Parents’ discourse on English for young learners

1 English as a second/foreign language for young learners: Issues and trends

Research on language acquisition distinguishes between ‘second language’ (SL) and ‘foreign language’ (FL). The former is relevant to immigrant populations who, in addition to their mother tongue (their first language), learn a second language (that of the country they have moved to). For example, people who immigrated to Israel from Russia and whose first language is Russian learn Hebrew as an additional second language. In contrast, the term ‘foreign language’ refers to any foreign language learned at school. Since the majority first language in Israel is Hebrew, on the basis of this distinction, English is studied in Israel as a foreign language (EFL). The term ‘young learners’ (YLs) or Very Young Learners (VYLs) is used in professional literature as a general term for children, mainly under the age of 12, learning any second or foreign language at school (Ellis, 2014; Uysal & Yavuzb, 2015). The literature in the field mentions particular features of this age group (Moyer, 2014) and stresses the complexity of adapting language teaching methods for these young ages (García Mayo & García Lecumberri, 2003; Nikolov, 2009, 2011, 2016; Philp, Oliver, & Mackay, 2008). In this article, the term ‘young learners’(YL) is used to refer to children of 6–9 years old, learning EFL in Grades 1–3 in schools.

Linguists claim that learning languages contributes to children’s cognitive and metacognitive development and strengthens their linguistic abilities (Edelenbos & Kubanek, 2009). Similarly, bilingualism has been associated with improved executive function (Bialystok, 2015), and with advancement of additional language learning processes (Bialystok et al., 2016). In this regard, bilingual children are claimed to be better language learners, although this claim is difficult to validate due to vast diversity among bilingual language learners and the sociocultural factors involved in bilingualism (Bialystok et al., 2016). Indeed, from sociocultural and economic perspectives, knowledge of foreign languages is seen as a real asset. Speakers of many languages can ‘capitalize’ on their knowledge of different languages and enjoy ‘linguistic capital’ which is a form of ‘human capital’: knowledge, skills and other cultural acquisitions people have (Bourdieu, 1977, 1991), giving them a more central position in the global economy. Thus, parents, who are keen to promote English, make efforts to find intensive, quality English learning frameworks for their children, seeking to empower them with English, the lingua franca, which is seen as a valuable commodity (Carmel, 2009; Nikolov, 2016). Thus, learning second/foreign languages at a young age is seen as an important factor affecting children’s future with clear implications for improving their chances of success.

However, learning a foreign language at a young age in school is a challenging experience for teachers and pupils alike, not always leading to success, effectivity or linguistic advantages for the learners. Issues pertaining to the ‘age factor’ and the question of the existence of a ‘critical period’ is one of the contested issues among linguists and practitioners (Montrul, 2008, 2012; Moyer, 2014). Those in favor of early foreign language learning claim that with young learners it is usually more efficient and effective than with older learners, and that they are good at imitation. They further claim that an early start contributes to better pronunciation of the new language and the development of fluent speech, which will help them attain a high level of achievement (Jaskow & Ellis, 2018; Nikolov & Mihaljević Djigunović, 2006). Furthermore, increased self-confidence and high self-worth of the young learners have been found to be additional advantages (Inbar-Lourie & Shohamy, 2009). In contrast, Pfenninger and Singleton (2017) convincingly argue that late foreign language starters surpass early starters in similar instructional situations and that age of onset is of minimal relevance for many more aspects of language acquisition within institutional settings. Drawing on a study of EFL learners in Switzerland, they claim that, in fact, older FL learners can benefit from linguistic, cognitive and affective advantages (Pfenninger & Singleton, 2017).

Based on various studies worldwide, many language experts have emphasized that focusing on the starting age as the key variable is misleading in foreign language learning contexts. As Nikolov (2016, p. 3) claims: ‘The age factor is not the main issue.’ Indeed, all language researchers agree that age of onset and outcomes of early FL start cannot be separated from individual, socio-affective and contextual factors. The quality and type of instruction are additional critical factors to consider. Thus, the general view today is that researchers ‘need to attend to age-related, social, psychological, and contextual factors . . . as well as to strictly maturational factors’ (Pfenninger & Singleton, 2017, p. 209).

Studies on current and future directions in teaching English to young learners have confirmed the global trend for early English language learning worldwide (Copland et al., 2014; Enever, 2011; Nikolov, 2016; Nikolov & Mihaljević Djigunović, 2011). Despite the trends and controversies summarized above, the view held by many non-professionals worldwide is that starting to learn a foreign language at a young age is a positive move. The layman’s assumption is that children learning EFL at a young age will benefit from linguistic advantages and improved outcomes, namely: ‘the younger the better’.

2 EYL in Israel

Based on studies in the Israeli context, Olshtain (2008) claims that English lessons in the young grades are similar to a slow, ‘drip feed’ mechanism and are totally ineffective. Studies in Israeli schools have shown that English lessons provided to young children in large, populated classes are not sustainable and are simply inadequate (Olshtain, 2008; Vysvalai, 2014, 2017). Additionally, although the official English curriculum currently includes a supplement defining what pupils need to know and should be able to do in the initial stages of learning English, it offers neither a recommended age to begin English learning, nor a recommended allocation of hours per grade level (Ministry of Education, 2019). In practice, principals introduce English in Grades 1–3 in a ‘drip feed’ manner, whereby lessons are given in large classes of more than 30 children once or twice a week.

The situation is more complex in view of recent research on teacher attrition and turnover in Israel (Donitsa Schmidt & Zuzovsky, 2016), which highlights the particular shortage of professional English teachers countrywide. As a result of this shortage, English is sometimes taught in these early classes by homeroom teachers or substitute teachers who are not trained in EFL teaching. Furthermore, lowering the age of learning English in schools has raised expectations of improved pupils’ achievements following the assumption that more years of learning English will raise the level of achievements and yield better results. However, results of national exams conducted in Grades 5 and 8 over the years have not indicated a rise in students’ achievement and, in fact, have shown lower test scores and widening gaps between the schools in the center and those in the periphery (RAMA, 2018; Vysvalai, 2017).

Lacking a clearly defined policy, decisions about the start of English lessons are left to the discretion of principals and local authorities. This discretion takes into account various elements including: market forces, financial and other resources at their disposal, competition from neighboring schools, availability of teachers, the principal’s personal vision and priorities and pressure exerted from parents. Indeed, over the last decade, with the growing popularity of English, parents have been involved in promoting early English learning in school settings. As active stakeholders in the school community, many parents show an interest in schools’ English language curriculum, development and implementation. A report on the status of EYL in the formal education setting in Israel submitted to the committee for children’s rights in the Knesset (Israeli parliament), emphasized that pressure from parents was a key factor in promoting EYL in schools (Vysvalai, 2017). Furthermore, a study critically analyzing discourse on EYL revealed that ‘the discourse of EYL acts as a powerful force in the promotion of EYL in schools, affecting schools’ agendas, regulating classroom practices, shaping everyday life and people’s social practices’ (Carmel, 2009, p. 403).

Thus, it has become quite evident that despite ambiguity regarding the benefits of an early start and existing challenges, EYL is a ‘hot topic’ in schools. Initiatives to teach English earlier are steadily spreading but are not always purely educational. The picture that emerges is that decision makers in local authorities and in the Ministry of Education are flooded with programs for teaching and learning EYL which are growing in popularity in all sectors of Israeli society and in the various public and private educational settings.

In view of the above, the aim of this research is to explore the growing trend of EYL and better understand the nature of the forces driving it. Specifically, the study focuses on the following research questions:

1 The context and research site

The research site was a secular public school located in the center of Israel, with a population of approximately 800 pupils studying in Grades 1–8, and 45 staff members. The school was randomly selected from a list of schools which had brought English teaching forward from Grade 4 to Grade 1 (as part of a national curriculum change to do so). Therefore, for the first time in that school, English was being taught from Grades 1 through 8. The school is medium-sized and is characteristic of most secular public schools in Israel: the population is typically heterogeneous representing different layers and socioeconomic levels of the Jewish society: new immigrants, Israeli born families, single-parent families, and all of whom span the entire conservative, liberal, traditional spectrum. Ethical consent to conduct the study was pursued and granted from the Chief Scientist of the Ministry of Education, from parents and from the school’s principal.

Prior to presenting the research methods, it will be noted that the research reported here is part of a more comprehensive study, which used multiple data collecting tools including interviews with pupils, teachers and various acting stakeholders, classroom observations and analyses of published texts on the topic of EYL. This article draws on particular data from the study and focuses on spoken discourse collected from 16 parents, four teachers (two English teachers and two homeroom Grade 1 teachers) and the principal, via in-depth semi-structured interviews.

2 Participants

The parents interviewed for this study were intentionally sampled, in order to include a representation of people from different cultural, economic, social and personal backgrounds. The following families were approached by the researcher and gave their consent to participate in this study: two veteran immigrant families from the former USSR (immigrated over 20 years ago), two new immigrant families (immigrated approx. 10 years ago), four secular working-class families, four secular middle-class families, two semi-religious working-class families and two single-parent families. The parents’ ages ranged from early 30s to late 40s. Each interview was conducted at the family’s home and lasted approximately 90 minutes. The interview context provided a relaxed, intimate setting, enabling me (interviewer) to concentrate on real-time, moment by moment interaction with the parents (Mann, 2016) and, in many cases, both parents took part.

The nature of such personal interviews created a space for both reflective and reflexive processes, focusing on the interview situation while being sensitive to the discursive choices made by the interviewees (Mann, 2016). The teachers and the principal interviewed for this study were intentionally chosen for triangulation (to collect different sources and samples of data) and because they either teach Grade 1–3 or work as English teachers in the school.

3 Research instrument

Interviews were chosen as a main data collection tool because they are shown to have a growing presence in applied linguistics, particularly among studies that aim to investigate participants’ experiences, beliefs and views (Talmy, 2010; Talmy & Richards, 2011). In language education research, qualitative data collected via interviews generate insights into a variety of language teaching and learning processes and unravel issues pertaining to motivation, language attitudes, learner autonomy and more (Talmy & Richards, 2011).

4 Procedure

Data from all participants was collected via interviews during 2015–16 school year. The interviews with the teachers and the principal were conducted at the school, their familiar environment. All the interviews were conducted in Hebrew, recorded, transcribed and translated into English by myself, the researcher (a near native speaker of English). This repeated process of reading and listening has made the data familiar enabling a close, rigorous analysis. Sample interview questions include: What do you think about children learning English in the 1^st Grade? In your opinion, at what age should children begin learning English in school? What do you think about lowering the beginning age to Grade 1? Why do you think this was done? What are your expectations of this reform? (for a complete list, see Online Appendix 1). The questions aimed to facilitate open dialogue which would generate meaningful discourse revealing people’s assumptions, attitudes, beliefs and opinions about EYL.

5 Critical discourse analysis

The Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) paradigm was adopted for the analysis of the discourse generated in the interviews. CDA is a discourse-oriented theory of language and speech in social institutions. Drawing on critical linguistics and critical theory, CDA focuses on how social relations, identity and power are constructed within the broader social context as part of a process of social order or social change. CDA focuses on the question of how language, as a sociocultural tool, mediates relationships of power and privilege in social interactions (Foucault, 1972; Gee, 1999, 2005, 2011; Gee, Hull & Lankshear, 1996; van Dijk, 2002, 2004; Wodak, 2013). CDA is both a theory and a method (Gee, 2005, 2011; van Dijk, 2002, 2004; Wodak, 2013). The theoretical position is that people draw on different discursive and other resources to articulate and construct their ideologies, beliefs, and understandings of everyday life. Therefore, reality is seen as discursively constructed, shaped by various discursive and social forces. From the analytical perspective, CDA provides diverse tools with which to examine and analyze people’s discourse to understand social phenomena while bringing social theories and linguistic theories together. CDA tools enable the examination of sociocultural or educational issues and make visible the ways in which language both constructs and represents the social world. Thus, CDA involves paying attention to particular configurations of words, phrases, grammatical structures and other linguistic features. Gee’s (2011) and Wodak’s (2013) theories of CDA and the analytical tools they offer were used in this study to examine, analyze and interpret oral discourse on the EYL phenomenon.

1 The theme of ‘good parenting’

‘Good’ parents are in continuous pursuit of their children’s wellbeing. In this study, participants embraced sets of practices and discourses defining and shaping what they consider good for their children. According to the parents in this study, the promotion of EYL is an essential part of being and acting as good, responsible parents. This can be recognized in parents’ language as they put together, repeat and emphasize particular content words such as ‘push’, ‘provide’, ‘important’, ‘invest in private lessons’, ‘give him the opportunity’, and use the words ‘good parents’ when referring to themselves. As good parents they invest in their children’s education by providing them with resources and opportunities to learn English. This is exemplified by phrases such as: ‘I will make an effort to help my son advance in English’, ‘good parents invest in their children’, ‘As a good parent I will do whatever is necessary’, which exhibit their parental concerns, obligations and efforts to fulfill them. The following extract is an example of a mother’s desire to invest in English as part of her duty to advance her children in the world.

Olivia (mother): I think that English is very important and I think that at an early age you grasp it better than at an older age. I wanted her to go to private lessons, it was something I WANTED her to go to . . . Look, I invest in them. I bought them all the tapes, the English kits, my first dictionary, everything . . . I sit with them to watch clips and songs . . . I invest in what’s important.

In this example Olivia repeats the words ‘invest’ together with ‘buy’ and ‘important’ connecting it with something she wanted to do as a parent. She made an explicit link between the notion of investment in English and buying for her children, which, in her opinion, is part of acting like and being a good, responsible parent.

Parents used figurative language, ‘voice’ and many ‘I-action’ statements to articulate their beliefs and actions, as can be seen in the following example:

Nira (mother): I drip it in. I sit with my kids when they watch TV, cartoons, or video clips on the computer in English. I tell them or ask them: What’s written here? What did you see? Tell me in English. I explain things. I will do everything in my power to help my daughter advance in English.

This excerpt is filled with I-statements and descriptions of actions Nira is willing to take to promote English with her children. She is ready to scaffold her child’s English learning process, invest in financial or other resources, both of which contribute to building significance for EYL. Similarly, David (father) said:

It’s like . . . every good parent wants to provide this (English) for his child . . . According to what is said today and following the ‘herd culture’, we say ‘let’s provide our children with the best possibilities for knowing English’ . . . so if people say it’s good to start at a young age, then yes, I will make the effort, I will save up and even take private lessons . . . give her the opportunity to succeed.

David also said: ‘I will give her the opportunity I didn’t have as a child.’ The above excerpts offer a picture of parents who take actions to promote EYL: David is ready to help his child, buy opportunities to learn English offered by others in order to provide his children with an advantage (that they didn’t have), and perhaps carrying out a personal drive to be fulfilled via the child.

The following extract is from a conversation with two parents Benny (father) & Paz (mother): Benny: ‘Parents want English for their children . . . it’s like the ‘Jewish mother, you know . . . the lawyer and the doctor.’ Paz (mother joining the conversation): ‘it’s like the mother who wanted to dance but sent her daughter to ballet lessons instead.’ Benny’s first phrase ‘Jewish mother’ coupled with the informal ‘you know’, signal his belief about the ‘Jewish mother’, a cultural notion which is clear to him. Paz’s sentence explains this belief drawing a link between a ‘Jewish mother’ and a ‘pushy’ mother who attempts to live her dream via her daughter’s ballet lessons. Though the term is culture specific, we can assume that other parents want the same for their offspring.

2 Teachers’ and principals’ discourse

The teachers and the principal were interviewed because of the professional position they held in school, but they, too, spoke as individuals holding dual identities: as parents and as professionals. The dominant discourse generated from their perspective can be summarized in the sample statement from Gila, a Grade 1 homeroom teacher: ‘Parents push their children. Parents want their kids to learn English and they instill it in them.’ When asked to explain this assumption the teacher replied: ‘Parents tell their kids that it is important to learn English. Parents say: Oh great, you are learning English in school, that’s wonderful.’ Changing her voice to that of parents’ adds to the authenticity of the message, makes it more vivid and convincing as being true and a real representation of parents’ beliefs.

3 The theme of language learning: ‘the younger the better’ (TYTB)

‘The younger the better’ is a popular axiom, mostly associated with learning in general and with language learning in particular. It represents a common belief that younger children learn languages faster and better than older children and therefore it is better to commence English learning at a young age. When asked about this axiom, with the exception of the two English teachers, all parents, homeroom teachers and the principal supported it indisputably. Parents’ discourse emphasized the linguistic, social and general benefit of an early start, supporting this ambitious discourse claiming that ‘It’s fun for them to learn English’, ‘They enjoy the songs and games, they like it.’ I-statements such as ‘I think’, ‘I mean’, ‘in my opinion’, ‘the way I see it’, ‘I really feel that’, were used systematically to explain their assumptions. Coupled with reassurance words and phrases such as ‘sure, it’s true’, ‘this saying is definitely true’, ‘it’s written in the newspapers’, their arguments sound logical and convincing. The following extracts are representative of parents’ discourse supporting the TYTB axiom.

Ran (father): I think that at an early age you get it better than at an older age. The younger you are, the better your capability for learning. I really believe this, not because it is popular.

Sima (mother): The kids are thirsty to learn the language, so I really think the younger the better. They suck it up easier and faster when they are younger. They are like sponges, I see the young kids how they learn in class. Yeah, the younger the better for sure.

Nira (mother): Look, young children have an amazing ability to absorb. At a young age they learn fast and things become part of their lives.

In these examples the speakers repeatedly used plural pronouns (‘they’, ‘the kids’) when referring to young learners. This conveys a generalization: that their statements and opinions are true for ‘all’ young children. Additionally, use of images (‘sponges’, ‘thirsty to learn’, ‘absorb’) creates figurative images of children absorbing like a sponge or ‘drinking up’ the language. These serve as convincing arguments in favor of TYTB providing credibility for this assumption. Using reassuring words, parents position themselves as ‘knowers’ (‘look’, ‘I really feel that’, ‘I know’), leading us to believe that they are confident in their views, which in fact, gives us a strong basis to accept their arguments as true.

In the following example, a father weaves together his own version of ‘language experts discourse’, offering evidence from newspapers to show that he has done his research:

Tom (father): I read in the newspaper that up until the age of 5 a child learns language most effectively . . . you get it? Up until the age of 5 . . . Their brain acquires it . . . of course!! We are already falling behind . . .

Words such as ‘acquire’, ‘absorb’, coupled with expressions such as: ‘you get it?’ ‘I read in the newspaper’, ‘come together to seem true’ and ‘make good common sense’.

On the issue of TYTB debate, the two English teachers expressed realistic concerns, as in the following statement by Ravit (English teacher):

The younger the better may be good in theory but a false theory, a wrong assumption . . . the way the system works here . . . well . . . first, there are almost 40 kids in a class, right? It’s impossible to teach like this.

Irit (English teacher) raised additional concerns:

It can cause damage to the children, if they feel they can’t cope with the pressure, if you want to make it fun, if you want to have the exposure to the language effectively, it cannot be done when you have 40 kids, 40 minutes, once a week.

However, even though there are evident challenges and concerns (as stated above by the English teacher), early English teaching is still implemented. The belief, as expressed by home-room teachers, the principal and parents, is ‘the younger the better’. This belief is exemplified by parents’ repeated statement: ‘of course, it’s always better to learn English at a young age . . .’

4 The theme of consumerism

Data revealed that participants in this study use prevalent linguistic features which illustrate that they are, in fact, acting as consumers of EYL, which they see as a desired commodity. A similar idea was mentioned in the ‘good parenting’ theme above when parents spoke of their investment in EYL, which naturally connects to buying opportunities for their children. Parents, the principal and teachers alike used rich metaphorical language to describe learning English as ‘a gift’, ‘a tool’, ‘a key’, ‘something you must have’, ‘something you must get’, turning the process of learning English into a material object which can be obtained or purchased. For example: Mor (mother): ‘English? Wow . . . it’s a necessity! In great demand nowadays, people must have English.’ Participants employed words and phrases associated with the business or commercial world such as ‘It’s their business card for success.’ Some parents explicitly said that learning English at a young age is ‘a highly desired commodity’ and for the young children it is ‘a key to the world’. When discussing the value of learning English, parents and teachers used political, commercial and hi-tech discourse with phrases such as ‘English is the language of computers and hi-tech’, ‘English opens doors’, ‘it is the entry ticket to the future.’ Thus, they turn the learning of English into an asset, a marketable merchandise. In the same vein, parents talked about EYL as a fashionable product, or as a brand, as in the following examples:

T (mother): English is very ‘in’ these days . . . everyone wants to have it . . . as soon as possible.

This type of discourse highlights parents’ views that English language competencies are a fashionable commodity which can be bought.

Findings indicate that participants in this study, parents in particular, associate EYL with high social, cultural and economic value. Parents compared EYL to ‘knowledge’, ‘power’ and an ‘advantage over others’. One father claimed: ‘Knowledge of English equips people in general and young children in particular with high self-confidence and provides them with more opportunities in life’. Similarly, another parent said: ‘Knowledge is power and if you don’t have this language, which many people in the world speak and know, you are an outsider . . . it will give the child more confidence.’ One parent stated that for him EYL is ‘like having dollars’, making EYL synonymous with ‘cash value’, prestige and high social status. When the motivation to learn English focuses on consumerism it is seen as achieving greater financial privilege.

The English teachers confirmed the association of EYL with having ‘a status symbol’, ‘gets you places’, ‘opens doors’. In addition, they took on the professional identity as ‘knowledgeable experts’. For example:

Ravit (English teacher): I am in the loop/know . . . I am exposed to information . . . what’s happening in schools, from the aspect of English and the new program. Because I am both a teacher and a mother, parents talk to me and ask me, consult with me.

Similarly, Gila (English teacher) said:

In my children’s school parents ask me ‘why don’t WE start English in Grade 1? To start in Grade 3 is not good enough . . . and why only 2 hours? It’s not enough’ . . . so I find myself as a teacher and a mother, defending or attacking the education system.

Gila and Ravit’s use of ‘voice’ indicate their familiarity with parents’ discourse and the value afforded to EYL in their professional and personal environment.

Frequent associations between EYL and fashionable trends, such as ‘It’s very in today . . . not just a passing trend’ were made by all participants. They exhibited pride in being associated with a popular, educational trend which carries a more positive connotation than other social trends: Efrat (mother): ‘Learning English is also a social trendy thing, a good trendy thing.’

5 The discourse of globalization and international aspirations

Participants in this study drew on discourse of globalization such as ‘English is the international language’, ‘we live in a global village’, ‘with globalization trends today . . .’, ‘we need to connect to the world outside’, in order to express their assumptions about EYL. Action verbs such as: ‘we have to communicate in English’ and ‘Hebrew works in Israel only, English works all over the world,’ in addition to repetition of similar lexical tokens such as ‘the outside’, ‘all over the world’ were used effectively in creating a local/global binary. The choice of words: ‘have to’ clarifies the important role assigned to English in everyday life, making it a ‘compulsory’ part of it. Using a tag question Hebrew equivalent, one parent noted naturally: ‘English is the dominant language, isn’t it?’ indicating her belief that it is an obvious fact.

Participants felt that Hebrew is insufficient and limiting and EYL is one way to overcome this limitation. The principal used the comparison with Hebrew to explain her assumptions about the value of EYL: ‘Hebrew is not sufficient. It is not enough . . . you’ve understood what is happening in YOUR part of the world . . . and you want to see OTHER PLACES. English becomes a tool for you.’ Using plural pronouns (you) she is generalizing, turning her opinion into fact which sounds authoritative and true. She further explains that she is ‘more than pleased to introduce English lessons in Grade 1. This way children will learn it better and faster.’ Additionally, Somech (father) said: ‘With Hebrew we are confined to the narrow borders of the State of Israel and it’s as if the country is now too small for us.’ Somech feels ‘confined’ (hence ‘restricted’ or ‘limited’) suggesting that he would like to leave the boundaries of Israel (speaking Hebrew) which is ‘too small for us’. Making this association with the notion of learning English at a young age implies that he considers this a significant part of his plans for his children’s future.

It should be noted, however, that out of the 16 parents interviewed, excluding one father, who was a singer and traveled overseas for work purposes, none of the parents reported holding a work position which involved interaction or communication with any other countries, or having to use English on a regular basis. Furthermore, some of the parents have never traveled out of Israel nor do they have opportunities to do so in the near future.

1 The discourse of EYL and potential risks

Findings highlight particular words and phrases coupled with ideologies, actions and behaviors that participants employ when speaking about EYL. The EYL discourse includes different strands of interwoven discourses, such as good parenting, language experts, common sense, consumerism and globalization, which reveal that parents deem English to be a necessary aspect of their children’s life and it is therefore important to learn it as early as possible. They consider the promotion of EYL to be an essential part of being and acting as good, responsible, parents, preparing their children for the global market. This finding is in line with the previous research on EYL in Israel which highlighted parents’ commitment and investment in EYL (Carmel, 2009). This finding also supports the evidently increasing pressure coming from parents who wish their children to benefit from new global opportunities (Enever et al., 2009; Nikolov, 2016). Parents’ discourse, as revealed in this study, is formulated as positive concerns for the wellbeing of their children. In doing so they are fulfilling their role as ‘good, caring’ parents, as opposed to ‘pushy’, ‘interfering’ or ‘overachieving’ parents, and wish to be recognized as such by the school and by society at large. Parents’ discourse on EYL appears sensible and receives public support which legitimizes the desire for and the investment in EYL, turning it into a positive, educational practice, despite the limitations expressed by academic research or professional English language teachers. Logical argumentation, authoritative persuasive reasoning, coupled with anecdotal evidence or actions (‘children love English, they absorb like sponges’) is powerful discourse, carrying social trends in a broader sense. It recruits additional supporters, such as officials, decision makers and principals, who comply with the growing pressure, regardless of risks or challenges.

Whereas the previous research (Carmel, 2009) revealed a general ‘discourse of EYL’ as constructed by teachers, position holders, pupils and parents, this current study focuses on parents’ discourse. Findings show that the discourse of good parenting, language experts, consumer and globalization discourses are popular and powerful in that they may promote and generate changes in educational practice and policy decisions at the expense of other educational initiatives or needs. For example, it is not unlikely that school principals will choose to introduce EYL in Grades 1 & 2 as a result of parental pressure, despite the shortage of professional English teachers in their schools and at risk of compromising the quality of English teaching and learning. Donitsa-Schmidt and Zuzovsky (2016) found that to cope with teacher shortage the most common strategies implemented by principals in Israel were ‘to increase the teaching load of existing teachers and employ unqualified teachers’ (p. 90) namely, teachers who were ‘not trained to teach the subject or the grade level for which they were hired’ (p. 89). This ‘out of field’ phenomenon whereby teachers are assigned to teach subjects for which they have no formal qualifications (Ingersoll, 1999a, 1999b), can negatively affect teachers (Pillay, Goddard, & Wills, 2005), disturb school routines and damage the quality of teaching and learning. More specifically, when principals employ unqualified teachers to teach EYL (acting as lip-service just to staff the classes) they are risking marketing EYL as a fashionable trend to enthusiastic consumers rather than engaging in effective EFL teaching and learning. This might further result in lack of long-term planning, skewed assessment practices and the possible creation and preservation of gaps between pupils at schools.

2 Potential threats for English teachers

The discourse of EYL revealed in this study together with parents positioning themselves as ‘experts’ in FL (‘the younger the better for sure’) can create potential problems for English teachers. Teachers may interpret the ‘language learning discourse’ as a threat or as criticism, casting doubt on their professionalism and undermining their decisions or competence. Parents’ emphasis on the linguistic, social and general benefit of EYL may result in over-involvement in the English teaching curriculum leading to interference in the content taught or teaching practices. Parents of young children learning English typically like to have evidence of their children’s English proficiency at the earliest possible stage (Nikolov, 2016). As a result, they may exert extra pressure on teachers and principals, requesting them to assign homework and tests regularly. Additionally, parents may assume that the proficiency achieved at this early stage (which is likely to be very basic if provided in a ‘drip feed’ method in large classes) will be automatically sustained over time. However, as previously mentioned, this expectation may well be unrealistic due to the uncertainties regarding the benefits of an early start (Jaskow & Ellis, 2018; Pfenninger and Singleton, 2017), the significance of social, psychological, and contextual factors (Pfenninger & Singleton, 2017, p. 209) and the type of instruction the pupils receive. Thus, parents’ demands and high expectations are likely to add pressure on teachers, which may, in turn, adversely affect their pupils and their learning experience. This situation is a potential threat for both teachers and pupils, particularly in view of the psychological and emotional factors involved in learning a foreign language (Dewaele & Alfawzan, 2018; Nikolov, 2016) and in sustaining pupils’ motivation over 12 years of learning EFL in school. Parents’ overenthusiasm, though framed as good intentions or global aspirations, may be overwhelming, particularly for novice teachers, who are frequently challenged by parents. It is possible that in the case of new, inexperienced or unqualified teachers, parents’ interference will harm teachers’ self-confidence and motivation resulting in their early attrition and turnover.

As is typical of other educational trends in our modern era, it seems that EYL is here to stay. Schools who have chosen to introduce EYL are unlikely to reverse their decision despite lack of qualified teachers, large classes or other challenges. It is therefore recommended that educators be aware and become familiar with the essence of EYL discourse. Understanding parents’ attitudes towards EYL and the forces that drive them will enable teachers and principals to handle the pressure exerted by the parents in a professional manner. Familiarity with the discourse of EYL will help teachers avoid possible confrontations or misunderstandings and focus on forming positive parent-teacher partnerships.

Similarly, school principals and decision makers must take into account parents’ aspirations with regards to English learning, be aware of their hopes and expectations which are often unrealistic, before implementing English teaching programs at a young age. For EYL to be effective, principals must provide pupils with the appropriate contextual, individual and socio-affective resources. These include allocating sufficient teaching hours, reducing the number of children in classes and providing teachers with suitable teaching materials and appropriate teaching conditions, so as to ensure quality instruction (Pfenninger & Singleton, 2017). Teachers should also be encouraged to participate regularly in professional development courses specializing in teaching EFL to young learners.