Abstract
Existing research has suggested that work–family conflict is associated with a host of negative consequences. One dimension of work–family conflict, known as strain-based conflict, occurs when workplace problems negatively impact the quality of home life. Unfortunately, there has been limited research on strain-based conflict among police officers, especially those in non-Western nations, and the existing research has failed to examine the relationships between a full range of relevant workplace characteristics and strain-based work–family conflict. Using survey data from Indian police officers, this study examined the association of time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, role ambiguity, role overload, role underload, perceived dangerousness of the job, supervision, views on training, job autonomy, and job variety with strain-based conflict. This study’s findings indicate that time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, and role overload were associated with higher levels of strain-based conflict in an ordinary least squares regression analysis. Job autonomy and views of training were associated with lower levels of strain-based conflict in a multivariate analysis. The findings also suggest a need to further study the impact of how work environment variables affect work–family conflict, particularly strain-based conflict, among police officers across a variety of nations.
Work life and home life are the two primary domains for most adults (Elby et al., 2005; Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985). For some, there is no conflict between the two domains; for others, there is spillover that results in work–family conflict (Howard et al., 2004; Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004). Work–family conflict has a wide array of negative consequences for police officers and their employing police agencies, such as job stress, absenteeism, turnover intent/turnover, decreased work performance, reduced job satisfaction, diminished organizational commitment, depression, reduced marital satisfaction, decreased job/work involvement, negative affectivity, health problems, lower life satisfaction, reduced family satisfaction, lower career satisfaction, job burnout, mental health issues, substance use/abuse, psychosomatic problems, and poorer family relations (Amstad et al., 2011; Burke, 1988, 1994; Elby et al., 2005; Gachter et al., 2013; He et al., 2002; 2005; Howard et al., 2004; Kinman et al., 2012; Kossek et al., 2011; Martinussen et al., 2007; Rathi and Barath, 2013; Yun et al., 2015). Work–family conflict may be an issue for police officers because of the nature of the job, which requires shift work, working on weekends and holidays, overtime when required, unique behavior roles, facing potentially dangerous situations on the job, dealing with potentially unwilling individuals, and dealing with numerous workplace demands and stressors (Burke, 1988; Hall et al., 2010; He et al., 2002; Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004). One aspect of work–family conflict for officers is when workplace issues and problems spill over and decrease the quality of their home life. This dimension of work–family conflict is known as strain-based conflict.
Even in light of the harmful outcomes, there has been limited research among police officers on how workplace variables may be correlated with work–family conflict, particularly in terms of strain-based conflict (Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004). For example, among Canadian police officers, workplace stressors and lack of social support were positively associated with increased work–family conflict, whereas workplace characteristics (e.g., job autonomy and supervision) had a negative association (Burke, 1988). In another study among Canadian police officers, strained-based work-to-family conflict was reported to be positively related to greater psychological distress (Janzen et al., 2007). Among Australian police officers, psychological work demands (e.g., dealing with people with unrealistic expectations and dealing with problems in a limited time frame) and workload were linked to increased work–family conflict, which, in turn, was positively associated with higher levels of emotional burnout (Hall et al., 2010). Workplace cognitive demands of having to make difficult decisions and being placed in emotionally trying situations were linked to higher work–family conflict among Norwegian police officers (Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004). Research on police officers in New Zealand found an association between operational and organizational hassles and work–family conflict (Brough, 2005). These studies suggest that workplace variables may contribute to work–family conflict for officers; however, there is a need for additional research because many other workplace variables are yet to be studied.
Moreover, research is needed in a variety of police agencies across different nations, especially non-Western countries, to determine whether the associations are universal or vary by law enforcement organization. This exploratory study was undertaken to examine how time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, role ambiguity, role overload, role underload, perceived dangerousness of the job, supervision, training, job autonomy, and job variety were associated with strain-based conflict using a sample of police officers from the Sonipat and Rohtak districts in Haryana, India. India, the world’s most populous democracy, is a dynamic developing nation taking a more prominent role on the world stage (Unnithan, 2009).
Literature review
Work–family conflict
Ideally, the domains of work and home coexist in balance; however, spillover from one domain into the other can occur, resulting in work–family conflict (Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985; Howard et al., 2004; Kossek et al., 2011; Rathi and Barath, 2013). Work–family conflict is bidirectional (Brough and O’Driscoll, 2005; Janzen et al., 2007; Netermeyer et al., 1996). Problems at home (e.g., arguments with family members) can cause family-on-work conflict. Similarly, problems at work can cause work-on-family conflict (Amstad et al., 2011; Rathi and Barath, 2013). The focus of this study is work-on-family conflict because this form of domain conflict is more likely to occur for police officers and has been found to have more negative consequences (Mauno et al., 2006; Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004).
Work-on-family conflict is also multidimensional, with time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, and strain-based conflict being its major dimensions (Michel et al., 2011; Netermeyer et al., 1996). Time-based conflicts occur when work’s time demands or scheduling interferes with a person’s home life. Behavior-based conflict is when work roles (e.g., enforcing rules) are incompatible with home roles and result in conflict. Strain-based conflict occurs when the demands and tensions of work negatively impact the quality of a person’s home life, causing strain and conflict at home (Brough and O’Driscoll, 2005; Janzen et al., 2007; Netermeyer et al., 1996). How workplace factors, including time-based and behavior-based conflict, are associated with strain-based conflict was the focus of our study. As noted by Mauno et al. (2006), much of the research has focused on the possible outcomes of work–family conflict rather than possible factors that may contribute to or reduce it. It should be noted that many previous studies have either grouped all three dimensions together to form a composite measure of work-on-family conflict or have treated the three as separate variables not directly related to one another. We have taken a different approach in which time-based conflict and behavior-based conflict contribute to strain-based conflict for Indian police officers. The strain caused by time-based conflict and behavior-based conflict can follow officers home, resulting in conflict at home. It is important to explore how time-based conflict and behavior-based conflict, as well as other workplace variables, are associated with strain-based conflict. This information is necessary for police administrators and scholars to develop interventions to reduce strain-based conflict for officers. Finally, empirical research indicates that the three forms of work-on-family conflict have different predictors, indicating that they are separate concerts (Byron, 2005; Mauno et al., 2006). For example, among United Kingdom officers, Kinman et al. (2012) observed that the three recovery strategies of affective rumination, problem-solving rumination, and detachment had stronger effects on strain-based conflict than on time-based or behavior-based conflict. Moreover, the authors reported that strain-based conflict was most damaging to officers.
The major focus of this exploratory study was to examine the direct association of different workplace variables with strain-based conflict among Indian police officers. Workplace variables were postulated to be more likely to be related to work-on-family strain-based conflict (Mauno et al., 2006). This form of conflict is often due to imbalances resulting from work. Furthermore, police administrators tend to have more control over workplace factors.
Focus of current study
The job demands–resources model provides a theoretical underpinning for understanding how different workplace variables may be associated with strain-based conflict. This model divides the workplace into demands and resources (Bakker and Demerouti, 2007; Demerouti and Bakker, 2011; Demerouti et al., 2001; Hall et al., 2010; Hu et al., 2011). Workplace demands place a strain on workers, and over time can wear down the person, resulting in negative outcomes (Hall et al., 2010; Schaufeli and Taris, 2014). As noted by Mauno et al. (2006: 212), workplace ‘demands are physical, psychological, social, or organizational features of the job requiring physical and/or psychological costs (i.e., strain).’ Policing is a unique occupation. It requires shift work, dealing at times with unwilling individuals, and being at risk of harm (Ortega et al., 2007). Officers face many situations that can place psychological and emotional stress on them, which may influence the quality of their home life (Youngcourt and Huffman, 2005). Workplace demands are likely to add to the strain of police work, and it is doubtful that these strains stay at work when officers go home. Strains from work likely follow an officer home and cause strain-based conflict. Possible workplace demands on police officers are time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, role ambiguity, role overload, role underload, and perceived dangerousness of the job.
Workplace resources help workers be successful at their jobs, make work more pleasant, and often are linked to positive outcomes (Hu et al., 2011). As pointed out by Mauno et al. (2006: 212), workplace ‘resources are physical, psychological, social features of the job, which in turn, are functional in (1) achieving work goals, (2) reducing job demands and physical and/or psychological costs associated with them, and stimulating personal growth and development.’ Not only do workplace resources provide positive outcomes for people, they can also buffer people from the negative effects of workplace demands (Bakker and Demerouti, 2007; Bakker et al., 2005; Mauno et al., 2006). Furthermore, a lack of workplace resources can result in frustration and other negative psychological feelings (Mauno et al., 2006). In addition, Hall et al. (2010) contended that people who lack resources at work are at greater risk of conflict in their home domain because work and home are interlinked. Work resources help people be more effective at their jobs. Missing or low workplace resources can hamper the ability of officers to do their work, which, in turn, can increase psychological strain. Frustration arising from a lack of resources is likely to follow officers home, increasing the chances of strain-based conflict in their personal lives. Possible workplace resources of police officers are quality supervision, training, job autonomy, and job variety.
As previously mentioned, time-based conflict occurs when the amount of time work requires and/or the scheduling of work shifts interfere with home life (Mitchel et al., 2011). Both overtime and amount of time worked have been found to result in higher work–family conflict (Britt and Dawson, 2005; Fu and Shaffer, 2001). Police and the military often work for very structured organizations that at times require long hours and the need for around-the-clock coverage. In fact, police organizations are sometimes described as being paramilitary organizations (Ortega et al., 2007). Among military personnel, the number of hours worked has been shown to be positively associated with increased work–family conflict (Britt and Dawson, 2005). Unlike many other occupations, police agencies operate 24 hours a day, every day of the year, including holidays. In addition, posts cannot always be vacated, so when an officer is off sick or on leave, another officer may be required to stay past his or her shift or to come in on a day off to fill the open position. Unexpected emergencies or problems may also arise, requiring officers to stay past their normal shift or to come in during their time off from work (Burke, 1988; Kinman et al., 2012; Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004). In addition, shift work and being on call, which are required for officers, can result in conflict at home (Youngcourt and Huffman, 2005). Time-based conflict was, therefore, hypothesized to have a positive association with strain-based conflict among Indian officers.
Behavior-based conflict occurs when work roles are incompatible with home roles and result in conflict (Brough and O’Driscoll, 2005; Netermeyer et al., 1996). Behavior-based conflict is not often examined (Kinman et al., 2012; Mauno et al., 2006; Youngcourt and Huffman, 2005). As noted by Dierdorff and Ellington (2008) and Kinman et al. (2012), this form of domain conflict may apply more to some occupations than others, particularly occupations that involve interpersonal dependence on others and dealing with interpersonal conflict, such as are found in law enforcement. Policing requires work roles that are not typically found in other occupations. For example, officers who are firm, dominant, detached, suspicious, questioning, and, at times, aggressive at work may be utilizing roles that serve them well when dealing with uncooperative suspects while on duty, but these same roles will probably work less well when interacting with family and friends, which can cause strain at home (Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004; Ortega et al., 2007). In addition, officers must rely on their fellow officers, resulting in a high level of interdependence, and in behavior roles not found in other occupations (Dierdorff and Ellington, 2008; Kinman et al., 2012). In addition, officers must adapt roles to deal with conflict with others while on the job. The work roles needed to be a successful officer are not those typically needed to be successful in home life. As noted by Youngcourt and Huffman (2005: 140), ‘an individual’s role as a police officer may conflict with that individual’s role as a family member.’ Behavior-based conflict was, therefore, hypothesized to have a positive association with the strain dimension of work–family conflict.
Role conflict can occur when role behaviors, duties, and directions are inconsistent with one another (Lambert, Hogan, Paoline and Clarke, 2005; Rizzo et al., 1970). Role conflict is a possibility among officers who work in bureaucratic organizations with conflicting rules and directions. Also, the expectations and direction of supervisors can differ in police agencies, which may result in role conflict. In addition, the nature of law enforcement entails both enforcement and service; this dichotomy in and of itself can result in role conflict for officers. Correctional staff also work in a bureaucratic, paramilitary structure in which conflicting orders and conflicting expectations can occur. Among staff at a private U.S. prison, role conflict was observed to result in greater work-on-family conflict (Lambert, Minor et al., 2015). Role conflict can result in psychological frustration, which for public safety workers is unlikely to end when the shift ends (Howard et al., 2004). This psychological strain from work may spill over, negatively affecting home life, including conflict and strain with family and friends (Demerouti and Bakker, 2011). Role conflict was hypothesized to have a positive association with strain-based conflict for Indian police officers.
Role ambiguity occurs when there is a lack of clarity about carrying out job duties and responsibilities (Lambert, Hogan, Paoline and Clarke, 2005; Rizzo et al., 1970). Role ambiguity can hamper the ability of a person to do his or her job, which may result in frustration and anger (Michel et al., 2011; Schaufeli and Taris, 2014). These negative feelings can follow the person home, resulting in greater strain and conflict. Role ambiguity is a possibility in policing, where officers have to deal with a wide array of fluid and complex situations. Corrections, like law enforcement, is a complex, bureaucratic paramilitary organization in which role ambiguity can arise. Among correctional staff at a U.S. public prison, role ambiguity resulted in greater work on family conflict (Lambert and Hogan, 2006). Role ambiguity was hypothesized to have a positive association with strain-based conflict among Indian police officers.
Role overload occurs when a worker is required to handle too many tasks or is not provided with the necessary resources or equipment to accomplish the assigned duties (Lambert, Hogan, Paoline and Clarke, 2005). Police officers have to deal with a wide array of job tasks. In addition, officers are often called upon to deal with complex situations that require a multitude of responses and actions in quick succession for the matter to be successfully resolved. Also, officers may not always have the necessary equipment or resources at hand to deal effectively with all situations they encounter on the job. This can be a trying experience, which may result in frustration and psychological stress. Feeling overwhelmed at work can be a trying experience that is unlikely to dissipate immediately at the end of a work shift, but rather to follow a person home, leading to strain (Michel et al., 2011). Among correctional officers working at a high-security U.S. prison, role overload was related to increased domain conflict (Lambert, Minor et al., 2015). As such, role overload was hypothesized to have a positive association with strain-based work–family conflict for Indian police officers.
Whereas role overload requires a person to deal with too many work tasks and duties in the given time frame, role underload is not being given enough work (Lambert, Hogan, Paoline and Clarke, 2005; Melamed et al., 1995). Sales (1970: 593) saw role underload as a ‘condition in which the person is faced with obligations which, taken as a set, require him to do considerably less than he is able to do in the time available.’ Role underload can be a stressor because it can result in boredom or a lack of mental stimulation (Sales, 1970; Triplett et al., 1996). In policing, some jobs require too much work, whereas others require too little; both can result in strain for officers (Lambert, Hogan, Paoline and Clarke, 2005). This negative strain can result in negative outcomes for officers (Melamed et al., 1995). One such negative outcome is that the strain from being underwhelmed at work may follow an officer home, resulting in greater strain-based conflict. As such, role underload was postulated to be positively related to strain-based conflict for Indian police officers.
The dangerousness of the job is a perception on the part of an employee that the job is threatening to the employee’s safety (Cullen et al., 1985; Lambert, Hogan, Paoline and Clarke, 2005). Police work can be a dangerous job requiring interaction with people who may sometimes be violent (Youngcourt and Huffman, 2005). Being a police officer can involve dangerous work, which may be emotionally trying (Kinman et al., 2012). Dealing with potentially violent individuals can place a strain on officers (Boles et al., 2001), who face the possibility of being injured or even killed. Perceptions that the job carries risks of harm can psychologically wear down a person, and this can spill over, increasing the chances of strain-based work-on-family conflict. Working in correction facilities is often viewed as being just as dangerous as law enforcement. Lambert and Hogan (2006) found that perceived dangerousness of the job was positively associated with work-on-family conflict among staff at a U.S. government-run maximum security prison. Likewise, Lambert, Minor et al. (2015) reported that perception of the job being dangerous was positively linked to greater conflict at home for correctional officers working at a private U.S. prison. Perceived dangerousness of the job was hypothesized to be positively associated with strain-based conflict among Indian police officers.
As a workplace resource, perceptions of quality supervision can make work more pleasant and aid a person in being more successful in his or her job (Kossek et al., 2011). Supervisors are the first line of management, and they provide guidance, direction, control, structure, and support to their subordinates (Brough and Williams, 2007). Quality supervision can also be a resource for officers, helping them to avoid or deal more effectively with work stressors, which should reduce the level of stress at the end of the workday (Goh et al., 2015; Lambert et al., 2009). Additionally, good supervision is often a pleasant experience, as well as helping an officer be more successful at work (Lambert, Qureshi et al., 2015). Being less stressed from work and having a more positive state of mind result in improvements in the quality of an officer’s personal life. Conversely, a perception of poor supervision can be a stressor, leading to conflict that follows an officer home (Elby et al., 2005; Goh et al., 2015). Poor supervision can be frustrating in and of itself, as well as hampering the an officer’s ability to be successful at the job, which may result in strain that detracts from home experiences (Lambert et al., 2015). Perception of quality supervision was predicted to have a negative effect on strain-based conflict for Indian officers.
Proper training can provide workers with the skills and confidence needed to do their jobs effectively, as well as providing skills, experiences, and knowledge to deal with potentially demanding and stressful situations (Griffin, 2001; Lambert et al., 2009). Quality training can also help officers be more successful at their jobs, which allows them to feel good about themselves and their work. Perceptions of quality work training should result in a more positive work experience, which should follow officers home, resulting in less conflict. By contrast, poor training or a lack of training can result in individuals who feel that they are ill-prepared to deal with job demands. Furthermore, poor training can hamper the ability to do the job correctly and to avoid possible problems (Lambert et al., 2009). Uncertainty and frustration from these negative experiences can follow a person home, leading to further conflict and problems. Perception of quality training was postulated to have a negative association with Indian police officer strain-based conflict.
Job autonomy is the perceived degree of control people feel they have over their job, such as how the job is done or the order in which tasks are undertaken (Schaufeli and Taris, 2014). It can provide a sense of control for workers, as well as allowing them to feel trusted and valued by the organization. Job autonomy can also allow employees flexibility in dealing with the demands and stressors of the job (Lambert and Hogan, 2010; Mauno et al., 2006). Job autonomy should help buffer officers against workplace demands, and allow them to feel valued and trusted by the organization. In turn, this should result in positive feelings, which lead to lower levels of strain following an officer home (Lambert, Qureshi et al., 2015). Conversely, perceptions of low job autonomy may result in frustration and strain for employees who may feel untrusted and confined in their jobs (Schaufeli and Taris, 2014). This strain can follow an officer home, resulting in conflict outside work. Job autonomy was hypothesized to have a negative association with the stain-based conflict among Indian police officers.
Job variety is the degree of variation within a job; some jobs have a high degree of variety, whereas others are more repetitive (Lambert and Hogan, 2010). Job variety allows employees the chance to experience new things, develop and utilize new skills and knowledge, and grow as individuals. This can be an enriching experience. Positive feelings from work may spill over to home (Lambert and Hogan, 2006; Lambert et al., 2015). A lack of job variety can be a stressor, because repetitive jobs are boring and monotonous, which, over time, can psychologically wear down a person, and these unpleasant work experiences can follow an individual home (Schaufeli and Taris, 2014). As such, job variety was hypothesized to have a negative effect.
The demographic characteristics of age, gender, post location, rank, district, educational level, tenure in current position, and marital status were included in the current study. This was done for several reasons. Research suggests that work–family experiences and perceptions of workplace factors may vary by demographic characteristics and many past studies on work–family conflict have included demographic characteristics more as control than explanatory variables (Britt and Dawson, 2005; Dierdorff and Ellington, 2008; Janzen et al., 2007; Lambert and Hogan, 2006; Lambert, Qureshi et al., 2015; Mauno et al. 2006; Rathi and Barath, 2013). For example, women, younger workers, married/partnered individuals, those holding lower or line ranks in the organization, and those with greater tenure have been reported to have higher levels of strain and work–family conflict (Britt and Dawson, 2005; Janzen et al., 2007; Lambert and Hogan, 2006; Lambert, Minor et al., 2015; Ortega et al., 2007; Vinokur et al., 1999). Another reason for including these demographic variables is to explore how much of an effect they have on strain-based conflict among Indian police officers. Demographic characteristics are typically not in the control of police administrators. The other variables in this study, however, can be changed by administrators with varying degrees of difficulty. The amount of variance accounted for by the demographic variables was predicted to be much lower than that accounted for by workplace variables for Indian police officers and it was also predicted that their significant effects would become non-significant once the workplace variables were taken into account.
In this current exploratory study, the direct effects of the aforementioned variables were tested to determine which workplace factors are linked to strain-based conflict among Indian officers. As previously indicated, there has been very limited research on the predictors of strain-based conflict in general, and among Indian police officers in particular. These results are needed in order for police administrators, especially those in India, to understand how workplace factors may contribute either positively or negatively to strain-based conflict. Furthermore, this information is critical if efforts are to be undertaken to reduce strain-based conflict among officers. In addition, our results should help scholars conduct further studies in this area. Knowing which variables are significant predictors and which are not, will allow for more trimmed models to be tested, including interaction effects or differences according to different subgroups, such as women and men. It is important to note that the job demands–resources model does not specify specific workplace demand or resource variables that result in negative outcomes, such as strain-based conflict (Bakker and Demerouti, 2007; Demerouti et al., 2001). A wide array of workplace demands and resources may be linked to strain-based conflict. Exploring how various workplace factors may or may not be associated with this form of domain conflict is, therefore, important, particularly in understudied groups such as Indian police officers.
Brief overview of Indian police
Although the federal government of India maintains several specialized agencies, the main responsibility for policing is assigned to India’s 28 states, each of which has its own police force. Each state police agency is headed by a director general of police, who is responsible for the operation and control of the police in the state. The state police are further divided into districts, which are divided into sub-districts. Sub-districts are broken down into police circles, and within police circles there are police stations. Larger cities operate metropolitan police forces under a director general. The seven union territories in India also have their own police forces, which are run by the union government (Verma and Gavirneni, 2006).
The current study was conducted in the northern Indian state of Haryana. Haryana is adjacent to the national capital of New Delhi, is considered a relatively well-developed state, and has a population of 25.4 million (Census2011.co.in, 2015). The Haryana Police Force has ∼57,000 officers and is divided into 21 districts. The district unit is responsible for all policing activities including investigations, patrol, traffic, security of important government officials, and intelligence gathering. The current study was conducted in Sonipat and Rohtak districts, which have a force of ∼3000 total officers (1500 in each district), serving 2.5 million people (Haryana Police, 2014).
Being an Indian police officer is difficult, and officers face many demands not typically experienced by those in more developed and Western nations (Raghavan, 1999). Police in India have a public image problem of being corrupt, ineffective, and at times abusive (Rathi and Barath, 2013). This negative image not only wears on officers, but can result in poorer interactions with citizens. Dealing with unwilling citizens can be a strain for officers (Boles et al., 2001). Further, police in India, including in Haryana, often face work overload and other job demands (Lambert, Qureshi et al., 2015; Rathi and Barath, 2013). Indian police agencies are often short-staffed and under-equipped, which can impede their daily tasks and increase frustration (Raghavan, 1999; Rathi and Barath, 2013). In India, most police officers work more than 10 hours on their scheduled days and can be called into work if and when the need arises. This type of type work schedule may result in conflict at home (Elby et al., 2005; Michel et al., 2011). Indian police are on call 24 hours a day and work in physically unpleasant environments (Saha et al., 2010). As noted by Rathi and Barath (2013:448), ‘Indian police personnel work in highly stressful and unhygienic work environment and face a variety of problems in their jobs. They are required to work 24 hours a day (seven days a week), even on holidays and during festivals under constant pressure.’ India is a collective culture in which family and home life are important (Rathi and Barath, 2013). Indian police officers are not unionized, and the work structure is very paramilitary. The majority of Indian police officers are of the rank of constable this is the entry level for most officers and is a line position, which can be a demanding experience (Lambert, Qureshi et al., 2015). The challenges faced by a typical Indian police officer are many, and, as such, workplace demands and a lack of recourses can be an issue for many, particularly those in the lower ranks.
Method
Participants
Using a roster of all 3,000 officers in Sonipat and Rohtak districts, systematic selection of every third officer was conducted, with the selected officer receiving a survey packet containing a covering letter, the survey, and a return envelope. The back-translation method was used, wherein survey materials (covering letter and survey) were translated into Hindi, the national language of India, and then a second scholar translated the survey back into English to determine whether there were any translation problems. In the cover letter, the randomly selected officers were informed of the focus of the study, that participation was voluntary and that their responses would be anonymous. Those selected to take part received the packet during their daily morning roll call and were informed not to put their names or any other identifying marks on the surveys, that they could stop taking the survey at any time, that there were no rewards for taking the survey, that there were no punishments for not taking the survey, and that they could take the survey at a time and location of their choosing. A total of 827 surveys were returned, a response rate of ∼83%.
Variables
Predicted variable
The predicted variable was strain-based conflict, which was measured using an index comprised of six items based on Carlson et al. (2000). The items are presented in Appendix 1, as well as the response options for the items used to measure the predicted variable. Finally, the responses to the strain-based conflict items were summed together to form an additive index.
Predictor variables
The predictor variables were summed indexes of time-based work–family conflict, behavior-based work–family conflict, role conflict, role ambiguity, role overload, role underload, perceived dangerousness of the job, perceptions of supervision, views on training, job autonomy, and job variety. Time-based conflict and behavior-based conflict were each measured using five items derived from Carlson et al. (2000). The items for role conflict, role ambiguity (four items), role underload (two items), and role overload (two items) were adapted from Triplett et al. (1996). Perceived dangerousness of the job was measured using four items from Cullen et al. (1985). Perceptions of fair and supportive supervision were measured using six items adapted from Teas (1981). Views of training were measured with two items from Lambert et al. (2009). Finally, job autonomy and job variety were both measured using two items, and these items were from Curry et al. (1986). All the items used to create the predictor indexes are presented in Appendix 1, together with the response options for the items.
As previously indicated, the demographic characteristics of age, gender, post location, rank, district, educational level, tenure in current position, and marital status included more as control variables than explanatory variables in this study. See Table 1 for how these personal characteristic variables were coded.
Descriptive statistics of study variables.
Note. Min, minimum value; Max, maximum value; Med, median value; Mean, mean value; Tenure, tenure in position; Time-based, time-based work–family conflict; Behavior-based, behavior-based work–family conflict; Dangerousness, perceived dangerousness of the job; Supervision, perceptions of supervision; Training, views of training; Strain-based, strain-based work–family conflict; α is the internal reliability value. The total number of participants was 827.
Analytic plan
The univariate descriptive statistics for each of the variables were reported. In addition, the bivariate correlations for the study variables were also reported. Rather than entering all the predictor variables in one block at once, four models were estimated. Model 1 had only the demographic variables. Model 2 had only workplace demands as predictor variables. Model 3 included only workplace resources as predictor variables. Finally, Model 4 included all the predictor variables.
Results
The descriptive statistics for the variables used in the study are reported in Table 1. There appeared to be significant variation in the dependent and independent variables (i.e., none were constants). The data conformed approximately with a normal distribution based on skewness and kurtosis statistics. Likewise, the median and mean values for the variables are similar, also suggesting a normal distribution. Cronbach’s alpha, a measure of the internal reliability for indexes with three or more items, is presented in Table 1. No Cronbach’s alpha values were calculated for indexes with only two items (Eisinga et al., 2013). For each latent index variable, the items were entered into a factor analysis, and the items loaded on a single factor, indicating the unidimensionality of the items and convergent validity (Gorsuch, 1983). The factor scores for each item are reported in Appendix 1.
A correlation matrix is presented in Table 2. Post location, district, time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, role ambiguity, role overload, dangerousness, supervision, training, and job autonomy all had statistically significant correlations with strain-based conflict. Officers at station locations and those in the Rohtak district reported greater strain on average. Both time-based and behavior-based conflict were correlated with higher levels of strain-based conflict. Similarly, role conflict, role ambiguity, role overload, and dangerousness were also positively correlated, which means that increases in each were associated with greater strain-based conflict. Conversely, higher levels of supervision, training, and job autonomy were associated with lower forms of conflict at home. The remaining predictor variables had non-significant correlations with the strain-based variable.
Correlation table of study variables.
Note. Var, variable; 1, age; 2, gender; 3, post location; 4, rank; 5, district; 6, educational level; 7, tenure in position; 8, marital status; 9, time-based conflict; 10, behavior-based conflict; 11, role conflict; 12, role ambiguity; 13, role overload; 14, role underload; 15, perceived dangerousness of the job; 16, perceptions of supervision; 17, views of training; 18, job autonomy; 19, job variety; 20, strain-based conflict. See Table 1 for the descriptive statistics of the study variables. The number of participants was 827.
*P ≤ .05; **P ≤ .01.
Four multivariate regression models were estimated and the results are reported in Table 3. Multicollinearity occurs when two or more variables share too large an overlap in variance, which can affect regression results. Multicollinearity is seen as a problem when variance inflation factor (VIF) scores exceed 5 (Tabachnick and Fidell, 1996). Because the highest VIF score was 2.40, multicollinearity was not a problem.
Ordinary least squares regression results on predicting strain-based work–family conflict among Indian police officers.
Note. B, unstandardized regression coefficient; β, standardized regression coefficient. See Table 1 for the descriptive statistics for the variables. The number of participants was 827.
*P ≤ .05; **P ≤ .01.
For Model 1, the R-squared value was .04, which meant that the eight demographic variables only explained ∼4% of the variance observed in the strain-based conflict measure. Age, gender, post location, district, and marital status were all statistically significant predictors. Older officers reported less strain-based conflict. Men in general reported higher strain at home. Likewise, officers working at a station house and in the Rohtak district reported increased domain conflict. Married officers tended, on average, to report more strain conflict at home. Rank, educational level, and tenure in the position all had non-significant effects.
For Model 2, the predictor variables accounted for ∼48% of the variance in the strain-based conflict index. Time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, and role ambiguity were significant predictors. Increases in each of these demands were associated with higher levels of reported strain-based conflict at home. Role overload, role underload, and perceived dangerousness of the job were not significant predictors.
For Model 3, the workplace resource variables accounted for ∼20% of the variance of strain-based conflict. Perceptions of supervision, views of training, and job autonomy were significant predictors. Increases in each of these variables were associated with reductions in the level of strain-based conflict reported. Job variety had a non-significant effect.
For Model 4, the full model, the R-squared value for the regression equation was .53, which means that the predictor variables explained ∼53% of the observed variation in the strain-based index. Among the personal characteristics, only educational level was a statistically significant predictor; those with a college degree generally reported lower strain conflict. Among the demand variables, time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, and role overload each had positive associations with the predictor variable, which means increases in each were associated with greater conflict at home. Role ambiguity, role underload, and perceived dangerousness of the job had non-significant relationships with the predictor variable. Among the resource variables, views of training and job autonomy had significant associations, both negative, which means increases in each were associated with lower strain-based conflict. Finally, perceptions of supervision and job variety had non-significant effects.
Discussion and conclusion
The balance between work and home is often difficult to maintain, and this can especially be true for police officers due to the nature of their work and work conditions. When conflict in one domain spills over into the other, work–family conflict occurs. One type of work–family conflict is strain-based conflict, where strain from work causes conflict at home and affects the quality of life for officers. With strain-based work–family conflict, there is an increased likelihood of negative consequences for officers, their families, and their work performance. Prior research has found that work–family conflict, especially strain-based conflict, can impact the ability of officers to succeed in the workplace, such as higher rates of absenteeism, job turnover, decreased work performance, and diminished organizational commitment (Burke, 1988, 1994; Elby et al., 2005; He et al., 2002; Martinussen et al., 2007). Work–family conflict can be an issue for police officers (Burke, 1988; Hall et al., 2010; He et al., 2002; Mikkelsen and Burke, 2004). Officers suffering from strain-based work conflict can sustain mental and physical disabilities. Finally, work–family conflict may also impact the officers’ family relationships through reduced marital satisfaction. As such, reduction of this conflict can significantly benefit officers, their families, and their police agencies.
This exploratory study examined the possible predictors of strain-based work–family conflict for police officers in in two districts in India. When only demographic variables were used (see Model 1 in Table 3), several were significant; however, as predicted, the amount of variance explained by strain-based conflict was very low. This indicates that demographic variables may not have much of a direct role in shaping domain conflict problems at home. In the full model (see Model 4 in Table 3), educational level was the only demographic characteristic to have a significant association with the predicted variable. Based on the standardized regression coefficient (i.e., β), it had the smallest effect. The vast majority of personal characteristics lacked a non-significant association with strain-based conflict. The full multivariate model supports the job demands–resources model, which holds that workplace variables are more important in shaping the level of strain felt by officers. Moreover, this finding is good news for police administrators because it is easier to change workplace variables than demographic characteristics. Educational level had a negative relationship with strain-based conflict, which is an interesting finding. Those with a college degree might be paid more, allowing them greater financial resources to deal with the conflict that spills over at home. A college education might provide officers with the experiences and skills needed to deal more effectively with workplace demands, reducing their negative effects at home. More educated officers might just have better jobs, which result in lower strain-based conflict. Also, the finding might be spurious or the result of random chance. Additional research is needed to confirm the negative relationship between educational level and strain-based work–family conflict and to determine the reasons for it.
In the full model, some demand variables were positive predictors. Specifically, time-based work–family conflict was positively associated with strain-based work–family conflict. The standardized regression coefficient for this variable indicates that time-based conflict is by far the strongest predictor of strain-based conflict among the surveyed Indian police officers, a finding consistent with those reported by Borum and Philpot (1993) and Violanti and Aron (1995) among Western police officers. Police work is performed seven days a week and on public holidays, and officers are often required to work at times that conflict with family schedules. This is even more pronounced in the study site, because Indian officers are required to be available 24 hours a day during the scheduled working week, which is not found among law enforcement agencies in Western nations. Working such extreme hours leads to conflict at home for Indian police officers. The current findings suggest finding a more manageable work schedule for Indian police officers to reduce their conflict at home.
Similarly in the full model, behavior-based conflict was also positively associated with strain-based work–family conflict, this is not surprising because the task environment has consistently been found to be a source of stress in police agencies in other nations (Brooks and Piquero, 1998; Crank and Caldero, 1991; Violanti and Aron, 1995). Police work requires officers to interact with citizens in situations that are often adversarial, authoritarian, and antagonistic. There is an occupational need to suppress emotions (Morash et al., 2006). Officers can develop a working personality that conflicts with the demeanor appropriate for home life and interactions with family members (Skolnick, 1966). These work behavioral roles are not conductive to productive and healthy interactions with others at home. Officers in our study indicated difficulty in shedding their police personality when they return home. The current findings suggest the need to intervene and reduce the impact of behavior-based conflict causing conflict in the home lives of officers. Police administrators should consider implementing workshops that explain behavior-based conflict and how to reduce its effects at home. Research is needed to explore how to best reduce the effects of work roles that spill over and cause conflict at home.
Role conflict and role overload were also found in Model 4 to be significant positive predictors of strain-based conflict, and both originate from within the police agency, because both are considered to be internal organizational stressors (Haarr and Morash, 1999; Jaramillo et al., 2005). Conflicting supervisor directives and excessive work demands likely create stress, and the current findings suggest that this stress follows Indian police officers home, causing conflict. Police administrators need to be aware that these two stressors are not limited to workplace harm; they spill over, causing problems at home. A negative home life could spill back, resulting in decreased work performance and increased turnover (Lambert, Hogan, Paoline and Baker, 2005). As such, these stressors need to be reduced. Police administrators should hold focus groups with officers to learn what is causing role conflict and role overload, so that these can be addressed. In addition, supervisors need to be trained to be aware of how to avoid contributing to these stressors, as well as recognizing their occurrence so that interventions can quickly be put into place to reduce their negative effects. For example, there could be greater coordination between different supervisors, so that line officers do not feel that one supervisor’s orders conflict with those of another supervisor. As such, feedback from officers about when supervisors contradict one another would probably be helpful. Studies are needed to examine the effectiveness of initiatives to stop role conflict and role overload from occurring and, when they do occur, to reduce their harmful effects on officers. Further research is needed among police in other nations to determine whether the effects of the two role stressor variables are universal across a wide array of police agencies in different cultures.
The workplace resource variables for views on training and job autonomy were also significant predictors of strain-based work–family conflict in the full model. Both had negative associations, which means that they appear to reduce home conflict. Conversely, if they are missing or low, strain at home is more likely to occur. Positive views of training probably mean that employees feel that they have the skills needed to be effective in their job. Feeling confident at work is likely to follow a person home, helping create a more pleasant experience. A perception of poor training probably results in feeling ill-prepared at work, resulting in strain, which follows the person home, decreasing home life satisfaction. Likewise, perceptions of job autonomy appear to reduce strain at home for Indian police officers. Allowing people some control over their jobs probably results in positive feelings at work that follow the person home. There is no reason why positive work experiences should remain at work. A lack of autonomy can be a confining and frustrating experience both at work and at home. When a person walks through the proverbial exit from work, it is unreasonable to expect work experiences or feelings to remain behind. They are part of the person and will follow the individual home and continue to affect him or her. Indian police administrators need to be aware that different workplace variables appear to play a role in strain-based conflict for officers. Efforts need to be undertaken to enhance these two variables. Feedback from officers concerning training and job autonomy may be one avenue to increasing positive perceptions of the two variables. Officers should be asked how to improve training realistically and allow greater job autonomy. In addition, supervisors need to be made aware of the importance of these workplace variables. Supervisors are often the linchpin between line staff and administrative staff. Research is needed to explore whether the effects of these variables are limited to the surveyed Indian police officers or apply to officers in different police agencies.
Based on the block entry of the predictor variables (i.e., Models 1–3 in Table 3), demand variables explained the greatest amount of variance of strain-based conflict. Workplace resource variables explained the second most variance. As previously indicated, demographic variables explained the least amount of variance. This suggests that demand variables contribute most to strain-based conflict among Indian police officers. As such, efforts are needed to reduce the demands faced by officers. Role ambiguity was a significant predictor in Model 2, but not in Model 4, suggesting that resources may help reduce the workplace ambiguity faced by officers in this study. Interestingly, in Model 3, perception of supervision was a significant predictor, but this was not the case in Model 4. This suggests that once demands are taken into account, this resource is not as important as training and job autonomy. It may be that supervision can help reduce demands, but does not play a direct role in strain-based conflict once other variables are taken into account. In Models 2 and 4, role underload and perceived dangerousness of the job were not significant predictors. This suggests that these workplace demands may not play a role in shaping strain-based conflict in Indian officers. It might be that role underload is not a great negative demand on officers compared with role overload. Officers are more likely to be become stressed when dealing with too many tasks, than bored dealing with too few. As for perceived dangerousness, officers may have expected the job to be dangerous and, as such, are not as strained by this demand. Similarly, job variety was not a significant predictor in either Model 3 or Model 4. Again, this resource may not play a direct role in reducing strain-based conflict among the Indian police officers in this study.
Overall, the current study provides support for the job demands–resources model among Indian police officers. As previously indicated, six variables, four representing demands and two representing resources, were significant predictors of strain-based conflict. The current findings suggest that both demands and resources play a role in affecting Indian officers. It is also important to note that the effects of specific workplace variables varied. Five workplace variables (role ambiguity, role underload, perceived dangerousness of the job, supervision, and job variety) had non-significant associations with the dependent variable in the multivariate analysis. It might be that these variables are not important in predicting strain-based conflict when the other workplace variables are taken into account. The non-significant results might have been due to chance. Additional studies are needed to confirm the results. Even if these workplace variables are found to be non-significant predictors of strain-based conflict in subsequent studies, this does not imply that there are not important workplace variables. There may important variables shaping job satisfaction, job involvement, and organizational commitment of police officers.
As with many others, the current study had limitations. It was a single study of officers in two districts in the State of Haryana, India. The findings may be situational and contextual, varying across different police districts and agencies. Studies among officers in other districts and police agencies are needed to determine whether the findings are replicated elsewhere. The use of cross-sectional surveys does not allow for causality to be demonstrated. Longitudinal studies are needed to demonstrate the causal relationships of the predictor variables and the predicted variable empirically. The current study was exploratory and only examined the direct effects of variables on strain-based conflict, which limits the findings. Future research is needed to explore the indirect effects of workplace demands and workplace resources on strain-based conflict. This would require reducing the number of demand and resource variables used. Future research in this area may use the current results to select salient variables and determine how they interact in their effects on domain spillover for officers. In addition, future studies should explore whether workplace resources moderate the effects of work–family conflict, including strain-based conflict on possible outcomes for Indian police officers, such as job satisfaction, organizational commitment, well-being, etc. (Mauno et al., 2006).
Although the current study labelled behavior-based conflict as a workplace demand, this may not be entirely accurate based on how this construct was measured. As previously indicated, behavior-based conflict occurs when work and home roles are incompatible with one another (Brough and O’Driscoll, 2005; Netermeyer et al., 1996). This form of domain conflict is the result of role expectations in one domain causing problems in the roles needed for the other domain. As Allen et al. (2012: 18) noted that ‘behavior-based conflict occurs when behaviors exhibited in one role are incompatible or incongruent with behavior patterns needed in the other role.’ This suggests that role problems are bidirectional between work and home. In the current study, two items asked about work roles causing problems at home and one item asked about home roles resulting in conflict at work. Future research may wish to break behavior-based conflict into two variables, one measuring work roles causing problems at home and the other measuring home roles causing problems at work. This should provide a more detailed picture of how this form of work–family conflict affects police officers. At the very least, the behavior-based conflict variable in the current study may not be a workplace demand per se, but rather demand overall, which is broader than just work.
Several of the index variables had lower than expected values for internal reliability. This might be a result of cultural differences with Indian police officers. While all were above the .60 rule-of-thumb cut-off level, several had alpha values below .70. Whereas the factor analysis results indicated unidimensionality and convergent validity, the Cronbach’s alpha values need to be improved in future research. Future studies should explore adding new items to the indexes to increase the alpha values, as well as determine whether cultural differences exist in the perceptions of these concepts. There is a need to explore how other workplace variables, such as instrumental communication, formalization, organizational justice, input into decision-making, and social support are associated with strain-based conflict. Additional research on work–family conflict among police officers is needed, including possible antecedents and the consequences of the different forms and dimensions of work–family conflict. Studies need to examine the effectiveness of various interventions to reduce work–family conflict or to deal with it. There is a need for far more research in this and other areas not only among Indian officers, but also police in other nations.
In closing, officers are the most important resource for any police agency. Officers face many different job demands, and the effects of these demands can spill over to their home life, resulting in strain-based conflict. Based on our data from a survey of officers from the Sonipat and Rohtak districts in Haryana, India, the job demands of time-based conflict, behavior-based conflict, role conflict, and role overload had positive associations with the strain dimension of work–family conflict. In addition, the workplace resources of views of training and job autonomy had negative associations with strain-based conflict. The findings indicate that Indian police administrators should take note of the associations between selected workplace factors and strain-based conflict. At the very least, the authors hope that this study will encourage more research on how workplace factors are associated with strain-based conflict for police officers not only in India, but also in other nations. With evidence-based practices, India should be able to reduce strain-based conflict among police officers. In the end, too much is at stake to ignore how workplace factors may be linked with strain-based conflict not only among Indian officers, but also those across the globe. Finally, additional studies across nations will provide salient information of which workplace factors are contextual on their effects and which ones are more universal in their effects.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors thank Janet Lambert for proofreading and editing the paper. The authors also thank the reviewers for their comments and suggestions.
Conflict of interest
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Appendix 1
The index items below were measured using a Likert response scale ranging from strongly disagree (coded 1) to strongly agree (coded 5). The factor loading score for the particular item based on an exploratory factor analysis is given in brackets after each item.
Strain-Based Work–Family Conflict: (1) I feel overworked when I arrive home [.68]; (2) I frequently argue with my spouse/family members about my job [.59]; (3) When I get home from work, I am often too stressed to participate with family or friends [.72]; (4) I find that I frequently bring home problems from work [.64]; (5) Due to all the work demands, sometimes when I come home, I am too stressed to do the things I enjoy [.67]; and (6) Because of this job, I am often irritable at home [.67].
Time-Based Work–Family Conflict: (1) My job keeps me away from my family too much [.69]; (2) My time off from work does not really match other family members’ schedules and/or my social needs [.59]; (3) I am required to work even I don’t want to [.72]; (4) The uncertainty of my work schedule interferes with my family and/or social life [.60]; and (5) I often have to miss important family or social activities/events because of my job [.64].
Behavior-Based Work–Family Conflict: (1) The behaviors I learned at work do not help me to be a better parent, spouse, friend, and so forth [.60]; (2) Sometimes I find that behavior that I use at home is ineffective here at work [.63]; (3) I find it hard to switch from being a police officer when I go home [.61]; (4) The behaviors that are effective at home do not seem to be effective at work [.59]; and (5) The behaviors I use at work do not help me to be a better person at home [.67].
Role Conflict: (1) I am ordered to do things differently than they should be done [.73]; (2) Depending on the supervisor, my job orders differ greatly [.58]; (3) I get criticized by one supervisor for doing things ordered by another supervisor [.72]; and (4) At work, I am often caught between conflict orders from different supervisors [.71].
Role Ambiguity: (1) I do not always understand what is expected of me at work [.76]; and (2) The rules that we’re supposed to follow seem to be very clear (reverse coded) [.76].
Role Overload: (1) Haryana Police expects too much of me in terms of work demands [.82]; and (2) I consider myself overworked on my job [.82].
Role Underload: (1) There is so little for me to do on a typical day at work that I am bored [.78]; and (2) Haryana Police expects too little of me in terms of work demands [.78].
Perceived Dangerousness of the Job: (1) In my job, a person stands a good chance of getting hurt [.66]; (2) I work at a dangerous job [.83]; (3) My job is a lot more dangerous than most jobs in the community [.76]; and (4) A lot of people I work with have been physically injured on the job [.58].
Supervision: (1) When decisions are made by my supervisor, persons affected are asked for their ideas [.51]; (2) My supervisor gives me advance notice of changes [.57]; (3) My supervisor is friendly and approachable [.66]; (4) Supervisors at this posting give full credit to ideas contributed by employees [.73]; (5) My supervisor looks out for my personal welfare [.71]; and (6) My supervisor does little to make it pleasant to work here (reverse coded) [.59].
Training: (1) I do not have enough training to do my job well (reverse coded) [.81]; and (2) I have been provided enough training to do my job well [.81].
Job Autonomy: (1) I have a great deal of freedom as to how I do my job [.79]; and (2) My job does not allow me much opportunity to make my own decisions (reverse coded) [.79].
Job Variety: (1) My job requires that I be very creative [.78]; and (2) My job requires that I must constantly learn new things [.78].
