Abstract

Ecological crises, such as climate change, biodiversity loss and chemical pollution, exert increasing pressure on developed and emerging welfare systems alike, be it through the catastrophic consequences of natural disasters or socially-regressive effects of adaptation policies, to mention but two of the challenges involved. Through a new generation of eco-social policies, policymakers and scholars alike wrestle with how to tackle their environmental and social implications in an integrated way (Hirvilammi et al., 2023). Ecological crises pose a particular problem for social security institutions, which face pressure to maintain their protective function in light of the imperative of adapting to the effects of ecological crises on the one hand and fiscal constraints, policymaking silos or public pushbacks on the other. While changes in social policy have traditionally been traced back to political conflicts and broader socioeconomic transformations, debates on social security in times of ecological crisis seem to be accompanied by another crucial factor, namely a new stage in the problematisation of the future itself: a future seen to be characterised by fundamental uncertainty and unpredictability. This contribution discusses whether the way in which social security in ecological crisis contexts deals with these uncertainties redefines the meaning of security – and what role global social policy could play in addressing its implications.
Social security emerged in the context of crises, being a product of industrialisation and the enormous destitution that it brought in its wake. Consequently, social security is founded on the idea of restoring seemingly lost certainties. The category of uncertainty has thus been at the core of social security (Kaufmann, 2012). The traditional means by which social security has reacted to uncertainties is to tame them by moulding them into the form of ‘risks’. Risk is a key operational term for social security (alongside ‘need’; see Nullmeier, 2024) that comprises transforming vague uncertainties into a more manageable and calculable form – risks that can be expected both individually in a person’s life course and collectively with a certain statistical regularity among a group or population (Ewald, 1991). As a direct or indirect result of ecological crises, the traditional set of risks, such as unemployment, old age or ill health, is complemented by new ones, modified or complicated (Mandelli et al., 2024). However, ecological crises are frequently seen as events that also introduce uncertainties to a new degree (e.g. Sabates-Wheeler et al., 2024), establish new complex risk relationships due to far-reaching societal transformations (Johansson et al., 2016) and are accompanied by definitional problems of the prevalence of these risks and their effects (Hirvilammi et al., 2023), which means that social security systems are put to the test.
Shifts in the meaning of security
In response to the social implications of ecological crises, there have been a number of recent reforms in social security practices, particularly in the Global South, including ‘adaptive’ and ‘shock-responsive social protection’ (Nenning et al., 2023). The interventions emphasise preventive measures, capacity-building and strengthening resilience to ex ante prepare for various crisis-related contingencies. This may involve social investment – fostering beneficiaries’ adaptive capacities through human capital generation, for example, through cash-for-work programmes or skills training complementing cash transfers (‘cash-plus’). Strengthening resilience can occur through occupational changes, migration or other behavioural adjustments, alongside traditional social protection measures (Bowen et al., 2020; see also Whelan, this issue). While not necessarily being unique innovations but path dependently building on past developments, these interventions are clearly guided by the idea that ecological crises involve a variety of ‘unknown unknowns’ and are accordingly constructed as appropriate responses to these indeterminate crisis futures (Berten, 2024). They also go along with subtle but far-reaching shifts in the meaning of security itself.
Focusing on preparedness involves the risk that responsibilities are implicitly or explicitly shifted downwards, with uncertainties at a macro level being passed on to individuals at the micro level. Similar to ‘new welfare’ (Peeters, 2013), interpretations of resilience that focus mainly on strengthening ‘absorptive’, ‘adaptive’ and ‘transformative’ capacities (Béné et al., 2014) may involve the (further) individualisation of welfare responsibilities alongside attempts to make people less dependent on state protection (Crouch and Keune, 2012). This reinterpretation of security paradoxically risks increasing uncertainty for those least responsible for the problems in the first place despite being devised as an alleviation of potential dangers ahead. By focusing on enabling individuals to better engage with a wide range of possibilities, it can shift the role of social security from a rights-based instrument that offers protection from various risks to one content with fostering capacities to withstand shocks. The idea of controlling uncertainties through public institutions is deprioritised in favour of preparing individuals for inadvertent change, somewhat capitulating to the uncertain ebbs and flows that the future holds. The increase in individual uncertainty may lead to actual insecurity if benefits that do exist are also unreliable, due to, for example, ongoing conflicts, unclear administrative rules, precarious funding or their discretionary character. Moreover, as transformations of the idea and practice of (social) security are currently most pronounced in the Global South and as future generations may have to deal with a shifting landscape of social protection towards the individualisation of risks, crisis-related uncertainties and their implications are externalised in terms of space and time. Within groups, uncertainties are also differently experienced, where some bear the brunt of effects, while others are left widely unaffected (Berten, 2024).
The role of global social policy
This contribution does not intend to argue against strengthening social security through an adaptive lens – on the contrary. But both research and practice of global social policy should critically examine how this idea is implemented and take into account its implications. The more overarching perspective of global social policy can inform assessments of the many social security interventions in contexts of ecological crises that have recently sprung up in the Global South (see, e.g. Tenzing and Conway, 2022; see also Li, this issue) and critically engage with hegemonic concepts. Global social policy is attentive to the role of transnational actors, which are an important driver of these processes. Instead of fostering the individualisation of responsibilities and their externalisation to various peripheries, global social policy experts can promote inclusive and just solutions alongside capacity-building, be it in the form of national policy alternatives of redistribution, such as eco-social insurances, or international ones, such as global funds, for example (see also Barden, this issue).
How social security in ecological crisis contexts responds to uncertainty has been discussed here as an underappreciated driver of incremental policy change. Uncertainty does not only need to be managed by social security but is also a perception that may subtly shift goals and meanings of security towards understandings that can lead to actual increases in insecurity for individuals, if not accompanied by strong measures of public protection. The field of global social policy is ideally suited for offering critical assessments of hegemonic concepts, if it remains cognisant of ideational shifts while adopting a reflexive take on its own perspectives (Berten and Wolkenhauer, 2023).
Footnotes
Author’s note
This contribution is a product of the junior research group ‘Social Security in Crisis Mode’ (SoSiKri, Bielefeld University).
Funding
The author disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The author gratefully acknowledges financial support from the Support Network for Interdisciplinary Social Policy Research (FIS)/German Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (BMAS).
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
