Abstract
One of the fundamentals of the efficient functioning of welfare states is finding a balance between the birth of children, the care-taking of children and later, the parents’ participation in the labour market. Several international comparative research studies examined gender distribution of paid and unpaid work. These vital statistics provide us with important results connected to the empirical presentation of gender inequalities. The volume, edited by Daniela Grunow and Marie Evertsson, is grounded in a cross-national qualitative research project examining the impact of gender roles on families’ economic interests, the reasons behind the rejection of provided childcare and its consequences, guilt created among mothers on returning to the labour market and its impact on their relationships, as well as child-rearing practices that are different from the general beliefs of unique cultural settings.
The comparative data created by the incorporation of a longitudinal study design was the source of the present research. 156 cohabiting heterosexual, dual-earning couples from eight countries, who were expecting their first child, were selected as participants for interviews. In the first phase, 1 couples were asked during pregnancy about their views on sharing childcare responsibilities and gainful employment. During the second phase, between six months and two years after the birth of the child, parents who opted for a non-traditional division of labour were asked if they had successfully implemented their previous plans. The book examines these couples applying three analytical perspectives. First, it analyses the perspective of the interviewed couples, with a focus on the need to develop the role of father and mother together, based on individual experiences. Secondly, it looks at the transitional perspective on couples’ plans and changes in their experiences; and third, the institutional perspective, which focuses on the extent to which the process of parenthood correlated to the division of paid and unpaid work is influenced by a country’s institutional framework and social policies. It is important to highlight that the research looked at middle-class couples with a higher level of education than the national average. Financial interdependence was low, since the selected couples were both prospective workers, with only a few exceptions.
The research focused primarily on couples who favoured an egalitarian, non-normative division of paid and unpaid work, without gender-related cultural expectations. Determined by political, economic, and mainly cultural differences, the consideration of non-normative parental roles differs between countries.
The book also highlights the differences between selected European welfare states, for example the elaborated efforts of defamiliarised social-democratic Sweden to promote gender equality in comparison to the more conservative models of Germany and Austria, where the importance of dual childcare is emphasised.
In Sweden (Chapter 4), there is exceptionally strong political support for developing the role of fathers in caring for children by granting well-paid parental leave for both parents. Swedish family policy is highly sensitive to gender equality and families’ needs right after birth. There are possibilities of reducing working hours and for fathers to take maternity leave. The participation of fathers in childcare and the return of mothers to the labour market is becoming a cultural norm. However, the proportion of women in unpaid work and part-time employment is higher than for men, even in Sweden, particularly after the birth of the first child, as breastfeeding is considered essential in Swedish culture. It is therefore common practice for mothers to stay at home with their children in the first year after giving birth.
For the German case (Chapter 5), due to cultural differences and the unique history of the country, only ‘West German’ couples were included in the interviews. The conservative German approach towards childcare and family policy characterises the family with a father supporting the family financially, while the mother does the housework. When the interviews were conducted, state support for infants and institutionalised childcare was low, encouraging parents to care for their children at home. Participants were often assisted by their relatives or babysitters. Plans for non-traditional approaches made during pregnancy were in many cases not implemented due to external reasons, for example because the employer did not support the mother’s part-time employment or did not provide the father with flexible working hours. Fathers who took on a greater role in unpaid homework reported that childcare institutions, and acquaintances, regarded it as strange that they decided to take on shared childcare responsibilities. Since the research, several reforms have been introduced in German family policy to help mothers return to gainful employment and fathers to stay at home during parental leave.
Political support for fathers in Austria (Chapter 6) is lower than in German or Swedish family policymaking, and the cultural and social support is in line with the European average. Institutional early childcare for those under three years of age is rare. A common solution in rural areas involves the regular help of grandparents. The limited access to early childcare institutions is compensated by the state with considerably longer paid parental leave. In recent decades, the division of labour between parents has changed. Mothers are increasingly entering the labour market, albeit mainly for part-time opportunities, while fathers are taking on a more active role in caring for their children and doing housework. However, the research suggests that having children continues to lead to an unequal division of labour between sexes. In contrast to fathers, the employment of mothers is influenced by the age of their child. The Austrian family policy system tends to amplify gender inequality, although the childcare allowance helps fathers to stay at home. Mothers who choose parental leave are often financially dependent on their partner.
Switzerland (Chapter 7) does not provide support for fathers. Paid leave is short compared to other countries and is not available to fathers. Institutional care in early childhood is also limited. Cultural support for working mothers is low, but society is characterised by a dual (1.5) earning model, with fathers working full-time and mothers employed in part-time positions. According to the interviews, difficulties in the development of the role of motherhood are considered abnormal and not as much of a social construction as the development of the role of fatherhood. The non-normative division of labour within the couples presented in this chapter is often not ideologically based but founded in economic interests.
Couples in Italy (Chapter 8) who chose to follow non-normative gender roles reported that fathers who prioritised childcare over income-earning work were poorly regarded at a social level; the same applying to working mothers. The gender distribution of paid and unpaid work is unequal, with many women working part-time or in temporary employment due to the economic recession. Support for dual-income families is low at the national, local, and corporate levels.
Spanish parents with egalitarian ideas (Chapter 9) encountered difficulties in implementing their plans because their government provides little support for reconciling family and work and striking a balance between those two areas. Parental leave is long but unpaid, which makes everyday life difficult for working parents. The narratives of the Spanish couples’ data showed that traditional gender ideologies could override original non-normative notions after childbirth, often resulting in a financial loss for families. Parents who were able to realise their egalitarian ideas worked in a family-friendly workplace, however, this is not common in the inflexible Spanish labour market.
In Poland
In the Czech Republic (Chapter 11), there is no prescribed paternity leave, nor is there support or demand for a father’s caring role from a political or cultural point of view. After the fall of the Communist regime, daycare services for children ceased, therefore home care became the default for Czech parents. Part-time employment is not widespread in the Czech Republic, which makes it difficult for Czech parents to accommodate paid work and childcare. In cases where couples planned a non-traditional division of labour, the egalitarian distribution of parental responsibilities was mainly based on the mothers’ ideas. In contrast to interviews from other countries, even in non-normative cases, Czech couples want the main caregivers to be the mothers, and the fathers to only help with unpaid work.
The research revealed that the institutional and sociopolitical background influences the feasibility of parents’ egalitarian plans. Based on the narratives presented in the chapters, the authors provide insight into couples’ lives on how the traditional gender division of labour along with the institutional framework affect family financial decisions, the division of childcare responsibilities, unpaid work beyond care, and the definition of the roles of the mother and father. The study pointed out that parental leave is seen by countries as a voluntary option for fathers, while others think that is mandatory for mothers.
The book is of paramount importance for research on social inequalities. The exclusion of mothers from the labour market and the development of their main caring role may lead to a higher risk of poverty for mothers and children in the long term.