for Irish courts to identify a positive obligation to act under Article 8 ‘the existence and extent of such a duty would have to be discernible from clear and consistent jurisprudence’. 61 The Court did not cite the recent statement of the ECtHR in Yordanova v. Bulgaria that ‘an obligation to secure shelter to particularly vulnerable individuals may flow from Article 8 of the Convention in exceptional cases’. 62 While the High Court rulings remain as precedent, the Supreme Court’s repeated underlining of the ‘mirror principle’ in Ullah indicates that if the case had not been resolved under the Constitution, the Convention arguments may have been defeated as having ‘outpaced’ Strasbourg.
The O’Donnell ruling underlines that the Ullah principle and broader debates regarding the role of national courts in interpreting the Convention are particularly significant in the field of discrimination. Whilst the Strasbourg court lays down general principles, national courts will often be called upon to examine the policy context and conduct a balancing exercise on the facts. As discussed in the next section of this article, the ECtHR’s reasoning regarding the obligation to facilitate a Traveller way of life lays particular stress upon proportionality and context. Recent United Kingdom decisions have acknowledged the complexity of the mirror principle in such contexts but these were not referenced by the Irish Supreme Court. In December 2014, the United Kingdom Supreme Court held that domestic courts ‘may choose to go further in the interpretation and application of the ECHR than Strasbourg has done where they reach a conclusion which flows naturally from Strasbourg’s existing case law’. 63 It has also stressed that ‘the domestic court may have to decide for itself what the Convention rights meant, in a context which the ECtHR has not yet addressed’. 64
In the author’s view, the Irish High Court rulings represent legitimate interpretations of Article 8. Both judges acknowledged that Article 8 grounded no general right to be provided with accommodation of one’s own choosing. They also argued that the case before them was unique to its facts and would not endanger this general principle. Applying the Court’s well-established proportionality principle, the High Court judgements identified evidence of the local authorities’ culpability whilst stressing the severe deprivation of rights at the centre of the cases. The indirect criticism of this approach by the Supreme Court underlines the vulnerability of the Convention’s equality jurisprudence to national judicial mindset. More positively however, the Irish High Court rulings have shown that it is possible to secure a kernel of protection for especially vulnerable Travellers under Article 8.
Deepening the obligation to facilitate a traveller way of life
In addition to the possible invocation of Article 8 in circumstances of severe deprivation, recent Strasbourg jurisprudence has added increasing depth to States’ established obligation to facilitate a Traveller way of life. Winterstein v. France has underlined that the Convention prohibits the use of eviction powers where there is inadequate consideration given to alternative accommodation options. Furthermore, the failure of State Parties’ to assess needs accurately or avoid unjustifiable delay can also represent violations of Article 8. These evolving obligations underline the Convention’s increasing ability to interrupt the three negative trends identified in my earlier discussion of Ireland’s Traveller accommodation legislation.
Facilitation: An obligation to properly weigh travellers’ rights
First laid down in Chapman v. United Kingdom,
65
the obligation to facilitate has been obscured by the ECtHR’s reluctance to outline its substantive content outside the particular circumstances of the case. The leading definition provides that: The vulnerable position of gypsies as a minority means that some special consideration should be given to their needs and their different lifestyle both in the relevant regulatory planning framework and in arriving at decisions in particular cases.
66
Over time however, the Court has provided more concrete insight into when a State’s consideration or valuing of Travellers’ cultural identity was not of sufficient quality. The case of Connors v. United Kingdom 67 can be understood as addressing the question of whether adequate consideration or facilitation can occur against the backdrop of regressive national policies. Connors was formative for the manner in which national policy failings influenced the ECtHR to reject a state’s purported justification for interfering with Article 8 rights. The Court stressed that its evaluation of states’ balancing of the obligation to facilitate and the public interest in planning enforcement is dependent upon ‘the context of the case, with particular significance attaching to the extent of the intrusion into the personal sphere of the applicant’. 68 Significantly, the ‘context of the case’ includes broader shortcomings in government policy as well as the specific eviction order under challenge. In its ruling, the Court emphasized a number of systemic failings ‘for which the authorities must take some responsibility’. 69 These included the failure of 70% of local authorities to create a written TAP and the overall small net increase in the number of local authority pitches in the previous decade. 70 This ‘broader picture’ rendered the Court less likely to accept the government’s purported justification for the eviction and led it to hold that an appropriate weighting of the obligation to facilitate a Traveller way of life had not occurred.
Connors underlines that whilst the Court has not provided a specific definition of the content of facilitation, this reflects its contextual nature and the centrality of fact-based proportionality balancing to setting its scope. Unfortunately, this renders the obligation somewhat amorphous, relying upon national judges to account for the margin of appreciation, apply the proportionality principle and reach fact-sensitive determinations. The above discussion of the O’Donnell case has already shown the potential and risks to such a deeply contextual approach.
Connors made another important contribution to the development of the obligation to facilitate by underlining that the court will engage in a more searching examination of any procedurally framed Article 8 claims, such as those involving excessive delays or a failure to consult. As the case concerned a decision to evict a family, the Court held it was: ‘… not concerned with matters of general planning or economic policy but with the much narrower issue of the policy of procedural protection for a particular category of persons.
71
… determine whether, having regard to the circumstances of the case and notably the importance of the decisions to be taken, the applicant has been involved in the decision-making process, seen as a whole, to a degree sufficient to provide her with the requisite protection of her interests.
72
Evictions and alternative accommodation in Winterstein v. France
Winterstein concerned the eviction a group of voyageur francais, a historically nomadic minority making up 10% of the relevant municipal population. In 2005, the local authorities prohibited the applicants from parking their mobile homes anywhere in the area. This was accompanied by an eviction order against their current encampment, which over one hundred gens du voyage had occupied, with the de facto toleration of authorities, for between 5 and 30 years. Four families opted to accept an offer of social housing and were housed after 40 years. The remaining families continued to live under threat of eviction, hoping that some family caravan sites would be created. After a 6 year wait, the municipal authority had recently abandoned its only listed project for families, in order to hurriedly create a short stay site for nomadic Travellers which the French High Authority against Discrimination and for Equality found it was already legally required to create. 74
The ECtHR began by constructing the margin of appreciation, stressing that life in a caravan is an integral part of many Travellers’ identity. Even if they are no longer nomadic, it represents a core method of retaining their cultural heritage, their personal self-determination, their physical and moral integrity as well as community ties. 75 Whilst the Court reiterated that the margin of appreciation is wide in social and economic matters, the involvement of a vulnerable minority must make it more likely to intervene. 76
In finding the eviction order disproportionate, the Court identified difficulties relating to both the procedure and the substance of the national authorities’ conduct. Firstly, it held that the necessity of the order had not been established, as non-compliance with planning law cannot be cited as being of paramount importance, without balancing this against applicants’ rights. 77 Secondly, the principle of proportionality demanded that particular consideration be given to the consequences of the eviction. The failure to carry out proper impact assessment prior to the eviction order was viewed as ruling out the prospect of an accurate proportionality analysis by the authorities.
Turning to the substance of the balancing exercise, the Court stressed that special consideration must be given to Traveller identity when devising solutions to the unlawful settlement of land or deciding on possible alternative accommodation. 78 The need to consider alternative accommodation had been met in the case of the four families who sought social housing – they had not been immediately evicted and were accommodated after 4 years. The municipal authorities had, however, failed to consider reasonable alternative accommodation options for those seeking family caravan sites. National authorities must facilitate their cultural identity by exploring reasonable alternatives involving caravan accommodation. The Court underlined that Travellers who request caravan accommodation cannot be criticized for not having accepted social housing. This is a significant finding; supporting the principle that the availability of standard housing does not represent adequate consideration where Travellers have expressed a wish to live in a caravan. 79 Where specific attention to alternative caravan accommodation is not paid, it deepens the seriousness of the rights interference and makes it more difficult to justify eviction, particularly where vulnerable individuals or families are subject to the order. This did not occur here, as the local authority had recently abandoned the family site project it had promised for over 6 years.
The specific facts of the case did strengthen the Court’s analysis, especially the authorities’ extended tolerance of the encampment and the presence of a large number of residents. Nevertheless, the Court stressed that the overall, systemic deficiencies in caravan accommodation must be taken into account in assessing whether sufficient attention has been paid in particular cases. 80 It expressly relied upon the decision of the European Committee of Social Rights that France was in violation of Article 31 of the European Social Charter (the right to housing) due to the insufficient number of adapted housing solutions for sedentarized Travellers. 81 The ECtHR placed similar reliance upon specialist jurisprudence in developing the scope of Article 14 (Opuz v. Turkey 82 ) and Article 11 (Demir v. Turkey). 83
The jurisprudence of other international human rights institutions also features at another key point in the ECtHR’s reasoning. Paragraph 88 of the judgement reiterates that Article 8 does not encompass a general right to be provided with a home. The Court then immediately qualifies the effect of this position by relying upon two further principles. Firstly, it underlines that reasoning under Article 8 is contextual and shaped by the circumstances of the case, especially the vulnerability of particular applicants, their status as an underprivileged social group and the overall adequacy of national housing arrangements. In the author’s view, this is intended as a rebuttal to the charge that the decision involves the creation of a general right under the Convention. The relevant test eschews general entitlements, instead requiring national authorities to consider the extent of their responsibility, in the circumstances, for the damage to family and private life that may follow a failure to rehouse.
The second qualification appears to rely upon the concept of an ‘emerging consensus’, which has been central in developing the Court’s jurisprudence on Traveller/Romain cases such as D.H. v. Czech Republic.
84
The court emphasized: … in this context that numerous international instruments, some of which have been adopted within the Council of Europe, emphasise the necessity, in the event of the forced eviction of Roma/travellers, of providing them with alternative housing, except in cases of force majeure: see Recommendation (2005)4 of the Committee of Ministers, Resolution 1740(2010) of the Parliamentary Assembly and the Position Paper of the Commissioner for Human Rights dated 15 September…and in more general terms, General Comment no. 7 of the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.
Winterstein should therefore be appreciated as strengthening the protection of nomadic identity under the Convention. For Irish Travellers, the requirements to assess impact and investigate reasonable options for alternative accommodation represent a possible brake upon the dynamic of constructive assimilation described earlier in this article.
Future directions and challenges
The first key question in the aftermath of Winterstein is whether it will translate into improved on the ground practices. The obligation to facilitate a Traveller way of life remains tied to the context of the case and proportionality balancing. The question of what should count as ‘adequate consideration’ of alternative accommodation options remains dependent upon the individual circumstances and the broader policy context. The author argues however that the obligation to facilitate does require State Parties to put in place a coordinated framework for Traveller-specific accommodation. This requirement of coordination is underpinned, firstly, by the linking of eviction with consideration of alternative accommodation in Winterstein. Secondly, the ruling (alongside other Article 8 cases) also views needs assessment, consultation and broader policy planning as essential to the adequate weighing of Travellers’ cultural identity in analysing the proportionality of housing solutions or evictions.
It is important to note that this requirement of coordination can be viewed as having emerged synergistically through inter-institutional dialogue. As is reflected in the ECtHR’s ruling, developments within other international legal fora can contribute to the further development of the obligation to facilitate. There is an emerging international consensus regarding the policy infrastructure necessary to safeguard human rights within complex housing systems. A similar focus upon a coordinated framework is evident in the Committee on Economic and Social Rights’ decision in FEANTSA v. France, where it required State Parties to: adopt the necessary legal, financial and operational means of ensuring steady progress towards achieving goals laid down by the Charter; maintain meaningful statistics on needs resources and results; undertake regular reviews of the impact of the strategies adopted; establish a timetable and not defer indefinitely the deadline for achieving the objectives of each stage. pay close attention to the impact of the policies adopted on each of the categories of persons concerned, particularly the most vulnerable.
85
Whilst Article 8 must retain its basic identity as a civil right involving ‘implications of [a] social or economic nature’, 86 the Charter does provide insight into the procedures necessary to properly assess Travellers’ vulnerability at the individual and systemic levels.
The development of national strategies for Traveller/Roma inclusion within the European Union also underlines this ‘emerging consensus’. The relevant EU Council recommendation contains a ‘structural reforms’ section which identifies the policy infrastructure necessary to protect Traveller/Roma housing rights. States are to ‘appropriately monitor and evaluate the effectiveness of their national strategies’, through ‘setting baselines or measurable targets’. 87 They are furthermore to encourage local authorities ‘to develop local action plans or strategies … which could include baselines, benchmarks and measurable objectives’. 88 The generation of such targets and policies can work in synergy with the concept of facilitation and proportionality balancing within Article 8 case law.
There remains however a missing link in the Court’s approach: the failure to frame cases before it in terms of indirect discrimination. In line with past Article 8 cases concerning Travellers, the Court did not proceed with an Article 14 analysis in Winterstein. The partly dissenting opinion of Justice Power Forde condemned this failure, arguing for ‘heightened vigilance’ on the part of authorities to ‘investigate whether discrimination, direct or indirect, plays any part in the problem in issue’. 89 Calling for the ECtHR to show ‘greater readiness … to encourage national authorities to pay greater attention to the procedural aspects of Article 14’, Justice Power Forde underlined that such ‘procedural obligations are of critical importance in the challenge to eliminate discrimination’. 90
The failure to address the argument was particularly disappointing given that a key part of the Court’s reasoning was a direct comparison of those members of the community who had applied to be rehoused in standard housing versus those who had sought campsite accommodation. The former group was relocated in 2008, 4 years after the eviction order, which the Court held was sufficient consideration of their Article 8 rights. The court reached ‘the opposite conclusion’ 91 for those who sought family plots. Given the local and national failure to provide adequate adapted housing solutions for sedentary Travellers, they remained in ‘highly unstable situations’ caused by the prospect of eviction. 92 Whilst the Court chose not to frame this in terms of indirect discrimination, where such disparate impact is evident, the concept should apply, with the burden of proof shifting to the relevant state. Nevertheless, the growing emphasis upon appropriate needs assessment and strategic planning can generate the quantitative data necessary to increase the prominence of indirect discrimination claims in future litigation.
Conclusion
This article commenced with an examination of the Irish domestic context, identifying three formative ‘events’ in the cycle of Traveller housing exclusion: the eviction notice, the offer of standard housing and the delayed accommodation plan. The ECtHR’s requirement that the use of eviction powers be accompanied by adequate consideration of alternative accommodation has ended the artificial legal separation of these three events. Whilst the Court will avoid any appearance of enforcing accommodation plans, Article 8 requires a searching contextual evaluation of need, past state action and public interest arguments. There is further a duty to coordinate action towards Traveller/Roma within a broader policy framework, defined by accurate needs assessment and consultation. By increasing the burden of justification upon States and insisting upon a holistic appraisal of housing disputes, the ECtHR can, after a history of hesitation, fashion an effective role for itself in the protection of Traveller/Roma housing rights.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank my anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments. All errors remain my own.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
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