From Despair to Hope: Perceptions and Experiences of Belonging in a ‘Hopeful Place’ for Men Who Have Sex with Men in Indonesia

Abstract

The concept of hope is fundamentally intertwined with the notion of human freedom. In this paper, we explore the hopes of 24 men who have sex with men (MSM) interviewed in Yogyakarta in relation to place, which we refer to as a ‘hopeful place‘, a place that enables them to have hope for the future. This topic is significant because a place and its characteristics can influence, hinder, transform, create, or foster hope for the future. Data analysis employed sociological theory on hope. This study highlighted MSM's experiences of stigma, discrimination, and social relationship challenges that pushed them away from their hometowns/villages. It also highlighted their knowledge and experiences of various factors about Yogyakarta, which attracted them to visit and settle there and how their new hopes for the future were shaped/created. The findings highlight that these pull factors enhance MSM's hope by fostering acceptance, support and freedom to express themselves and build their futures.

Keywords

sociology of hope hopeful place push–pull factors men who have sex with men Indonesia

Introduction

The lived experience of ‘place’ constitutes a fundamental and significant dimension of everyday human experiences with the world (Seamon & Sowers, 2008). Place encompasses more than mere physical location; it includes the cultural, social, and emotional connotations associated with that location (Relph, 2009, 2018), and therefore it does not just shape human experiences, but also their social interactions and emotional ecologies. Previous studies have explored the multifaceted dimensions of place, including place attachment, sense of place, and place identity, to understand how place shapes human experiences, health, and emotions (Buttimer, 1976; Relph, 2009). Studies on place attachment highlight the psychological aspects of individuals’ embodied experiences and the positive perceptions that foster attachment to specific places (Guo et al., 2025; Henriet et al., 2023). Urban design features and the quality of architectural forms have been identified as significant factors enhancing individuals’ satisfaction and attachment to their environments (Li et al., 2025). Furthermore, place attachment is crucial for personal identity, health, and wellbeing, contributing to social cohesion, life satisfaction, and pro-environmental behaviours (Li et al., 2025; McGrath et al., 2024). Studies on sense of place reveal its substantial influence on individuals’ navigational choices within community settings and underscore its positive effects on psychological restoration in natural environments, such as parks and water bodies (Chan et al., 2024). Similarly, research into place identity and enabling place has also highlighted their positive correlation with family cohesion and resilience, and their importance for mental health recovery by providing access to diverse social and emotional resources (Duff, 2012).

A nuanced understanding of place as a fundamental aspect of human experience is conceptualised in Relph's work Place and Placelessness as a ‘phenomenology of place’ (Relph, 2009, 2018). This concept suggests that place transcends mere physicality, embodying emotional, historical, and cultural dimensions that forge deep connections between individuals and their environments (Relph, 2009, 2018). Drawing upon phenomenology, the concept also suggests that the essence of place is shaped by the lived experiences and intentionality of individuals, positioning specific places as vital centres of human existence (Relph, 2018). This intrinsic bond is often cultivated through everyday interactions, revealing why certain places hold special significance and how they can evoke hope for the future (Relph, 2009, 2018). A comprehensive exploration of place thus illuminates its critical role in fostering a sense of belonging and hope within individuals and communities (Relph, 2009, 2018).

The topic of place or space has also been previously studied in the context of men who have sex with men (MSM) to understand how their movement between rural and urban spaces shapes sexual and gender identity, reinforcing the view that identity is actively produced through everyday spatial practices (Annes & Redlin, 2012; Knopp, 2006). Place is therefore central to understanding MSM subjectivities (Knopp, 2006; Knopp & Brown, 2003). Urban areas are often portrayed as more tolerant and liberating, attracting MSM from rural areas, while rural spaces are more often associated with conservative norms that constrain the development and expression of homosexual identity (Rubin, 2007). In Indonesia, MSM are often framed as violating religious, sociocultural, and Pancasila values, and are associated with taboo, deviance, and moral threat, particularly to younger generations (Oetomo, 1991; Thajib, 2022). As a result, they face stigma, stereotyping, and rejection from individuals, communities, and institutions (Boellstorff, 2004; Garcia Rodriguez & Murtagh, 2022; Hegarty, 2022). These pressures can prompt some MSM to move to more gay-friendly cities, where they can more freely develop and express their sexual identity (Adihartono, 2021).

The preceding explanation indicated the link between place and hope, as place can either support or influence people's hopes for the future. However, this has not been explored, especially in the context of MSM. Hope is a fundamental and multifaceted sociological concept that plays a critical role in shaping individual and collective experiences within society (Fromm, 2023; Gili & Mangone, 2023). It represents an optimistic mindset that motivates individuals to pursue future possibilities, often acting as a catalyst for both social transformation and personal resilience (Gili & Mangone, 2023; Ward et al., 2025b). Thus, hope is inherently oriented towards the future and is situated within temporal contexts, which enable the envisioning of alternative futures. This forward-looking perspective can serve as an essential resource or capability that nurtures a more optimistic view of what lies ahead (Freire, 2021; Scribano, 2024; Ward et al., 2025b). Moreover, hope is intricately linked to social structures, cultural contexts, and institutional frameworks, influencing how communities respond to challenges and envision their futures (Jansen, 2014). Therefore, the conditions under which hope can arise are significantly influenced by the ‘structuring structures’, the frameworks that govern human societies, and these are intricately intertwined through complex networks of interdependencies (Crossley, 2021; Ward et al., 2025b). Through this sociological perspective, hope is recognised as a vital resource that can empower individuals and groups, facilitating a sense of agency and purpose in navigating the complexities of contemporary life. It also provides valuable insights into how individuals and groups envision and strive for improved futures within constrained realities (Zigon, 2009).

Despite the potential link between place and hope, the topic of ‘hopeful place’ has not been given much attention in previous studies on place, hope, or MSM. Studies on place and MSM have mainly focused on exploring how urban spaces and their characteristics contribute to the development of MSM sexual (and gendered) identity (Annes & Redlin, 2012; Knopp, 2006). Therefore, in this paper, we use the concept of ‘hopeful place’ to encapsulate both the hopes that motivated MSM's relocation or migration to Yogyakarta (called Jogja locally, and throughout this paper), Indonesia, and the hopes they experienced in their new environment in Jogja, which were absent in their previous towns or villages. This paper aims to fill in this knowledge gap and provides a new theoretical lens to show how hope is intricately involved in pushing MSM away from their previous places, pulling them towards Jogja and creating new hopeful futures. Understanding the perceptions and experiences of these MSM is crucial, as they come to Jogja from various regions in Indonesia and possess real-life experiences of what a hopeful place looks like for them.

Methods

Study Setting and Design

The study was conducted in the city of Jogja, which is a municipality in the Special Region of Yogyakarta province, Indonesia. Given that the topic we are exploring in this paper concerns same-sex relationships among MSM (homosexuality), we feel it is necessary to briefly explain this within the context of Indonesia. Indonesia has legislation (No. 1, Year 1974) that only legalises/permits marriage (relationships) between ‘a man’ and ‘a woman’ (Pemerintah, 1974). Furthermore, the new law – Law No. 1 of 2023 concerning the Criminal Code (KUHP), which was enacted on 2 January 2023 and came into effect on 1 January 2026 – prohibits sex outside of marriage (Pemerintah, 2022). In addition, there are religious norms that prohibit same-sex relationships or marriage (Arivia & Gina, 2015; Pemerintah, 2022). These religious norms in Indonesia are also referenced in Law No. 1 of 1974 concerning the legality of marriage: ‘Marriage is valid if conducted according to the laws of each respective religion and belief.’ We will address this further in the Discussion section.

This study used a qualitative design, which was useful and effective since it provided the researchers with opportunities to explore participants’ negative experiences associated with their places of origin, their positive experiences related to their lives in Jogja, and also their sense of new hopes for a more positive future while residing in Jogja, which were absent in their previous towns or villages.

Participant Recruitment and Data Collection

The participants in this study were MSM in the city of Jogja. Given that MSM are considered a hard-to-reach population, a combination of purposive and snowball sampling techniques was employed to recruit participants (Gierczyk et al., 2023). Initially, a key informant, who is an MSM and the coordinator of the HIV program at an NGO targeting the MSM population in Jogja, was contacted for a meeting to request his assistance in participating in this study and disseminating the study information sheets. Upon his agreement, he was recruited and interviewed, and helped distribute the study information sheets to his eligible friends and colleagues through the information board at his office and via his social network. Potential participants who expressed interest in participating, either by text or verbally, were subsequently contacted by the field researcher (NKF) to discuss and mutually agree on the time and venues for interviews. The initial participants were again asked to assist in distributing the study information sheets to other MSM who might be willing to participate. To be eligible for this study, individuals had to be aged 18 years and above, self-identify as MSM, and voluntarily consent to participate. A total of 24 MSM were ultimately interviewed for this study. They were originally from various districts in Indonesia and had moved to and settled in Jogja.

Data were collected through in-depth interviews that were digitally recorded, and field notes were taken. Interviews were conducted in Indonesian, the national language, which both participants and field researcher spoke fluently. The interviews explored participants’ perceptions and experiences regarding MSM social networks in Jogja, their role in facilitating social interactions and support, and healthcare services related to sexual health and HIV. The interviews also explored employment opportunities for MSM and their romantic relationships, both short- and long-term, in Jogja. Participants’ views on the factors influencing their decision to move to or reside in Jogja were also explored, along with the impact of their MSM status on social life, healthcare access, employment, and relationships. Throughout the interviews, narratives of hopes, dreams, and optimism for better MSM networks, health conditions, employment opportunities, and long-term same-sex partnerships emerged, highlighting their significance for participants’ futures. The number of participants was determined by the richness of the data and the achievement of saturation (Hennink & Kaiser, 2022). Each participant signed a written informed consent form on the day of the interview.

Data Analysis

In the process of the interviews and open coding of the transcripts, it became clear that participants had negative experiences growing up in their hometowns or villages due to their MSM status and had heard of Jogja as a more welcoming place for MSM. They shared what living in Jogja meant in terms of their lived experiences, new hopes, and imagined futures, which were unavailable in their previous towns or villages. Once this became clear during early analysis, we delved into the literature on the sociology of hope and then used concepts from this literature as part of the deductive approach. We also used an inductive approach to identify themes that emerged from the data. The use of both approaches helped us identify codes or themes that were derived from the literature or the concepts of the sociology of hope, as well as those that fell outside the existing knowledge/concepts (Bingham & Witkowsky, 2022). Before the comprehensive data analysis, we manually transcribed the audio recordings and integrated field notes into each transcript.

Data analysis began with repeated readings of the transcripts to familiarise and understand the data. At this stage, comments and labels were given to data extracts in each transcript. Next, a thematic framework was identified, formed by key issues or ideas emerging from the data. These included participants’ negative experiences in their previous towns/villages, factors that pulled them to Jogja, and new hopes for the future gained while living in Jogja. With these key issues and ideas in mind, open coding was conducted on the data extracts. This was followed by closed coding, where similar or redundant codes were deductively grouped under the same themes and sub-themes, informed by the concepts of the sociology of hope from the literature. The data were then charted to facilitate comparison within and across transcripts. Finally, the data were mapped and interpreted as a whole. It is important to note that these steps were often not linear, as they were interconnected and frequently performed simultaneously. However, this approach facilitated structured data management and supported the rigour, transparency, and validity of the analytic process (Ritchie & Spencer, 1994).

Results

The participants in this study were from various districts and different ethnicities in Indonesia, including Javanese, Sundanese, Makassarese, Banjarese, Timorese, and Sumbawa. They visited and settled in Jogja for various reasons they had while still in their hometowns/villages or after arriving in Jogja. To provide a logical sequence of these MSM's journey from a stage of despair in their hometowns/villages to new hopes and imagined futures in Jogja, we presented, as the first theme, factors such as stigma, discrimination, and social relationship challenges that pushed them away or influenced their decision to relocate from their previous towns/villages. This was followed by pull factors such as the characteristics of Jogja and their experiences of living in Jogja, which attracted them to visit and ultimately settle in the city. The final theme reflected their new hopes for the future, which were shaped or created after they became part of MSM social networks, utilised healthcare services, engaged in employment, and experienced a supportive environment for same-sex relationships in Jogja. To maintain the anonymity of the participants’ identities, pseudonyms have been used throughout the Results section.

Push Factors for MSM Moving Away from Their Previous Hometowns/Villages

The stigma and discrimination associated with MSM sexual identity emerged as significant push factors driving participants away from their hometowns/villages. Many described experiences of bullying, ridicule, and rejection, often labelled with derogatory terms such as banci (feminine) and bencong (deviant). Saharudin and Sunarto articulated how these experiences stemmed from sociocultural and Islamic religious norms, views, and values in Sulawesi and Java that deemed homosexuality unacceptable within families and communities, a push factor for their relocation from their hometowns/villages:

Being gay is considered unfortunate because people do not accept it … Our culture does not recognise gay individuals and same-sex relationships … I left my hometown because I felt uncomfortable. (Saharudin)

Our society holds normative views. Anything that does not align with the existing norms or values is perceived as deviant. People do not accept homosexuality … I have felt this in my own community. (Sunarto)

Participants also highlighted perceived stigma in healthcare settings, which further exacerbated their feelings of despair. Ridwan noted, ‘In my hometown [in Bengkulu], if they find out I am an MSM, I might not receive any service’, while Maryono expressed the challenges in accessing HIV-related healthcare services in his hometown in Wonosari due to fears about disclosing his HIV status, which could lead to discrimination by family and community members. These perceived stigma in healthcare contributed significantly to their decisions to relocate:

It was impossible to access ARV treatment or HIV-related healthcare services as easily or freely as I can here [Jogja Municipality]. … I feared being avoided and facing other consequences. (Maryono)

The pressure to conform to traditional marriage expectations and to avoid causing shame to their families also played a role in their relocation. Here, shame means social disgrace or loss of family honour, not just a private feeling of embarrassment. In this context, it refers to the belief that having a gay or MSM family member could make the family seem morally failed in the eyes of relatives, neighbours, or the wider community. Fadli feared damaging his father's and family's reputation within his community in Kalimantan, while Sugiono felt overwhelmed by constant inquiries about marriage by families, relatives, and neighbours within the community where he lived in Java:

I am 27 years old, and I am always asked when I will get married … That is why I come to Jogja to avoid the pressure from my parents and family. (Sugiono)

I moved here … my father is an imam at the mosque … If people find out [his MSM status], what would happen to my father's reputation? (Fadli)

In addition, the difficulty in building social relationships due to the need to conceal their identities further contributed to their decisions to relocate. Melki, who initially came to Jogja to study, shared his challenges in connecting with other MSM in his village and communities in Timor, the eastern part of Indonesia, which ultimately led him to seek opportunities in Jogja:

It was not easy to socialise with friends [MSM] because everything [his identity/MSM status] was hidden … I personally felt afraid that my MSM status was discovered, which created pressure … That is why I decided to study outside [of his home village].

Pull Factors and the Experiences of Living in Jogja

The social network among MSM is an essential part of the city of Jogja, facilitating social relationships, interactions, and support among MSM, making it a better place for them compared with their hometowns/villages. It became one of the pull factors for MSM to visit and relocate to Jogja. Participants such as Maryono learned about this network – which was absent in his place of origin – from friends and online sources, which encouraged him to connect with other MSM. Abdullah remarked on the importance of having a supportive community, which was also absent in Sulawesi, where he comes from:

Living in a community and having a [MSM] network … is far better than being isolated alone, like in my village. (Abdullah)

He [his friend] mentioned that it's nice to live here. I also read on the internet and found out that there is a network for MSM here, with support from NGOs, and there are also peer support groups. … I also want to join and socialise with other MSM friends. (Maryono).

Furthermore, the non-judgemental nature of Jogja's community, as learned through information on the internet, served as a strong pull factor. Melki noted that he chose Jogja for its reputation as a tolerant place for MSM, ‘I read online that the community in Jogja is non-judgemental towards MSM’, which was different to communities in Timor, his place of origin. Gibran echoed this sentiment, which was confirmed by his experiences in Jogja, which he found positively different to the community where he comes from, stating:

They [people in Jogja] do not judge, I can feel accepted by anyone I meet, I don’t feel suspected or labelled in any way.

An additional ‘pull factor’ was the perception and experience of healthcare services being inclusive for MSM. Sugiono moved to Jogja to access voluntary counselling and HIV testing (VCT) services, seeking and learning about VCT in Jogja through the internet and his MSM friend. Meanwhile, Solihin relocated to Jogja for both his education and inclusive sexual healthcare services that were not available in West Nusa Tenggara, his place of origin:

I was so worried [after learning about his previous sex partner's HIV-positive status]. I began to search for information online and read about HIV-related health services. … I then contacted a friend of mine [an MSM] who lives here [Jogja] … He mentioned that the VCT services … are quite good here. (Sugiono)

I moved here to study, but I have already gathered information from friends here, whom I met through Facebook. I asked about the sexual health services available, and he explained everything, that MSM can access sexual health services just like everyone else here. … This also reinforced my decision to come here. (Solihin)

As part of the inclusive healthcare services, Ridwan and Santoso praised the professionalism of healthcare providers in Jogja, who treated all individuals with respect, regardless of sexual orientation, which they felt was better than what they had experienced or seen in their places of origin. Ridwan stated, ‘Healthcare services, VCT, all are available here’, contrasting it with the stigma he faced at home in Bengkulu where the availability of HIV-related services was very limited. A similar sentiment was expressed by Santoso:

Healthcare services, VCT, all are available here. The doctors and nurses serve with friendliness and great care. Unlike where I come from. (Ridwan)

The healthcare professionals here do not corner or look down on anyone. … They truly serve without regard to whether someone is MSM or a transgender person. (Santoso)

Employment opportunities in Jogja, characterised by acceptance and a supportive atmosphere, were an additional significant pull factor for MSM. Fauzan initially moved to Jogja from Makassar, South Sulawesi, after securing a position at an NGO, while Wayan relocated to pursue a business opportunity. Participants noted that finding work in Jogja was easier than in their hometowns, where their MSM identities would likely hinder their prospects:

Initially, I was invited by a friend to join [name of an NGO]. At that time, there was an open recruitment, and I applied and was accepted. So, I moved here because I got a job. (Fauzan)

My friend and I had the idea to start a cake and laundry business. After planning for a while and seeing the potential for growth, I moved here, and we began our venture, which is still ongoing. (Wayan)

Maman and Melki also reflected on job opportunities based on their experiences in Jogja. Maman found it significantly easier to secure a job in Jogja than in Bogor, his place of origin where his sexual orientation was a significant obstacle to finding a job as Muslim families and communities tended to blatantly reject it. In addition, Melki considered living and working in Jogja after graduation due to the availability of job opportunities and the better acceptance of MSM in the workforce in Jogja, which made Jogja a better place for him to live and build a future career compared with his place of origin, East Nusa Tenggara, where MSM were not accepted:

Compared to my hometown, it seems more feasible for me to find work here [Jogja]. I previously had a job but left, switched to another job, resigned again, and am now looking for a job. (Maman)

I plan not to return [to his home village]; I want to seek employment here and be able to settle down. … There are various job opportunities available here. (Melki)

Furthermore, Ridwan expressed relief at being able to work without fear of discrimination, stating he felt more comfortable in Jogja due to the absence of stigma related to his MSM status. A similar story was conveyed by Melki, who stated that working in Jogja would make him feel ‘more comfortable’ due to the absence of worries associated with his MSM status. The experiences of these MSM reflect that Jogja is a significantly better environment where they can sustain and pursue their future work compared with their hometowns/villages:

Initially, I wanted to look for a job, and I truly experienced that I could work here without the fear of my MSM status being discovered … unlike in my hometown. (Ridwan)

Overall, Jogja was considered to offer a more supportive environment compared with MSM's places of origin, allowing them to engage in same-sex relationships and making it a better place for them to build a relationship. Maman shared that his initial visit to Jogja was to meet a boyfriend he had connected with online. Viktor noted that his friend had reassured him about the acceptance of same-sex relationships in Jogja, which was a pull factor for his move:

Initially, I came to Jogja to meet a friend I got to know through social media, and we had feelings for each other. (Maman)

My friend … mentioned that the gay community here is diverse … he shared that having a same-sex partner in Jogja is quite normal and there is no need to be afraid. (Viktor)

The participants’ experiences after living in Jogja affirmed what they heard and knew about the supportive environment for same-sex relationships when they were still in their hometowns/villages, as reflected in the following quote:

It feels much more comfortable here to have a same-sex partner. The environment here is not like in the place I come from. (Jefri)

MSM's Hopes for the Future in a Hopeful Place

Living in Jogja and engaging with supportive social networks fostered new hopes for the future of the MSM. Many expressed hopes for continued support within the MSM community. Santoso articulated his hope for a strong social network, ‘I want to continue to receive support from people who are like me’, while Gibran highlighted the role of NGOs in facilitating this support ‘there is support from NGOs’. Positive experiences of MSM social network and support from NGOs generated a new hope for an even better and effective MSM social network in the future, a hope that could not have emerged in their hometowns/villages:

The social network of MSM friends here is very good and helpful. Hopefully, it continues to improve in the future, … I truly feel the advantages of it. (Bismo)

Participants also recognised the potential for improved health outcomes due to the inclusive healthcare services in Jogja, which shaped their new hope for better health conditions in the future. Their recognition of the availability of real options for and choices to access healthcare services in Jogja, which were significantly better than those in their hometowns/villages, reflected their hope for a better future in health. This was evident in Ridwan's narrative: ‘Here, I feel I will receive healthcare services that are far better than those in my village.’ A similar sentiment was expressed by Melki: ‘Here in Jogja, not only is VCT available, but all healthcare services are relatively easy to access.’ For some other participants, their hopes for future health were apparently projected to a specific point in time, which is when they are old, thus imagining a healthy old age:

I am committed to regularly checking my health so that I do not encounter health issues in old age. (Muliyadi)

I adhere to treatment, do regular check-ups every three months because I want to live healthily, not just today, but beyond. (Ridwan)

The above and below quotes also highlight the flourishing of the participants’ hope for better future health. They believed that their actions or what they did, such as adherence to medication, routine medical check-ups, condom use, and reduced risky sexual behaviours, could prevent the health issues (sexually transmitted infections (STIs)) that they have experienced or are currently experiencing from occurring in the future:

After contracting gonorrhoea for the second time, I started to be more selective with my partners, reducing the number of sex partners I engaged with and using condoms more frequently. (Solihin)

When I was infected with GO [Gonorrhoeae], I gradually started to stop selling [sex for money] because it was high risk to contract other STIs, and I do not want to contract HIV in the future. (Sugiono)

The participants’ wynorrific (both beautiful/good and horrific/disadvantageous) actions – ‘reducing the number sex partners … and using condoms more frequently’ (Solihin) and ‘stop selling (sex for money)’ (Sugiono) – for health benefits, while at the same time cutting off pleasure and source of income, reflected more than just behavioural change. The actions signified a growing sense of agency, the belief in their ability to control their circumstances, which is indicative of hope, a hope for better future health conditions. Furthermore, participants’ recognition of employment opportunities in Jogja, ‘Compared to my hometown, it seems more feasible for me to find work here [Jogja]’ (Maman), ‘There are various job opportunities available here’ (Melki), also created a realistic hope for their future jobs. Such a hope was based on the reality of the conditions in Jogja where job opportunities were available and possible to achieve. Such realistic hope in Jogja was strongly supported by social inequality in terms of lack of or limited employment opportunities for them in their places of origin, and stigma and discrimination facing them, including within the work environment due to their sexual orientation. Thus, their realistic hope was also a reflection of their motivation to improve their conditions for a better future by pursuing employment opportunities in Jogja, which makes Jogja a hopeful place for their imagined future jobs or careers.

The participants’ realistic hope was also reflected in their ability to recognise the options and choices of the types of jobs available for them in Jogja, and the belief in their ability to control or do the jobs of their interest:

I am free to express myself here [Jogja, compared with his home village in Sulawesi]. Sometimes I dress like this [as a woman], and I don’t have to hide it. … So, I feel comfortable and safe here. (Abdullah)

Participants’ effort to have same-sex partners which led them to visit Jogja – ‘Initially, I came to Jogja to meet a friend … we have feelings for each other’ (Maman) and ‘He [his friend] shared that having a same-sex partner in Jogja is quite normal’ (Viktor) – also reflected their short-term hope for an immediate possible outcome (to have a boyfriend or partner). Moreover, the supportive environment and positive experiences of same-sex relationships in Jogja shaped their hope for a long-term same-sex partner, a hope that many of them recognised or developed after relocating to Jogja, which could have been impossible in their hometowns/villages:

I am not from here [Jogja], but I feel that living here suits me better. At the very least, if I decide to have a long-term partner and live together, I will not face difficulties…. Hopefully, we [he and his almost 2-year boyfriend] can live together one day. (Saharudin)

The preceding quote, ‘I will not face difficulties’, also reflected the participants’ optimism about having a long-term same-sex partner and cohabiting in Jogja. This sentiment was reinforced by the experiences of other MSM who have enjoyed long-term partnerships and have been living together in Jogja for years without facing obstacles from their surrounding environment:

That is also the reason why I chose to live here; hopefully one day I can find a partner and we can live together forever. … How could I possibly have a same-sex partner and live together in my place? I could be ostracised by my family and the people in my village. (Wawan)

It was evident that these positive characteristics of Jogja made it a hopeful place for MSM, a current and future place for them to live and flourish in various aspects, compared with their hometowns/villages or other places.

Discussion

It is important to note that we used Jogja as a case study to illustrate what ‘a hopeful place’ might look like for MSM and to highlight the potential for the development of new policies and interventions based on hope. We did not intend to portray the rest of Indonesia in a reductive way. This paper aims to present a new theoretical lens to demonstrate how hope is intricately involved in motivating MSM to move from their hometowns/villages, drawing them to Jogja and creating new hopeful futures for them.

Bourdieu argued that future aspirations are not entirely individualistic but are shaped by past and current class positions and social structures (Bourdieu, 1984, 1985). These may include parental influence, socioeconomic status, peer groups, cultural resources, and institutional contexts, which can influence the opportunities, resources, and beliefs that individuals draw upon to form their goals and sense of what is possible, thereby delimiting hopes and dreams (Appadurai, 2004; Kelly et al., 2024; Ward et al., 2025a). Our findings reveal that social, economic, health, and cultural inequalities faced by MSM – manifested through stigma, discrimination, healthcare, and employment challenges, difficulties in forming social relationships, and family pressures – limit their hopes for the future in their hometowns/villages. However, these inequalities also motivated them to move away and relocate to places such as Jogja in search of or with the hope of finding supportive social networks, inclusive healthcare, job opportunities, and an environment conducive to same-sex relationships. Understanding the kind of hope among these MSM is crucial, as sociologists (Bloch, 1986; DeNora, 2021; Desroche, 1979; Fromm, 2023; Lueck, 2007; Scribano, 2024; Ward et al., 2025b) argue that exploring positive emotions such as hope sheds light on the social, economic, cultural, and political inequalities that enable certain things to be hoped for (or not), certain groups to be empowered to have hope or hopefulness (or to have no hopes, or worse, to despair), certain hopes to be fulfilled (or dashed), certain groups to have ‘big hopes’ and ‘far hopes’, while others may have ‘small hopes’ and ‘close hopes’, and some may have hopes that reflect a bleak and limited future.

In our study, the MSM demonstrated strong agency in navigating challenging life circumstances, actively seeking information online and through friends about Jogja's appealing features (pull factors) to relocate from their previous or hometowns/villages – ‘places of despair’ – to Jogja – ‘a hopeful place’. This resonates with Snyder's concept of hope (Snyder, 2002), which combines agency – the motivation to pursue goals – and pathways thinking – the ability to envision routes to those goals. This concept shares synergies with strands of sociological theory that explore how agency is enabled or constrained within specific social structures, subsequently influencing the ‘varieties of imagined futures’ (Hall & Soskice, 2001; Ward et al., 2025b) available to different groups and intersections of structures. For these MSM, relocating to Jogja, engaging in social networks, accessing services and employment, and participating in same-sex relationships were not just about opportunity but also an affirmation of their dignity (being worthy of honour and respect) and agency (capacity to act independently and make choices regarding their lives). In this sense, Jogja functioned as an ‘enabling place’, offering options that facilitated their choices, which aligns with previous findings (Dai et al., 2024; Duff, 2012).

Thus, Jogja was perceived as more than a physical setting but rather as a place characterised by a supportive MSM social network, inclusive healthcare services, availability of employment opportunities, and a conducive environment for same-sex relationships, which reflects Seamon's concept of place as a lived, felt phenomenon (Seamon, 2013). The meaning of Jogja for these MSM transcends the physical; it is more relational, built on shared practices, social interactions, emotional ties, and access to services within their networks. The relational meaning of Jogja aligns with Relph's notion of place as a complex interplay of social, cultural, and emotional dimensions that contribute to identity and belonging (Relph, 2009, 2018). In addition, the MSM's social relationships and support in the city of Jogja enabled them to express their identity, fostering what Giddens termed ‘ontological security’ (Giddens, 1991; Mitzen, 2006) – a stable sense of self and place in the world, which is essential for hope (Giddens, 1991; Mitzen, 2006), a condition that differs significantly from that of their hometowns/villages. Our findings are also consistent with previous findings, which have emphasised geographical locations as an important aspect in MSM identity development and reported that urban places or cities play a crucial role in shaping MSM's sexual and gendered identity development, as they provide MSM with supportive environments for self and sexual expressions (Annes & Redlin, 2012; Knopp, 2006).

The current findings have also highlighted how the experiences of MSM living in Jogja have shaped or created new hopeful futures for them – realistic hopes for a better and more effective MSM social network, improved health conditions, and future employment opportunities. Such realistic hopes were created due to their recognition of the availability of genuine options and choices for engagement in social networks, healthcare services, and jobs, which are attainable within the context of Jogja (Gili & Mangone, 2023). These hopes were rooted in their experiences with the MSM social network, healthcare services, and acceptance and support in the work environment in Jogja. This aligns with what Svenaeus (Ahlzén, 2011; Svenaeus, 2011) described as ‘homelike being-in-the-world’, where one's existence in a place feels meaningful and coherent. MSM's recognition of options and choices regarding social networks, healthcare services, and employment also reflects the flourishing of their hope, resonating with Groopman's definition of hope:

Hope can only arrive when you recognize that there are real options and that you have genuine choices. Hope can flourish only when you believe that what you do can make a difference, that your actions can bring a future different from the present. To have hope, then, is to acquire a belief on your ability to have some control over your circumstances. You are no longer entirely at the mercy of forces outside yourself. (Groopman, 2004)

Our findings further suggest that the MSM's experiences of living in Jogja created what Hofstede termed ‘short-term and long-term orientations’ (hopes) regarding their future same-sex relationships, grounded in their own experiences and those of other MSM in Jogja (Gili & Mangone, 2023; Hofstede, 2011; Ward et al., 2025b). Therefore, for these MSM, Jogja was a place where same-sex relationships could be envisioned, made visible, and pursued, which represents another characteristic of a hopeful place for them. Furthermore, the new hopeful futures held by MSM in this study reflect their critical understanding of the current social, health, and work conditions in Jogja, forming a basis for a realisable vision of a better and more desirable future – what Bloch termed ‘concrete utopia’ (Dillon, 2021; Shahar, 2024; Ward et al., 2025b).

Although Jogja and its supportive characteristics portray it as a hopeful place for MSM, challenges remain, including in the provision of healthcare services, and stigma and discrimination against marginalised groups still occur in Jogja (Fauk et al., 2021; Mahamboro et al., 2020; Setyawan & Muhiddin, 2023). With specific regard to same-sex relationships, it is important to note that Indonesia has laws (including the current laws that ban sex outside of marriage) and cultural and religious norms that prohibit same-sex relationships or marriage (Arivia & Gina, 2015; Pemerintah, 2022). What sets Jogja apart from other regions in Indonesia is the proactive stance of its leaders, communities, and NGOS, such as the Sultan's advocacy for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) tolerance, community efforts to combat discrimination, and NGOs’ support for LGBT individuals (Fatoni, 2016; Victory Plus Yogyakarta, 2025; Wardhana, 2014).

Implications of the Findings for Policy and Practice

Our research findings have important implications for policymakers and program planners in government, NGOs, and other organisations across Indonesia and beyond. It is essential for them to develop and support inclusive policies and systems that ensure all marginalised groups (e.g., MSM, transgender women, people living with HIV (PLHIV)) feel accepted, valued, and have equal access to social support, healthcare, and employment. These institutions can play a vital role in fostering hope for these groups by creating environments that improve their personal and community living conditions (Gili & Mangone, 2024; Pleeging et al., 2022).

Specifically, our findings highlight the need to strengthen social support networks for MSM, which can be achieved by enhancing the roles of relevant government institutions and NGOs. Developing peer support groups has proven effective for PLHIV (Øgård-Repål et al., 2023) and can help marginalised groups build critical consciousness through shared experiences and discussions, enabling them to recognise and respond to structural barriers to their hopes (Freire, 1993). Moreover, inclusive healthcare services accessible to all, regardless of sexual orientation, should be prioritised in government and NGO policies. Employment policies must also focus on creating inclusive workplaces that promote diversity through anti-discrimination laws and awareness campaigns. This approach not only improves access to social support, healthcare, and employment for MSM and other marginalised groups but also instils hope for a better future, as the places where they experience the world hold meaning for their lives.

Conclusions

This study presents findings on the journey of MSM from despair to hope reflected in how the social, economic, health, and cultural inequalities in their hometowns/villages or places of origin pushed them away, and how MSM social network, inclusive healthcare services, employment opportunities, supportive environment for same-sex relationships, and the experience of living in Jogja pulled them to Jogja and created new hopeful futures for them. Their access to and engagement with these aspects not only rendered Jogja a significantly better place for them compared with their hometowns/villages but also shaped or created hopes for a better social network in the future, improved health conditions, realistic hope for employment, and both short- and long-term hope for same-sex relationships. Future large-scale studies are recommended and should also involve MSM in other areas or cities, who are not part of any MSM networks. The results of such studies could be compared with the current findings, which may better inform us about what ‘a hopeful place’ for MSM might look and feel like.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Nelsensius Klau Fauk

Ethics Approval and Informed Consent

The ethics approval for the study was obtained from the Medical Research Ethics Committee, Duta Wacana Christian University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia (Ref. No.: 002-B/C.10/FK/UKDW/VI). All study participants provided informed written consent prior to study enrolment.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Paul Russell Ward is a Professor of Public Health Sociology. His main research interests are around socio-spatial inequities in health and healthcare usage, in addition to lay and professional perceptions, knowledge and understandings of health, healthcare, medicines, risk, hope and trust.

Nelsensius Klau Fauk is a Senior Research Fellow. His main areas of research are HIV, access to health care, and social determinants of health.

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