Abstract
Whether a death sentence is fair or not is an fundamental question for a country’s criminal justice system, yet in practice, similar cases still occasionally receive differing judgments. In response to this problem, this paper has proposed to take sentencing evidence as the breakthrough for the balanced application of death penalty. This paper begins by analysing written judgments from 40 cases, which involve 69 individuals and have been sampled from all those archived under the Gazettes section by the Beidafabao,1 Peking University Centre for Legal Information. This analysis provides considerable insight into the type of sentencing evidence admitted in capital cases, as well as the impact that principal evidence has on where death sentences are imposed. Next, in accordance with the basic problems of evidence law, this paper separates out sentencing evidence of capital cases from conventional theories that confuse it with convictions. Taking sentencing evidence as the core, the objective of the empirical analysis and theoretical discussion is to establish guidelines as well as a policy analysis for capital cases in China in the future.
Introduction
Sentencing involves answering questions as to whether a criminal is to be punished, what type of punishment to be given and its severity. The core challenge of sentencing is to solve the problem of proportionality between crime and penalty. According to the previous practices of Chinese criminal courts, most trial courts were focused on whether the defendants were guilty. Public prosecutors were focused on whether the indictments were successful and the accused were convicted of the charges, and did not concentrate on sentencing. Moreover, owing to the many restrictions on the rights to investigate and collect proof, the defendants were barely able to obtain evidence. As for the court, the fact that inadequate attention was paid to the procedures for producing as well as evaluating trial evidence has resulted in the prevalence of different sentences for similar cases. These long-standing and troubling defects have finally come to light with the coming of internet era. The exposure of unfair sentencing through the internet and other emerging media has not only increased the rate of petitions and appeals of interested parties, but also created an atmosphere where strong public opinion can ‘kidnap’ the justice system when it comes to sentencing, particularly in China’s capital cases. 2 The death penalty is the most drastic punishment within criminal law, confronting the defendants with an alternative between survival and death and confronting the government with a decision potentially carries enormous risk, not to mention expense. Due to certain complicated concerns and apprehensions, even ordinary people who are not directly linked to the case will see the appeal of the demand for ‘similar judgments for similar cases’ in death penalty cases. To achieve ‘similar judgments for similar cases’ in sentencing, a set rule of considerations for the prediction, guidance and evaluation of sentencing outcomes must be established. As with conviction on the merits of the case, such consideration should focus on evidence.
Sentencing evidence for capital cases
In China, the reform of sentencing with an eye toward standardisation has long followed two main routes: establishing independent procedures and formulating detailed guidelines. Accordingly, most of the theories as well as the research on sentencing focuses on these two areas. In contrast, issues concerning the evidence that is closely related to sentencing results are rarely emphasised. Hence, as the starting point of this study, this paper will first define the concept of sentencing evidence.
The concept and properties of sentencing evidence
Simply put, sentencing evidence denotes the proof that is used for evaluating and determining the sentence, which differs from the conviction evidence, which establishes or disproves the factual elements that fit the definition of criminal conduct (Yang, 2012). The distinction between conviction evidence and sentencing evidence is theoretically based. And no hard and fast line can be drawn between the two types of evidence. Apart from pure sentencing evidence and pure conviction evidence, there is some mixed evidence that relates to both processes (Gu, 2009).
Pure conviction evidence constitutes the basic elements of various crimes, and usually appears in the form of stating the facts of guilt based on the minimum sentencing range. Taking the crime of causing traffic casualties as an example, Article 133 of the China Criminal Law stipulates that: Whoever violates regulations governing traffic and transportation and thereby causes a serious accident, resulting in serious injuries or deaths or heavy losses of public or private property, shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not more than three years or criminal detention. Whoever runs away from the spot after he has caused a traffic accident or is involved in other especially flagrant circumstances shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not less than three years but not more than seven years; if his escape results in the death of the victim, he shall be sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment of not less than seven years.
In terms of mixed evidence for conviction and sentencing, the above law can still serve as an example. Evidence that the person accused ‘ran away from the spot after he has caused a traffic accident or is involved in other especially flagrant circumstances’ reflects the accused’s guilt in causing traffic accident that has been clearly stipulated by this precise provision, and also involves issues of selecting the levels of sentence and the personal danger evaluation of the accused, etc. This type of proof serves as typical mixed evidence. It often turns up as aggravated circumstances, such as aggravations of results, amounts, identities, details and so on. In addition, it also involves the preparation, attempt and termination of crime as well as the principal criminal, accomplice, coerced offender and instigator in joint crime; along with excessive self-defence and unduly averting danger, etc.
Finally, there is another type of evidence: pure sentencing evidence. This term includes evidence such as surrendering voluntarily surrendering voluntarily, performing meritorious service, confessing truthfully, pleading guilty spontaneously, returning the spoils and compensating actively, obtaining forgiveness from the victims, demonstrating repentance, whether the commitment is the first offence of the juvenile defendant, his personal upbringing background and consistent performance, along with whether a settlement agreement can be reached, etc. These distinctions inform the discussion about sentencing evidence for capital cases in the rest of this paper. The pure conviction evidence and the mixed conviction and sentencing evidence are evaluated in line with conventional criminal litigation rules. The last category of pure sentencing evidence is a completely contrasting concept, which has not received sufficient attention.
In addition, the focuses of sentencing and conviction evidence are not identical either. On the one hand, conviction evidence focuses on the evaluation of various behaviours. On the other hand, sentencing evidence concentrates on the social connections that the guilty defendant has been involved in. In particular, under the guidance of the modern judicial philosophy that promotes restorative justice, the restoration of impaired legal interests and the maintenance of public security have become increasingly stressed. The value of social connection might merely be a marginal consideration in gathering conviction evidence; yet it is a major factor in sentencing. Sentencing evidence usually follows an successful procedure that carries out a multi-faceted evaluation of the personality of the defendant. It also conducts comprehensive assessments with aim of quantifying and correcting the accused’s tendency to commit crimes (Wang, 2010).
Using sentencing evidence to effectively establish the balanced application of the death penalty in China
For a long time, the applicable specifications for the death penalty in China have involved: broad principles such as ‘to kill less and cautiously’; qualifying policies that ‘reserve, strictly discipline and carefully apply death penalty’; a trend toward reducing the number of charges that are eligible for such punishment; and the pilot implementation of a relatively independent sentencing procedure. The nature of such efforts represents either a political gesture to reduce the incidence of the death penalty or an external guarantee for the establishment of the procedure; neither context will enable a balanced application of the death penalty. On 25 December 2006, Xiao Yang, the then chief justice of the Supreme People’s Court, pointed out in his speech at the Criminal Justice Conference of the Supreme People’s Court that, ‘due to the fact that the conditions and standards for the application of death penalty stipulated by law are oversimplified, the scope of legally-prescribed punishment becomes considerably large. Consequently, the standards and measurements that local courts employ in death sentence vary. This situation leads to the highlighted problem of the non-uniform as well as imbalanced application of death penalty. Even for the same crime, the standards for condemning death penalty differ in regions; significant differences exist in offenses such as intentional homicide and injury, robbery and drug related crimes, etc’ (Zhao and Peng, 2012). The uniform standard, therefore, should be the most straightforward and effective way to guarantee the unified application of death penalty. In response to the requirement of the evidence-judging principle, such unified standards need to be centred on evidence.
Using sentencing evidence to establish a balanced application of the death penalty is the best approach. Essentially, sentencing evidence is a substantial element that can be reflected in texts through numbers, written words, patterns and so on. This materiality makes it observable, predictable as well as evaluable. Based on these factors, there is the possibility of formulating a unified set of standards for judicial practice. Once this type of precise and established rule has been applied to individual cases, even in controversial cases, such as the sentence of Li Changkui, the focus may shift towards the rationality of the regulations rather than making courts and the judges the targets of public criticism, and subjecting them to embarrassment when they yield to public opinion. In this way, the legislative and judicial branches can provide an appropriate defence for the death penalty in the face of an indignant public, so that they do not offer irrational responses that lack evidence.
From another perspective, given that the victim is already dead, the state action of soothing public indignation through killing equals indulging the human thirst for barbaric revenge. The indulgence of public vengeful thoughts will merely increase their inhumanity while fostering a stronger desire for revenge. The precision of sentencing standards also serves as an effective method of counselling for the public anger caused by capital cases.
Furthermore, this paper ventures to suggest that the discourse power which sentencing evidence brings to judicial branches might be directed not only to public opinion, but also to stronger state powers. As the saying goes, the death penalty is not merely a matter of law, but also a political issue, and the truth is that even the law is bound up in politics. Any administrative body or individual who attempts to interfere in the decision of a death sentence by neglecting the precise sentencing evidence would, if not being recorded as ‘leading cadres who intervene in judicial activities and butt into specific case processing’ 3 at least have to be pressured by theorists, as well as the public.
An empirical analysis of sentencing evidence of capital cases based on intentional homicide cases
The capital cases in this paper refer to cases in which the defendants faced a possible death sentence (including death sentences with a two-year reprieve) according to the second clause of Article 20 and the third clause of Article 34 in the current Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China.
Intentional homicide cases have been chosen as the breakthrough point because, based on two sets of statistics of different periods, 4 this type of crime is linked most strongly with the death sentence, yielding more than half of the total cases that are eligible for death penalty. Therefore, studying the application of the death penalty using intentional homicide cases can not only provide an adequate sample size but also have great influence in practice.
This paper has sampled for analysis 40 cases from the Gazettes of Supreme People’s Court and Supreme People’s Procuratorate involving 69 people, taken from among all the intentional homicide cases published by the Peking University Centre for Legal Information. Because time and space restrictions render it impossible to display and analyse all 9,953 cases of intentional homicide provided by the centre, only a selection from the Gazettes will be illustrated. In addition, the majority of cases archived in the Gazettes are classic models that have been selected for their significance, representativeness and diversity. They qualify as analytic samples that best reflect cases of the same type. However, such samples harbour certain unavoidable limitations as well. The principal restriction is that, because the written judgments of the Gazette cases cover second instances, retrials as well as the procedure for judicial reviews of death sentences, they demonstrate the final decisions that the courts have made in these cases, but rarely reflect the respective suggestions or ideas put forward by the prosecutors and the defendants. Thus the litigants’ perspective is missing, which would, as noted later, strengthen the collection of sentencing evidence in both parties, as proposed later in this paper, and thus it has not been and is not possible to derived it from the statistics of these cases. The litigants’ perspectives are provided through the observations and experience of the author and others.
The quantity and types of sentencing evidence in intentional homicide cases
In the written judgments of the 40 cases analysed, which involved 69 individuals, 21 distinct sentencing circumstances were identified. Putting these circumstances in descending order, they are: ‘criminal consequences’ (64 accomplished, 4 attempted, and 1 discontinued), ‘causes of crimes’ (69), ‘serious circumstances’ (48), ‘combined punishment for several crimes’ (33), ‘cruel means of crime’ (27), ‘truthful confession’ (13), ‘accomplices’ (12), ‘recidivists’ (7), ‘high social risks’ (6), ‘actively compensating families of victims’ (6), ‘principal criminals’ (5), ‘voluntary surrender’ (4), ‘rendering meritorious services’ (3), ‘usually well behaved’ (3), ‘faults of victims’ (1), ‘forgiveness from victims’ (1), ‘aged under 18 at the time of committing crime’ (1), ‘female defendant pregnant during trial’ (1), ‘staff member of state organisation’ (1), ‘arrested with the assistance of their family’ (1) and ‘arrested without resistance’ (1). Among them all, ranking in the top two places are ‘criminal consequences’ and ‘causes of crimes’. Every written judgment points to these two factors, directly or indirectly. Moreover, within the seven types of evidence that are tied for the last place, whether the accused was arrested without resistance is the least applied. This survey of the cases indicates that it is actually the sentencing evidence that written judgments hardly pay attention to. On the other hand, the circumstances of ‘faults of victims’, ‘forgiveness from victims’, ‘aged under 18 at the time of committing crime’, ‘female defendant pregnant during trial’, ‘staff member of state organisation’;, and ‘arrested with the assistance of their family’ belong to the category of evidence with low-frequency objective existence (see Figure 1). In total, through these 40 cases and the 69 individuals involved, 312 pieces of sentencing evidence were documented. In other words, only approximately four and a half items of sentencing evidence are found in the judgment of each defendant. In comparison with the wide variety of sentencing evidence mentioned above, the number that have been recorded in written judgments is rather small. Such shortage might have been caused by the fact that little sentencing evidence was involved in the trials, or the inadequacy of the reasoning in the written judgment. However, both of these reasons reflect the fact that the criminal justice system in China places insufficient emphasis on sentencing evidence in capital cases.

Distribution of each sentencing evidence application.
In addition, in line with the classification of sentencing evidence introduced above, ‘criminal consequences’, ‘cause of crimes’, ‘serious circumstances’, ‘combined punishment for several crimes’, ‘cruel means of crimes’, ‘accomplices’, ‘principal criminals’, ‘faults of victims’, ‘aged under 18 at the time of committing crimes’ and ‘staff member of state organisation’ all fit in the scope of crime-related evidence, and serve as mixed sentencing-and-conviction evidence. Representing an 85% proportion of all sentencing evidence, the total occurrence of such evidence is 266. As regards sentencing evidence, however, it includes truthful confession, recidivists, high social risks, usually well-behaved, meritorious performance, pregnant during trials, arrested without resistance, arrested with the assistance of families, and forgiven by the victims, totalling 46 occurrences, or 15% of the total. The key reason for the existence of such a drastic difference between the amount of mixed and pure sentencing evidence is undoubtedly that factors which are closely related to criminal behaviours are easily obtained during the whole process of the case. For example, some circumstances, such as whether the criminal consequence is objectively clear, and whether the means of crime is cruel, can be subjectively evaluated with the help of common sense. Because of its very high availability, its amount is normally fixed; most of the available sentencing evidence in this category has already been demonstrated completely. In contrast to the high availability of the mixed type, pure sentencing evidence is not easy to collect. Taking ‘usually well-behaved’ and ‘high social risks’ as examples, an overall assessment of the defendant is needed; neither active compensation nor forgiveness by victims is possible in most cases. Nevertheless, these factors are evidence that can be probed and explored, whether from by the judge or by both parties to the lawsuit. Focusing on these factors could lead to a breakthrough in increasing the current amount of sentencing evidence.
The impact of major sentencing evidence on the death sentence
Among the 69 individuals who were involved in the 40 cases surveyed, 58 received the death penalty, yielding a proportion of 85%, and 42 of the 58 death-sentenced criminals were immediate executed. The remaining 11 have been sentenced to life or fixed-term imprisonments, or acquitted (see Figure 2).

Distribution of judgments.
Criminal consequences
In the cases that were not sentenced to a death penalty, 4 had not caused any deaths but the remaining 7 had, whereas in all cases that ended with a death sentence, the victims died (see Figure 3). Therefore, the first conclusion from the data is that the death penalty in intentional homicide cases overwhelmingly correlates with cases in which the victim has died.

Distribution of criminal consequences in cases which did or did not end with death penalty.
Also, according to the statistics, of the 43 defendants who caused one death, the death penalty was applied to 37 of them (including 15 sentences to death with a two-year reprieve and 22 with immediate execution), 86% of the total. Of the 21 individuals who caused multiple deaths, 20 were executed immediately, a ratio of 95% (see Figure 4). Thus the second conclusion is that causing multiple deaths influences the application of death penalty significantly, and has a strong tendency to lead to immediate execution. As for the discontinuance of crimes and attempted crimes, all samples with such circumstances were sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment. This result supports the first conclusion and lays a foundation for the third conclusion, that the death penalty is not given in attempted but failed or terminated cases of intentional homicides.

Number of deaths caused and the application of death penalty.
Causes of crimes and combined punishment for several crimes
These two factors are analysed together because, apart from the situations of manslaughter in the heat of the moment or premeditated murders, the majority of cases in this category arise from intentional killings in the process of conducting other crimes, including homicides organised by mafias, killings occurring during robberies, or killings resulting from domestic conflicts. Twenty-five accused meet these criteria, accounting for 76% of all the defendants who received a combined sentence for several crimes. In conclusion, the causes of crimes are closely associated with the combined sentence for several crimes.
For ‘combined punishment for several crimes’, which involves 33 individuals in this study, all sentencing decisions reflect the harshest sentencing for each crime of the combinations (either the death penalty or life imprisonment). For example, if the harshest sentencing is the death penalty with immediate execution, then this will become the final decision for the combined sentence. The same rule applies for the combination of the death penalty with a two-year reprieve and life imprisonment. Indeed, when the harshest penalty for individual crimes of the combination turns out to be fixed-term imprisonment, according to the specification of Criminal Law, the combined sentence ought to be the same, and there is no possibility for the penalty to transform into the death penalty. Therefore, my fourth conclusion is that there is no combined sentencing for several crimes has no significant impact on capital cases.
From the perspective of the underlying cause of the crime, the rate of death penalty application in intentional homicides caused by family and marital conflicts is the lowest (see Figure 5). In all five cases, only the case of intentional homicide and arson of Tang Shaoyang 5 received the death penalty (and there the defendant killed his wife and son in an extremely inhumane way). Therefore, the fifth conclusion is that using discretion to hand down a lighter sentence in those crimes caused by domestic conflicts and marital relationships conforms to the existing criminal policy guidance.

The death penalty application caused by different factors.
Another common factor is illegal drug consumption that leads to homicidal behaviour. Even though only one death was caused by the accused of this category, all of them employed inhumane actions and serious crimes. The only exception is the intentional homicide case of Huang Chuanhui, the third sample of the five typical drug-related crimes announced by the Supreme People’s Court.
6
In that case, the defendant received the verdict of sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve (for the application of reprieve, the written judgment explains: ‘as it is a crime which occurred within a family, making it different from the intentional homicides happened in the public that have severely damaged the safety and security of the society’). Additionally, Huang pleaded guilty with considerable remorse, having gained the forgiveness of the victim’s family, who were compensated financially according to legal regulations. These mitigating factors led to Huang’s two-year reprieve of the death sentence and avoidance of immediate execution. This corresponds to the mitigating sentence for capital cases that occur within families, as described in the second conclusion; all other defendants were sentenced to death with immediate execution. To summarise (the sixth conclusion
Cruel means of crimes and aggravating circumstances
According to the statistics, both factors are almost in a one-to-one relationship. Regarding their impact on the application of death penalty, excluding the legal sentencing factors, such as voluntary surrender, pregnancy at trial, juvenile offenders under the age of 18 when crime was committed, these two categories always end up with a death penalty (95%). Thus, the seventh conclusion is that crimes’ means and circumstances have a significant influence on death penalty
Meritorious performance, voluntary surrender and truthful confession
The samples tell us that, although these three circumstances are legally defined as sentencing factors that can help reduce or mitigate penalty, they have no visible impact on reducing the application of death penalty. In addition, in the counter-appeal criminal case of intentional homicide of Ye Runsheng, 7 the written judgment has clearly pointed out that ‘the crimes he has committed are of flagrant circumstances with extremely serious consequences, his penalty cannot be reduced even if he has voluntarily surrendered.’ Accordingly, conclusion number 8 is that voluntary surrender, meritorious performance and truthful confession may have some impact on the application of death penalty, but not a significant amount.
Principal criminals and accomplices
From the legal principle point of view, there is a principal criminal in all joint crimes, though occasionally accomplices do not figure at all. Nevertheless, as in the discussion of sentencing, in those joint crimes which only contain principal criminals, this will not be specially described as a sentencing factor in the written judgments; in other words, only in joint crimes which involve the participation of accomplices does the status of being a principal criminal become available for analysis. In the sample range of this paper, only one of them fits this situation, the case of Li Jie, Li Hui, Cui Zhibiao, etc, involved in organising, leading and joining underworld organisations, committing intentional homicide, 8 causing disturbance to the community, abducting, robbing as well as harbouring mafias in gambling, along with illegally hiding firearms and ammunition. In this incident, the four principal criminals have all been sentenced to death with immediate execution; whereas 9 of the 11 accomplices have taken part in crimes that have caused deaths: one of them has been sentenced to life imprisonment, four have been applied with a death penalty with a two-year reprieve, and the other four have been sentenced to death with immediate execution. In this case, the proportions of both the application of death penalty and applying it with immediate execution are much smaller than the 72% and 84% mentioned before. Hence, the conclusion number 9 us that being an accomplice can influence the application of the death penalty to some extent.
Recidivists
Owing to the fact that in all the analytic samples, all of the few cases with recidivists have caused the criminal consequence of one death, it is barely possible to find out the influence which this circumstance has on the application of death penalty through statistical means. Again, taking the case of joint crime mentioned above as example, among the whole group, Song Zhiyong possessed the conditions of recidivist, major meritorious performance as well as the accomplice of intentional homicide, and has been sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve. After qualifying for mitigation thanks to the two sentencing evidence items of ‘accomplices’ and ‘rendering meritorious services’, he has still been sentenced to death. A reasonable deduction from this surprising result is that the recidivist circumstance has an impact on whether the death penalty is applied. Evidence for this assumption can also be found in the written judgment, which documented that ‘despite having been sentenced to reformatory education, no signs of abandoning evil practices have been seen’. Hence, conclusion number 10 is that being a recidivist can influence the application of death penalty to some extent.
Female defendants pregnant at the time of trial and juvenile defendants who committed crimes when they were under the age of 18
Both of these circumstance have been legally defined as situations when death penalty cannot be applied. As a result, their influence on the applicability of the death penalty is absolute.
The empirically-based refinement of the system of sentencing evidence in capital cases
Having analysed the 40 sample cases, involving 69 individuals, everything—the statistics, the conclusions and the difficulty of the process of breaking down the data—leads to one reading of the facts: that the system of employing sentencing evidence in capital cases is in need of refinement. In order to attempt to provide a solution to this state of affairs, this paper suggests that such refinement should to centre on the factors that are now outlined.
The proving method of sentencing evidence in capital cases
According to the various requirements for the types and eligibility of evidence as well as the investigation procedure, the methods for proving individual evidence are divided into two types: strict and free. The former require the evidence to fit in the types that have been legally defined and to be equipped with high crediblity; it also demands that proofs and investigations must conform to legal approaches as well as perform adequate proofing and examination during trials. By contrast, the latter does not set strict limitations on the types and forms of evidence, and allows the appropriate testing strategies to be determined in accordance with the conventions of general practice; in other words, legal plausibility can be gained by any means (such as examining records or telephone inquiries). 9 It does not insist on high credibility of evidence; even hearsay evidence can be used.
With regard to whether the strict or the free method of proof should be applied to a particular piece of evidence, some scholars have suggested that strict method is ‘both the premise of informing the conviction and the threshold of the presumption of innocence’, 10 which indirectly suggests an approach whereby the strict method is applicable to conviction evidence. Accordingly, sentencing evidence, which overlaps with conviction evidence, will also adopt the strict method. Yet, for those pure pieces of sentencing evidence, reinforcing multiple restrictions on their form and content is not only superfluous, but also risks obstructing justice by making it difficult to produce impartial judgments.
It is worth mentioning that the application of the free method of proof to pure sentencing evidence is extremely important in capital cases. It is inevitable when discussing capital cases that attention is focused on the sentencing, but in fact the sentencing evidence, especially those pure pieces, are particularly rare in death penalty cases. As mentioned above, pure sentencing evidence ‘can be used as the breakthrough for increasing the existing quantity of sentencing evidence’. However, this increase needs to be backed by the free proof method. For instance, the circumstance of ‘usually well behaved’ only occurs three times among the 69 individuals, but this does not mean it is an inconsequential condition. Once in an intentional homicide committed by a university student, the defender raised 13 pieces of evidence (including certificates of merit from primary and secondary schools, etc.) to prove the circumstance of ‘usually well behaved’ after arranging 11 meetings with the defendant and reading through his text messages of the previous two years with his permission, as well making contacts with various of his teachers and fellow students. As a result, the court validated this factor in the judgment while adding in other conditions, and accordingly showed leniency. To summarise: similar circumstances and factors can be proved if there is sufficient proof, and the priority is the lenient admittance of such evidence.
The proof burden of sentencing evidence in capital cases
During the conviction phase, due to the effect of the presumption of innocence, a lot of countries have established legal systems that allocate the burden of proof to the prosecutors. However, at the sentencing stage, the issue of where to assign the burden of proof has long been full of paradox and ambiguity. Despite the absence of precise provisions, it is obvious that during this process both parties in a lawsuit are going to put forward their claims for sentencing. By not providing proof for such claims, they have to take the risk that the court will not accept their opinions. In other words, it is a procedure of ‘he who raises it should prove it’. Also, it is necessary to stress again that this assignment of the burden of proof is applicable only to pure sentencing evidence, because the prosecutors have already taken up the non-transferable responsibility of proving the sentencing evidence where it overlaps with conviction evidence.
The idea of ‘he who raises it should prove it’ serves as a simple conclusion of the theory and a guiding principle; its application in real-life situations may have different effects for both parties of the lawsuit.
Regarding public prosecution authorities, based on the content, they often need to use evidence to prove any aggravating circumstances they have raised at sentencing. Nonetheless, as the state body responsible for legal supervision, the China People’s Procuratorate also has an obligation to be objective and neutral, so they will also deliver evidence that is favourable to the defendant to the court, such as voluntary surrender, meritorious performance, actively returning spoils and making compensation, spontaneously pleading guilty during hearing, and genuine repentance, etc. Especially for those cases in which death penalty is potentially applicable, public prosecution authorities should pay more attention to what they impose on sentencing. The intentional homicide case of Li Baosheng is an excellent example of such responsibility. 11 The prosecution authority insisted on lodging a protest against the court’s judgment, which had sentenced the defendant to death with immediate execution; as a result, the sentence of Li has been commuted to death penalty with two-year reprieve. Yet this does not mean that public prosecution authorities have to raise sentencing opinions through appeal procedure; actually, they can bring them up in the public prosecution, the right of sentencing claim can be used as early as when the Procuratorate initiates a public prosecution. In recent years, with the establishment of the relatively independent sentencing procedure in China, a sentencing suggestion system has been built with detailed provisions in the Rules for Criminal Procedure of the People’s Procuratorate issued by the Supreme People’s Procuratorate. 12 Thus, in China, the public prosecution authority is entitled to put forward sentencing opinions as a suggestion before trial, during court proceedings, and as part of a counter-appeal after a decision has been made. The diverse forms of bearing the burden of proof play a particularly important role in capital cases.
As for defendants, although the People’s Procuratorate might provide evidence in accordance with its obligation to be objective and neutral, it does not waive the requirement for the defence side to prove any claimed mitigating circumstances such as voluntary surrender, meritorious performance, usually well-behaved, actively compensating after commuting crimes, having difficult households with duties of supporting and responsibility which the victims are liable for, and so on. However, the actual effect of sentencing defence is not as good as expected. This disappointment is usually the result of the defender failing to actively collect specific and adequate sentencing evidence, either for objective or subjective reasons, as well as the fact that the sentencing defence has been ignored when the court made its judgment. For instance, in the written judgment of the case of Jin Ruchao who committed homicide and criminal explosion 13 from the second instance, the sentencing suggestions proposed by the defender have been recorded but without any explanation of the fact that they have not been accepted. Despite this, it is very clear that the defending party carries the burden of proof for the idea of lenient sentencing; carrying out this duty is even more crucial in capital cases, which determine between death and life. Even for the innocent plead at the conviction stage, the defendant ought to actively collect sentencing evidence that is related to the personality and behaviour of the defendant prior to the trial. In order to fulfil this requirement, they can employ specific means, such as the previously mentioned approach of visiting communities and groups of the defendant, in order to collect 13 pieces of evidence that can prove the he is usually behaving well, referring to personal belongings, or strengthening the communication with the defendant, etc.
The proof standard for sentencing evidence in capital cases
In contrast to the previous two points, the proof standards in capital cases have already been defined by the official documents that China issued a considerable time ago. In the Provisions on Several Issues Concerning the Examination and Judgment of Evidence in Death Sentence Cases, which was issued in 2010, Article 5 stipulates that a. all facts for conviction and sentencing are backed by evidence; b. all evidence used to determine the case has been verified through legal procedures; c. there is no contradiction between different pieces of evidence or between evidence and case facts, or the contradiction, if any, has been reasonably ruled out; d. in a joint offence, the defendant’s role has been ascertained; as well as e. the process of using evidence to verify case facts conforms to the logic and experiential rules, and the conclusion reached from evidence is exclusive.
Black’s Law Dictionary defines the standard of proof as ‘the degree or level of proof demanded in a specific case’ (Garner, 2009: 1535). Determining what this level is can been as similar to measuring the degree to which a set of scales is tilted: the angle of tilt could be caused by either a discrepancy between weights on both sides or simply by an increase on one side. Clearly, the standard of proof is not fixed for all situations. Apparently, in an attempt to set the standard, the Article 5 clauses discussed above indiscriminately pile a great deal of contents in; for example, ‘a. all facts for conviction and sentencing are backed by evidence’ conveys the demand for quantity and type; whereas the rule b., which declares that ‘all evidence used to determine the case has been verified through legal procedures’, puts forward the idea of rigorous proof. However, when the situation arises that such requirements cannot possibly be fully satisfied, the judge is faced with an awkward dilemma that the actual facts have been clarified along with assurance in mind while according to the law no determination can be made.
The dilemma described above becomes particularly extremely common when sentencing procedures lack adequate adversarial challenge, as the other party normally does not argue against the presentation of a piece of sentencing evidence. For instance, in a gruesome homicide case, if the official prosecutor described the means that the defendant employed in the murder as inhumane, the defender would usually not ask for much explanation of this. Conversely, if the defender declared that the defendant had a suffering household and needed to support his parents, the prosecutor would not normally attempt to refute the claim either. Can such a situation be considered to be fulfilling the standards of proof? According to ordinary logics, it has made the fulfilment, yet the opposite will be generated in accordance to the above clauses.
Even where sentencing evidence is challenged, the idea that ‘c. there is no contradiction between different pieces of evidence or between evidence and case facts, or the contradiction, if any, has been reasonably ruled out’ still needs further discussion. The elimination of contradictions is usually conducted by distinguishing between true and false. Regardless of the practical possibility of such a process, there is a large amount of evidence in sentencing that can be true and yet the contrary can be asserted at sentencing. Taking the evaluation of personality as an example, for some people a criminal might seem to have always been well-behaved, whereas others might find him incorrigible.
As regards rule e, ‘the process of using evidence to verify case facts conforms to the logic and experiential rules, and the conclusion reached from evidence is exclusive’, this has frequently been misunderstood as requiring a higher standard of proof that eliminates all doubts. As a kind of historical proof, proof in lawsuits is different from proof in scientific experiments. Legal proofs are highly dependent on experience and common sense, which are essentially matters of probability, hence it is not possible for the procedure of proof to eliminate all unreasonable doubts. In this dynamic and diversely populated world, there will always be an individual who can come up with an imaginative or speculative doubt. Therefore, the elimination of all doubts qualifies only as a potential political slogan for use when proclaiming the gravity of capital cases, but can never be made the standard of proof in lawsuits.
From the theoretical exploration and empirical analysis above, this paper comes to the conclusion that the standard of proof for sentencing evidence in capital cases remains in line with the classification of sentencing evidence. To be precise, the clauses described above are applicable to the mixed parts of sentencing and conviction evidence; moreover, according to the new Code of Criminal Procedure, the standard of eliminating reasonable doubts is also applicable, while pure sentencing evidence employs the superior evidence standard. The term ‘superior evidence standard’ means ‘when a fact is of higher possibility in comparison with the other fact, the court should be convinced its existence and use it as the foundation of judgment’ (Chen, 2011). Using such a standard can not only encourage the collection of these pieces of sentencing evidence, but also provide the court with a practical course of action when two pieces of sentencing evidence contradict each other.
Establish an application guideline as well as a judgment reasoning system for capital cases based on sentencing evidence
As criminal justice has become more and more exposed to the public, the term ‘similar judgments for similar cases’, which was originally a constraint of legal principle in the criminal justice system, has now become a firm demand of public consensus. This constraint as well as the demand are especially prominent in those widely concerned capital cases. In order to achieve the goal of ‘similar judgments for similar cases’, two approaches are frequently used. The first one is regulation refinement—refining charges in indictments and establishing sentencing guidance at the legislative level in order to limit the scope for judges to make decisions freely. The other method is theoretical guidance—facilitating judges to make fair and reasonable judgments where lack of specific legal rules. Based on the logic of judicial syllogism, both strategies aim to building judgment modules (major premise) that correspond to facts of individual cases (minor premise), so that judges have access to legal and rational references for conviction as well as sentencing; as a result, the differences between judgments can be eliminated—in other words, ‘similar judgments for similar cases’.
In the second section of this paper, by dissecting samples, a number of rules which exist in reality and are approved in death sentences have been summarised. In fact, China has already issued the Guiding Opinions on the Sentencing Procedure of the People’s Court, which specifies the refinement extents for 14 types of usual sentencing circumstances, along with the sentencing of common crimes. For instance, it has stated that ‘crimes committed by minors who have reached the age of 14–16 years of age; reduce the base sentence by 30%∼60%’, but such scope for mitigating or extending a sentence is not applicable in capital cases. Hence an independent empirical study of death penalty cases is absolutely necessary. Of necessity, given the finiteness of the sample sizes, the number of real regulations is bound to be larger than the 10 conclusions mentioned above. Therefore, a large range of empirical samples still awaits exploration, leading to the possibility of establishing dedicated application rules for capital cases in the foreseeable future.
Built on the basis of the empirical analyses in the second part, and taking into account the basic theories and problems of evidence law, the third section has carried out a research on evidence judgments in capital cases so as to separate it from conventional theories that confuse it with conviction judgments. Also, because the empirical foundation of sentencing evidence is feasible and practicable in criminal justice, it can not only provide a reference for judges when they come across difficulties in sentencing, but also help give their ideas shape when there is nothing inspiring during the judgment reasoning process. Conversely, it is also highlighted that in capital cases, emphasis should be placed on theoretically based judgment reasoning as it is not merely the personal knowledge of a case that a judge possesses, but also the optimal template for supervising the justice system as well as enlightening the public with law.
Footnotes
Author note
*许慧君[Xu Huijun] 中国政法大学博士、印第安纳大学博士研究生 [Ph.D. of China University of Political Science and Law; S.J.D. candidate of Indiana University].
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
